The Brief

Before her political career ended in disgrace, former L.A. city council president Nury Martinez was known as a tough-talking champion for the working poor and immigrant families. But after audio recordings were leaked in October 2022 that included her and other Latino leaders making racist and disparaging remarks, she became the poster child for anti-Blackness and colorism in some Latino communities.

About Episode 2 — The Rise and Fall

Episode 2 of the LAist Studios podcast Imperfect Paradise: Nury & the Secret Tapes explores Martinez’s background and her political career, and delves into the tensions roiling the L.A. city council in the months leading up to the secretly-recorded meeting.

In this episode, LAist Studios host Antonia Cereijido details how Martinez’s upbringing shaped her politics and leadership style.

Why you should listen

The tapes exposed problems that have long plagued L.A. politics. A year after the scandal, issues persist over anti-Black racism and colorism within the Latino/Latinx community, Democratic Party divisions, and the struggle to define Latino political power.

Growing up 

Martinez grew up in the northeast San Fernando Valley, the child of immigrant parents from Zacatecas, Mexico. Her mother was a seamstress and her father was a dishwasher. When she was 5, her family purchased a home in Pacoima from one of the last white families on the block — by the late 1970s, the area was becoming a landing pad for Mexican immigrants. Martinez’s parents were undocumented, and her father was deported several times.

A flower shop on Van Nuys Blvd in Pacoima, the neighorhood of L.A. where Nury Martinez grew up.

(

Chava Sanchez/LAist

)

While other Latino politicians of her era were galvanized by the 1994 passage of Proposition 187 — which would deny a broad range of social services to undocumented immigrants — and the subsequent vilification of migrants from Latin America by then-Governor Pete Wilson, that was not Martinez’s experience. Her political ambitions weren’t sparked on the streets, but rather at home.

Martinez’s interest in politics began in the fifth grade, when her class was doing a mock presidential election. She asked her father to explain the difference between the Republican and Democratic parties. According to Martinez, he responded, “The best way I can describe it to you is that Republicans tend to be rich, and Democrats tend to be poor. And I said, 'so Dad, I declare that we're gonna be Democrats'.”

After many years of being a seamstress, Martinez’s mother had finally gotten a job on an assembly line at the Price Pfister plant in Pacoima, manufacturing shower heads and faucets. It was a union job with good wages and benefits. After the passage of NAFTA in 1992, the company announced it was outsourcing.

“I remember walking into my mom and dad's bedroom, and my mom was sitting at the edge of her bed crying. I am like, ‘What happened? Mom?’ And she couldn't even get the words out of her mouth,” Martinez recalled. “The company had said that they were gonna shut down and they were gonna move to Mexico.”

At this point, Martinez’s mother, and other employees of Price Pfister, began to organize to keep the company in Pacoima. Martinez said she began to notice how few of the elected officials they contacted were Latino and how even fewer were women. This, she later said, was her political awakening. Her interest in politics sprang from a desire to help working class people like her parents.

"My politics come from a lived experience. That's it," Martinez said. "I know what it feels like to be poor."

Running for office and developing her style 

Martinez first ran for public office in 2003, when she campaigned to be on the San Fernando City Council. Then, she served on the L.A. Unified School District board. Finally, in 2013, she ran for a seat on the L.A. City Council and won. She was the second-ever elected Latina city councilmember in Los Angeles, the first in 20 years. When Martinez was sworn in, she wasn't just the only woman on the council. The mayor, the city attorney and the controller were all men.

Former L.A. city council president Nury Martinez with belongings from her council office, now stored in boxes in the living room of her home.

(

Brian Feinzimer

/

LAist

)

Martinez quickly developed a reputation for being a blunt, brash communicator. In 2018, when dockless scooters were first introduced to L.A., she flatly reminded her fellow council members that her largely working-class constituents did not care about them.

“I don't have any dockless bicycles or scooters or any of that fancy stuff you guys got in your districts,” Martinez told the transportation committee. “We're just simply trying to cross the street without getting killed, just to put it all in perspective.”

Mike Trujillo, a veteran Democratic strategist who grew up in Martinez’s part of the San Fernando Valley, said voters felt she reflected them.

“She spoke like she was raised in Pacoima,” he said. “A little bit Valley, a little bit street. I think she's proud of that, and she should be. She got elected.”

Martinez used her brashness to her advantage on the city council, helping her whip votes behind the scenes for then-council President Herb Wesson. But it became a liability once she became council president in January 2020.

Nithya Raman, one of the more progressive council members who often found herself at odds with Martinez, thought Martinez was using her power as gatekeeper of the city council’s agenda to punish people she disagreed with.

“Things that I thought would be a no-brainer would take weeks, even months to get put on the agenda,” Raman said. “We had so many examples where even the most basic things would take a long time to get put through the council. And we couldn't always find any reason for why those delays would happen.”

Martinez’s bid for the council presidency had also put her at odds with former allies Marqueece Harris-Dawson and Mike Bonin — divisions that would deepen during the pandemic.

Divisions emerge during the pandemic 

We interviewed multiple current and former L.A. city council members for this podcast, and they all agreed that being on the council during the COVID-19 pandemic was incredibly difficult. Instead of debating about housekeeping issues like paving streets and picking up trash, council members were debating how to help keep people from contracting a deadly virus and losing their homes. Deep divisions began to emerge between the progressive and moderate wings of the body about issues like whether to cancel rent, and protesters took to the streets.

Many Los Angeles city council meetings were held remotely during the COVID-19 pandemic. In this Dec. 15, 2020 meeting, new city councilmembers from even-numbered districts took the oath of office. Top row, L-R: John Lee, Nithya Raman, Mark Ridley-Thomas; middle, L-R: Paul Krekorian, Kevin De León, Gil Cedillo; bottom, L-R: Nury Martinez

“They descended on my home at six o'clock in the morning,” Martinez recalled. “And they were relentless. My cell phone number was posted on Twitter. So I had thousands and thousands of voicemail messages calling me every name in the book, threatening me, because I wouldn't cancel rent.”

The growing homelessness crisis in L.A. was another point of tension. In the fall of 2021, Martinez and the other moderates on the council voted in favor of maintaining a ban on homeless encampments near schools, parks, daycares and libraries.

The way she saw it, her district and other poor districts (mostly made up of Latino immigrant families) were bearing the brunt of the homelessness crisis. But for the more progressive council members, the ban on homeless encampments effectively criminalized homelessness, and it was another example of the city cracking down on the most vulnerable.

"I had conversations with Nury and I said, 'You know, if we do this [encampment ban] a bunch of Black people are gonna get arrested. We all know that. Even LAPD will tell you that that's what's gonna happen. We just went through that with the war on drugs. Why would we do it again?'" Harris-Dawson recalled.

But for Martinez, the safety and quality of life of her working class constituents was most important.

"The homeowners in my district would work really hard to have that little home," she says in the episode. "People in Sun Valley are housekeepers, hotel workers, janitors, construction workers, they're the people who we rely on for the city to move forward. They don't deserve clean streets or a clean neighborhood? Are we being serious?"

Deteriorating relationships

Over the next two years, relations on the council deteriorated, and Martinez found herself more and more frustrated and isolated.

Being council president, Martinez said, “made me a harder person because I had to defend myself. I developed a wall because no matter how you looked at things, um, no matter the politics of the council, somebody always wanted my job.”

Then, in the summer of 2021, two people walked onto Martinez’s property, spray painted her driveway and vandalized her car, dumping what looked like acid onto it. The political disagreements on the council suddenly felt very personal to Martinez.

“Can you imagine if that thing would've blown up?” Martinez said. “But I heard very little outcry when that happened to me. It almost felt that the two-and-a-half years of being council president and all these protests and all this criticism just became normal. I just needed to take it. Nobody cared. It didn't matter.”

By the fall of 2021, the tension on the L.A. city council reached a boiling point — just as the council launched into the once-in-a-decade process of redistricting, or drawing new council district boundaries based on new census data. For incumbents like Martinez, this process is live or die. You can lose huge numbers of voters who support you, or you can gain them.

Redistricting is the reason Martinez, council members Kevin de León and Gil Cedillo, and labor leader Ron Herrera were meeting that day in October 2021 when they were secretly recorded. They didn’t like the maps that were proposed for Cedillo’s district, voicing concerns that his constituency would be diluted and he would lose his seat.

Protestors demonstrate outside L.A. City Hall calling for the resignations of councilmembers Kevin de León and Gil Cedillo and Council President Nury Martinez in the wake of a leaked audio recording on October 12, 2022 in Los Angeles.

(

Mario Tama/Getty Images

/

Getty Images North America

)

And the months of tensions, of deepening divisions and growing distrust, the stress of people throwing acid on her car and protesting outside her house — Martinez says she brought all of that into the room, that it set the stage for their conversation.

“I've thought about that particular day, God, a thousand times, if not more,” Martinez said. “I was so frustrated. It's so angry and so alone and so abandoned by everyone, particularly other members.”

But there is a difference between being frustrated, and saying insensitive, racist things.

In the next episode of Imperfect Paradise: Nury & The Secret Tapes, which will be released on Wednesday, Oct. 11, we press Martinez to respond to the worst things she said on the secretly recorded tapes.

Listen to the latest episode

It's now available from LAist Studios. Check it out wherever you get your podcasts! Or listen to the episode here:

At Signature Post in Burbank, Mariella Abaunza, the post-production company’s executive vice president for business development, shows off a photo of her talking to Gov. Gavin Newsom at the recent signing of AB 2319 at the Television Academy in North Hollywood.

Marielle Abaunza holds a photo of her and Gov. Gavin Newsom at the signing ceremony for California's new stand-alone post-production tax credit.

(

Adolfo Guzman-Lopez

/

LAist

)

She was there with the coalition that lobbied for the creation of a new stand-alone tax credit for post-production work done in California.

“It definitely restored my faith in government. ... Advocacy works,” she said.

It was a sizable coalition. Abaunza is president of the California Post Alliance, the post-production industry’s trade group. Leaders of the Motion Picture Association and the Editors Guild were there too.

The post-production tax credit is aimed at stopping the flight of TV and film work to other states and countries, attracted by generous tax incentives.

While there are existing tax credits for filming in California, under the new law, productions qualify for a 35% to 50% tax credit if post-production work such as editing, color correction, scoring and sound mixing is done in California, even if the filming was done outside the state.

But industry advocates acknowledge there’s a weakness in the law: Proponents initially asked lawmakers to set aside $100 million for the post-production tax breaks. By the time Newsom signed the bill into law, that amount had been drastically reduced to $10 million.

“That's going to get used up in a couple days. … It's not hard to allocate $10 million in post-production in California,” said Stephen Weizenecker, an entertainment lawyer based in Atlanta who advises TV and film productions on how to take advantage of tax credits in U.S. states and overseas.

But he said that regardless of the much lower cap, the credits will make California more competitive.

Abaunza hopes it will be a boost for Signature Post. The 6-year-old post-production company, which mixed sound for films and shows like  "Everything Everywhere All at Once," "American Fiction," and "Lessons in Chemistry," has been experiencing a slowdown, like many others.

“We're still ahead of the game, and we still have the largest concentration of post-production talent of anywhere in the world,” Abaunza said of Southern California.

But she said that post-production advantage has been eroded by new facilities and worker talent in the U.K. and Canada, among other countries.

Monica Levinson, executive producer of FX’s "Love Story," "Say Nothing," and many other TV and film projects, points out that those countries have another advantage: a lot more government social services.

She compared that to the U.S. “The one thing that this country has are unions, and it has health insurance, and it has pension plans, and the things that need to be put into the budgets of productions,” she said.

Weizenecker also noted that as much as producers might want to keep production in California or the U.S., they may not be the ones making the decisions about where work is done.

“ If Netflix only gives you so much to spend on the production, including post,” he said, “you're gonna go where it's the most cost-effective.”

Federal game changer

While the California tax credit is a step in the direction of keeping productions in the state, a much bigger tax credit is now making its way through the federal legislative process that may be even more transformative.

It’s called the Motion Picture, Television and Entertainment Revitalization Act and was co-authored by U.S. Sens. Adam Schiff, a Democrat from California, and Tim Scott, a Republican from South Carolina. President Donald Trump has also said he supports it.

If the bipartisan birth and early life of the bill isn’t enough to raise eyebrows, what it promises may be: a 20% federal, labor-based tax credit to U.S. TV and film productions where 75% of the days spent on principal photography happen in this country.

The bill would also favor post-production work and extend benefits to productions in some rural areas and places affected by disasters.

Marielle Abaunza is executive vice president of business development for Signature Post in Burbank.

(

Adolfo Guzman-Lopez

/

LAist

)

“These things could be real game changers to bring back the work here,” Levinson said. She’s the co-chair of the legislative committee for Producers United, a 3-year-old group that advocates for established TV and film producers. That position led her to join the coalition of groups working to get the federal bill passed.

TV and film production and post-production used to be dominated by California, and L.A. County in particular. But Hollywood, as it refers to what you see on the big and small screen, is a national business now.

“Everybody in this country is behind this federal incentive. And therefore, that's why it's become such a bipartisan effort because there's production in every state right now,” Levinson said.

Supporters have not said how much less money would go to public coffers if this federal tax credit passes.

A long-running court battle between California veterans and the Trump administration will continue, as federal officials consider asking the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn a lower court’s order to build more housing for unhoused L.A. veterans.

A federal appeals court on Thursday agreed to temporarily pause the order to construct more than 2,500 new housing units on the Veterans Affairs campus in West L.A.

Mark Rosenbaum, an attorney with Public Counsel representing the plaintiffs, told LAist the delay could spell life or death for unhoused veterans, especially as the region braces for strong El Niño-driven storms.

“These are veterans who risked their lives and suffered both the visible and invisible wounds of war,” Rosenbaum said. “What the government is saying to them is, you're supposed to stay on the street."

VA officials did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment.

Veterans' lawyers in a court filing called a possible appeal to the Supreme Court a “hopeless shot.”

“The government has lost every time they have taken this to court. No court has ruled for them on any of these matters,” Rosenbaum told LAist. “This is part of the administration’s war on its own veterans, and it’s time for that war to come to an end.”

Could long-running case end up at the Supreme Court?

The litigation was initiated in 2023 by L.A. veterans struggling with homelessness. The case has centered on the 400-acre V.A. campus, which U.S. District Judge David O. Carter has ruled should offer more housing to the approximately 2,250 veterans experiencing homelessness in L.A. County.

In 2024, Carter ordered officials to add thousands of temporary and permanent homes, and end leases with UCLA, a private K-12 school and an oil drilling company, which he said did not serve the needs of veterans.

An appeals court last month blocked the federal government’s efforts to halt the housing construction. But veteran advocates knew that federal officials could ask for further delays as the case winds through the courts.

VA officials now have until Dec. 10 to decide whether to appeal their fight to the Supreme Court. Judges with the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals told lawyers for the federal government that if they do not decide to appeal by Dec. 10, “the stay will be lifted immediately.”

The Los Angeles Unified School District shortened the application window for specialized academic programs this year, and will no longer accept paper forms.

Applications for the district’s magnet, dual language and affiliated charter schools for the next academic year opened Oct. 1 and are due Nov. 6, 2026.

How does it work?

If you want your child to attend their neighborhood school, enrollment is fairly straightforward. There’s a separate process for the district’s specialized programs called Choices.

There are two windows to apply — on-time and late. The latter consists of all the spaces left after families who applied on time accept their offers.

Here’s the timeline for the 2027-28 school year:

• Sept. 2026: School fairs start.
• Oct. 1, 2026: Choices application opens.
• Nov. 6, 2026:  Deadline to apply online.
• Dec. 1, 2026:  Late applications begin. 
• February 2027: On-time applicant results sent. 
• March 5, 2027: Deadline to accept or decline school offers for on-time applicants. School assignments for late applications follow the processing of on-time applications. Students may be offered a spot through the start of the spring semester. 
• Aug. 12, 2027: The school year begins.

LAUSD will no longer accept paper Choices applications. If families do not have a computer, they can use a smartphone to complete an application. LAUSD will also allow families to use computers at school parent centers.

How to prepare

Every child within LAUSD boundaries is assigned a school — find yours through the district’s “resident school identifier.”

But there are also hundreds of other programs available through the Choices process.

Those include:

• Magnets: Programs on a specific theme, such as science, math, language, advanced studies or art. These programs were originally established to integrate segregated schools and have a unique “points” system to prioritize applications. 
• Dual language or immersion: Students learn in English and in a second language such as Spanish, Mandarin, Korean or Armenian. 
• Affiliated charter schools: District-run schools with more freedom to try different types of teaching or other programs. 

No one type of school is inherently better than another, and no one metric defines a great school — there are many factors beyond test scores to consider, and we go over some of those here.

By far the most frequent piece of advice we’ve heard is to go on an in-person school tour if possible.

“The very best thing that people can do is go to the school and try to watch the way that educators interact with students, the way that students interact with each other, and the way that families are included or not in the life of a school,” said Jack Schneider, a University of Massachusetts, Amherst, education researcher and parent. “Once you do that, you really get a sense of what kind of place kids are going to school.”

Some schools post tour information online, but you may need to call for details.

LAUSD also hosts fairs, organized by geographic region, where multiple schools table and share information about their programs, through mid-October.

The Justice Department found Thursday that the law school at the University of California, Los Angeles, illegally considered race in admissions.

The announcement follows a similar finding against the university’s medical school and comes as President Donald Trump’s administration ramps up scrutiny of colleges’ processes for selecting students. The administration also has accused the UC Berkeley Law School and the medical school at the University of California, San Diego, of illegally discriminating against white and Asian applicants.

The UCLA School of Law said in a statement that it was committed to making admissions decisions in compliance with all applicable laws.

“Students are admitted through a comprehensive, merit-based review process that considers each applicant’s achievements and experiences,” the statement said. “We are confident in our process.”

Affirmative action in college admissions has been illegal since a 2023 Supreme Court ruling forbade it. The same ruling said colleges could continue to assess how applicants’ backgrounds might speak to broader characteristics, but Trump has accused colleges of using applicants’ personal statements and other proxies to consider race in admissions — which conservatives view as illegal discrimination.

The Justice Department’s investigation found UCLA’s law school discriminated against white and Asian American students by favoring Black and Hispanic applicants in its 2023, 2024 and 2025 incoming classes. Its analysis found the mean LSAT score was lower for admitted Black applicants than for admitted white applicants.

The department also said admissions staff at the law school instructed applicants during recruitment efforts, including one called the “Diversity Admissions Open House,” how to reveal their race in essays.

“Like many of its peer institutions, UCLA Law School runs a two-tiered admissions system whose academic bar for acceptance shifts up or down depending on the color of your skin,” said Harmeet Dhillon, head of the department’s Civil Rights Division, in a news release.

California voters ended affirmative action in college admissions in a 1997 ballot measure. In a brief filed in the Supreme Court case, the UC system said the change led to a precipitous drop in underrepresented minorities, especially at the system’s most selective campuses. The brief said UC went on to implement a range of race-neutral measures to increase diversity.

The Trump administration also has sued over the main UCLA campus’s response to allegations of antisemitic harassment. The administration’s latest finding sets the stage for a voluntary resolution to bring UCLA into compliance with the Justice Department’s legal interpretation or, if none can be reached, potential legal action.

___

The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.