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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • How long can it last?
    Members of the National Guard stand outside near a military vehicle with a fountain behind them and the U.S. Capitol building in the background.
    Members of the National Guard stand near D.C.'s Union Station, within view of the U.S. Capitol, on Thursday.

    Topline:

    In the days since declaring a "crime emergency" in Washington, D.C., President Donald Trump has spoken repeatedly of extending federal control over the city, even as it fights back with protests and legal challenges.

    The backstory: Trump took control of the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) and deployed D.C.'s National Guard last week after a former DOGE staffer was injured in an attempted carjacking. Trump has cited "out of control" crime, despite the fact that city data shows violent crime is at a 30-year low. The 1973 Home Rule Act gives the president command of D.C.'s National Guard. It also allows him to use local police for federal purposes during emergencies — but only for up to 30 days without authorization from Congress, which is on recess until early September.

    What are the limits on Trump's use of D.C. police? Section 740 of the Home Rule Act allows the president to temporarily use D.C. police if he determines that "special conditions of an emergency nature exist which require the use of the Metropolitan Police force for Federal purposes." He can only do so for 30 days, at which point the House and Senate would need to pass a joint resolution authorizing an extension. Trump's Aug. 11 executive order declared such an emergency and requested the services of the police "for the maximum period permitted."

    Read on... for what would need to happen for the National Guard to leave.

    In the days since declaring a "crime emergency" in Washington, D.C., President Donald Trump has spoken repeatedly of extending federal control over the city, even as it fights back with protests and legal challenges.

    Trump took control of the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) and deployed D.C.'s National Guard last week after a former DOGE staffer was injured in an attempted carjacking. Trump has cited "out of control" crime, despite the fact that city data shows violent crime is at a 30-year low.

    The 1973 Home Rule Act gives the president command of D.C.'s National Guard. It also allows him to use local police for federal purposes during emergencies — but only for up to 30 days without authorization from Congress, which is on recess until early September.

    "We're going to do this very quickly, but we're going to want extensions," Trump told reporters last Wednesday, referring to MPD control.

    That has left many in D.C. wondering: How long can Trump's law enforcement takeover last?

    "That is actually a question that we don't really have an answer to, because there is very little case law about the proper uses of the D.C. National Guard or about the authority that the president is relying on to invite other states to send their National Guard forces into D.C.," says Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice.

    No other president has taken control of the MPD since the passage of the Home Rule Act. And while there are no clear time limits on his use of the D.C. National Guard, previous deployments — including responding to civil rights protests in 1968 and 2020 — have addressed more specific crises.

    Trump's focus on crime, in contrast, seems much broader and more politically motivated, says Goitein, noting that the president has suggested other Democratic-run cities, like New York and Chicago, could be next.

    "It just seems like this is a flexing of federal muscle to intimidate jurisdictions across the country," she says. "And so it's not clear what could bring this to an end, other than intervention by the courts, by Congress or overwhelming public disapproval."

    Police officers, some masked, are standing next to a police vehicle on a street.
    Police officers set up a roadside checkpoint on 14th Street NW, a busy commercial street in D.C., last week.
    (
    Tasos Katopodis
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Last week, after D.C.'s attorney general sued the Trump administration to block its police takeover, a federal judge effectively halted its plan to replace D.C.'s police chief.

    But the federal government has oversight over local police for now. And hundreds of National Guard members, some armed, are patrolling the city, with more on the way. The Republican governors of at least five other states say they are sending their own National Guard troops to the nation's capital — raising questions about what they will do and how long they will stay.

    "If crime is already down, then at what point do they say, 'Mission accomplished'?" says Meryl Chertoff, an adjunct professor of law at the Georgetown University Law Center. "Or is the mission going to last endlessly because you're never going to drive crime down to zero?"

    The White House declined to answer questions about its timeline for withdrawing National Guard troops from D.C., telling NPR on Monday: "We wouldn't get ahead of any potential announcements from POTUS."

    Chertoff says the fact that Trump is already talking about extending his control over MPD, and inviting governors of other states to deploy their National Guard troops, suggests he is not making his decisions based on data.

    "If the president were really serious about this as law enforcement, as opposed to intimidation or provocation of people who live in D.C., he would wait to see whether the current activation was enough to solve the problem which he says exists in D.C.," she adds.

    What are the limits on Trump's use of D.C. police? 

    People protesting on the street, holding signs and flags. Police officers are standing slightly out of focus in the foreground.
    Thousands marched through Washington, D.C., on Saturday to protest President Trump's use of federal agents and the National Guard to conduct policing actions throughout the city.
    (
    Dominic Gwinn
    /
    AFP via Getty Images
    )

    Section 740 of the Home Rule Act allows the president to temporarily use D.C. police if he determines that "special conditions of an emergency nature exist which require the use of the Metropolitan Police force for Federal purposes."

    He can only do so for 30 days, at which point the House and Senate would need to pass a joint resolution authorizing an extension. Trump's Aug. 11 executive order declared such an emergency and requested the services of the police "for the maximum period permitted."

    That initial window would run through Sept. 10, unless Trump ends it sooner. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters last week that "we will reevaluate and reassess and make further decisions after this 30-day period is up."

    Mere days later, Trump himself said his administration would ask for "long-term extensions."

    "I think the Republicans in Congress will approve this pretty much unanimously," he added.

    Indeed, many Republican lawmakers — including House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune — have complained of crime in D.C. and embraced Trump's efforts to address it.

    "Give Trump a third term, give him a Peace Prize, and let him run D.C. as long as he wants," Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., tweeted Friday, despite the fact that the Constitution limits presidents to two elected terms.

    Many Democrats — both in Congress and in local government — strongly oppose Trump's takeover, painting it as a threat to democracy in D.C. and beyond.

    Last week, several House Democrats introduced a resolution that would terminate Trump's federalization of the MPD. Home rule allows Congress to end the president's control of local police through a joint resolution, though it would face an uphill battle in a Republican-controlled Congress.

    Legal challenges pose a more likely obstacle to Trump's takeover, as was the case last week. D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb sued the U.S. Justice Department to block what he called a "hostile takeover" after it tried to put a federal official in charge of the MPD.

    At an emergency hearing on Friday, Judge Ana Reyes — appointed by former President Joe Biden — suggested she would grant Schwalb's request unless the Justice Department rewrote its memo to leave the existing police chief in charge. She indicated she will hold another hearing on the broader legal questions this week.

    "I still do not understand on what basis the president … can say, 'You, police department, can't do anything unless I say you can,' " Reyes said, according to reporting from Politico, USA Today and others. "That cannot be the reading of the statute."

    What would need to happen for the National Guard to leave? 

    Members of the D.C. National Guard walk along a platform next to a subway and people waiting for it.
    Members of the D.C. National Guard patrol the Foggy Bottom Metro station on Saturday.
    (
    Andrew Leyden
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Home Rule gives the president command of the D.C. National Guard, a power that goes to governors in other states. It does not limit how long the Guard can be deployed.

    Experts say there are a few ways that the Guard's time in D.C. could come to an end.

    Lawsuits are one of them. Goitein, of the Brennan Center, says they would likely center around the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which largely limits the military's role in domestic law enforcement — and has several potential loopholes.

    "President Trump is trying to exploit a couple of those loopholes," she says. "And we don't know yet whether the courts are going to endorse what he's doing."

    For example, she says the administration might argue the D.C. National Guard is operating under non-federal status (despite being under the president's command), which would make it exempt from Posse Comitatus. Or it could argue that the National Guard is not directly involved in law enforcement in D.C. (The Army said last week that guard members will not conduct arrests, but serve as a "visible crime deterrent.")

    Chertoff says that as long as Reyes has jurisdiction over the police case, D.C.'s attorney general could theoretically go back and "ask for additional rulings with respect to the use of the National Guard." While it has "limited cards to play," she says the influx of troops from states could lend support to a potential abuse-of-power argument.

    There are also more practical considerations. For example, National Guard forces are at the forefront of responding to natural disasters, and could be needed more urgently at home during Atlantic hurricane season.

    When South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster announced the deployment of 200 troops to D.C. on Saturday, with Hurricane Erin approaching the East Coast, he said, "should a hurricane or natural disaster threaten our state, these men and women can and will be immediately recalled home to respond."

    Goitein says there's also the power of public opinion, citing videos of masked agents conducting operations going viral and disruptions to local businesses; Data from online dining platform OpenTable showed a 25% drop in D.C. restaurant reservations in the days after Trump's takeover.

    She says the public response, from protests to polling, could potentially shape Trump's decisions.

    "As it becomes increasingly clear that D.C. is essentially under military occupation and that what's happening here, if replicated elsewhere, basically is moving this country toward a police state, that can move public opinion," Goitein says. "And public opinion can move the president."
    Copyright 2025 NPR

  • How America was born from more than a tea party
    a black and white drawing of old-timey crowds standing on a dock by a large ship
    An illustration of the Boston Tea Party, when colonists dumped British East India Company tea into the harbor on Dec. 16, 1773. Some accounts say this marked a pivotal moment when Americans started loving coffee. But one historian says Americans were drinking lots of coffee before then.

    Topline:

    Coffee was an important part of American culture from the start. And coffeehouses were essential, too — serving as hubs for brewing ideas of independence.

    Backstory: "The first documented example of a mortar and pestle used to grind coffee beans was on the Mayflower" in 1620, says historian Michelle Craig McDonald, the author of Coffee Nation: How One Commodity Transformed the Early United States.

    How it helped the Revolution: In the colonial era, coffeehouses were hotbeds for seditious thought — where people planned acts of revolution.

    "Coffeehouses are kind of famous for being places where people think and plot things," says Mark Pendergrast, author of Uncommon Grounds: The History of Coffee and How It Transformed Our World.

    Read on ... for more on the historical influence of coffee in the founding of the United States.

    A consequential act of defiance secured tea's place as perhaps the most iconic beverage of America's colonial era.

    The Boston Tea Party became an essential ingredient in the recipe for revolution in the following years.

    But tea wasn't the only hot beverage with a prominent role in America's fight for independence.

    Coffee was an important part of American culture from the start. And coffeehouses were essential, too — serving as hubs for brewing ideas of independence.

    As the United States celebrates 250 years, here's what to know about America's early history of coffee.

    Colonists were drinking coffee long before the United States existed

    Europeans brought coffee with them when they came to America.

    "The first documented example of a mortar and pestle used to grind coffee beans was on the Mayflower" in 1620, says historian Michelle Craig McDonald, the author of Coffee Nation: How One Commodity Transformed the Early United States.

    "The fact that coffee was present so early is not surprising if you think about it," McDonald says. "A number of those who were on the Mayflower came to North America from Amsterdam, which was a major coffee trading center in Western Europe by the 17th century."

    The first coffeehouse in the colonies opened in 1676 in Boston, a century before the U.S. declared independence, she says. Some taverns sold coffee even earlier.

    The Boston Tea Party probably wasn't the dramatic turning point toward coffee that some claim

    On the night of Dec. 16, 1773, disgruntled colonists boarded three ships moored in Boston Harbor and threw overboard more than 92,000 pounds of tea owned by the British East India Company.

    Tensions had been building between the Crown and the colonies over the previous decade, as Britain tried to levy taxes on its colonies to recoup war debts.

    The Boston Tea Party protest was targeted at the British government's passing of the Tea Act in 1773, which granted the East India Company a monopoly over tea sales in the colonies. While the British had removed some unpopular taxes in the preceding years, they left tea taxes in place. Colonial merchants were especially upset that the act allowed the East India Company to undercut their tea business.

    To build solidarity for their cause of sovereignty, some patriots called on colonialists to swear off tea in favor of coffee. It's why many histories point to the Boston Tea Party as a turning point when Americans switched from mostly drinking tea to mostly coffee. The anti-tea sentiment was immortalized in a founding father's now-famous letter.

    In July 1774, John Adams (before he became the second U.S. president) wrote to his wife Abigail, recounting an incident during his travels. After a long day, he asked the proprietor of the house where he was lodging for a cup of tea, provided it was smuggled and free of British taxes.

    " 'No sir, said she, we have renounced all Tea in this Place. I cant make Tea, but I'le make you Coffee.' Accordingly I have drank Coffee every Afternoon since, and have borne it very well. Tea must be universally renounced. I must be weaned, and the sooner, the better," Adams wrote.

    Despite John Adams claiming a newfound patriotic duty to appreciate coffee, McDonald says colonists had been drinking lots of coffee all along.

    She studied advertisements from the 1760s and '70s to estimate how many shops sold coffee versus tea. Even before the Boston Tea Party, she says, "coffee is definitely more broadly available than tea is."

    A big reason? It was cheaper. "Its price again per pound is significantly less, which tells you about its availability, its accessibility to drinkers."

    Historians say it's hard to definitively compare tea with coffee consumption, though, as official records from before America gained independence were inconsistent.

    And smuggling was rampant, making official records even less reliable.

    "There is a vast amount of smuggling," says Joyce Chaplin, a professor of early American history at Harvard University. "So they're not paying formal duties on tea that they get from the Dutch. They're probably not paying formal duties on coffee from the French Caribbean."

    And Chaplin notes that people who loudly proclaimed a new appreciation for coffee over tea weren't always doing what they said. It could have been political pandering. "I do not drink tea that comes via the East India Company," she posits someone of the era saying. "But, you know, other sources are fine. Ditto for the coffee."

    Coffeehouses were a hub for revolutionary ideas 

    In the colonial era, coffeehouses were hotbeds for seditious thought — where people planned acts of revolution.

    "Coffeehouses are kind of famous for being places where people think and plot things," says Mark Pendergrast, author of Uncommon Grounds: The History of Coffee and How It Transformed Our World.

    A coffeehouse called the Green Dragon served as one of the locations for planning the Boston Tea Party. Years earlier, the Old London Coffeehouse in Philadelphia was a meeting place for strategizing responses to another British tax, the Stamp Act of 1765.

    In Britain, coffeehouses were nicknamed "penny universities," Pendergrast says: "because for a penny you could go and learn a whole lot by sitting around in a coffeehouse and discussing everything." The same attitude traveled across the Atlantic.

    Early American coffeehouses would commonly have city business directories, libraries of newspapers and currency exchange information. People could get maritime insurance there or buy things at auction.

    "There's a reason why coffeehouses become places of colonial protest … in the 1760s, in the 1770s, and it's because it is the place where traders and merchants tended to gather," historian McDonald says. "That's where they heard about the economics of the day."

    Taverns were more likely than coffeehouses to have rooms for rent and stables for travelers' horses. They were also more likely to have food.

    Interestingly enough, coffeehouses could serve alcohol and taverns could serve coffee.

    But the vibes at each were different. While women and men could "riotously drink together" in taverns, coffeehouses often didn't allow women, according to Chaplin of Harvard.

    "The sense was the coffeehouse was the place where you had a clear head — to argue about politics, to find out what was going on in the business world, to cut a business deal," she says. "Whereas taverns were places where, in a sense, you refueled."

    Still, she says, the lines between the two "weren't completely clear."

    The cost of America's revolutionary drink 

    Coffee (and tea for that matter) was part of a growing globalization of trade around this time.

    Much of the coffee in the colonies was grown in the Caribbean, while tea came from China.

    Supply was up and coffee was easier than ever to drink. "Trade and frankly, imperialism, are making it possible for … colonial products to be produced and transferred to other parts of the world in greater and greater quantities," says Chaplin.

    As a result, by the time of the American Revolution, both coffee and tea were in reach for many common people. "They're both becoming affordable luxuries," Chaplin says.

    Fancy coffee and tea paraphernalia were also part of this increasingly global market. Middle and upper-class people would have wanted special implements for drinking these beverages and a place to drink it. That meant they needed wood for coffee tables, silver for coffeepots, and porcelain for teapots.

    "These two beverages are encouraging people to consume all kinds of new stuff," says Chaplin. "The mahogany that comes out of the Caribbean, the china coming out of China, silver that is mined principally in South and Central America and processed in a lot of the parts of the world."

    There's a dark side to coffee's history, too. The plantations that supplied the crop ran on the labor of enslaved people. By 1790, half of the world's coffee was being grown in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, in what is today Haiti, Pendergrast says, where slaves were routinely mistreated, raped and murdered.

    The Declaration of Independence, signed in 1776, is infamous for a contradiction. It proclaimed that "all men are created equal," but failed to acknowledge the hundreds of thousands of enslaved people living in America at the time.

    Coffee carried a similar contradiction. The beverage that fueled conversations that inspired America's fight for independence — centered on the ideals of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness — depended on enslavement.

    "Coffee had this paradoxical effect, that it did promote revolutionary thought," Pendergrast says. "But it was also grown by slaves."

  • Sponsored message
  • More people are using apps to rent backyard pools

    Topline:

    A small but growing number of Airbnb-style companies let you rent pools, along with other private spaces, including tennis and basketball courts. These listings are a growing side of the sharing economy that have made it common, and often near-frictionless, to rent someone else's property, from cars to guest bedrooms.

    The context: Today, according to a company spokesperson, Swimply has listings in 150 cities, and so far has had more than 275,000 reservations this year, about 50% more than last year.

    What's the customer demographic? While homes listed on Airbnb, the best-known sharing platform, are often used by out-of-towners, such as for business trips or vacations, Swimply's rental pools are more often used locally. Guests book pools near home, often for staycations.

    Read on... for more on the pros and cons.

    A scorching Alabama day isn't so bad — if there's a pool party. Meghan Clopton invited dozens of guests to a summer birthday celebration for one of her kids last year, complete with water guns, a twisting slide and plenty of inflatables.

    The guests had just one shared question: Whose pool was this?

    Her answer? She rented it.

    "It's part of the culture now, right? Just, like, take over someone else's house or pool for the day or the weekend," Clopton said.

    "For a fee," her husband, Taylor Clopton, added.

    They rented the backyard pool through Swimply, one of a small but growing number of Airbnb-style companies that lets you rent pools, along with other private spaces, including tennis and basketball courts. These listings are a growing side of the sharing economy that have made it common, and often near-frictionless, to rent someone else's property, from cars to guest bedrooms.

    Clopton paid $381 for that birthday party, which allowed her to invite up to 30 guests for three hours of pool time.

    The pool's owner, Jasmine Lawson, said she's had bookings for graduation parties, book clubs and photo shoots. Overall, she's hosted over 1,000 guests a year at her Birmingham property. "And it grows every single year," Lawson added.

    Along with a hot tub and an 8-foot-deep pool, Lawson's guests get access to an air-conditioned room in her home with a table for laying out a party spread, plus a private bathroom. They also get to choose from a catalog of 50 different pool floats. (The white, human-sized inflatable unicorn that sprays water from its horn is a favorite.)

    A large unicorn floatation device is seen in a pool with a two-story home in the background.
    A unicorn inflatable sprinkler sprays water across Jasmine Lawson's pool in Birmingham, Ala., on June 24.
    (
    Stephan Bisaha
    /
    NPR
    )

    Lawson gives all her guests a walk-through when they arrive, before going upstairs to work. "But if they ever need anything, I'm right down here helping them as soon as I can," she said. Swimply users can use a filter on the platform for more privacy — that can include factors like whether or not the pool is within view of the home or if the owners will be around.

    Lawson originally started renting out her pool to help cover the end-of-life veterinary costs for one of her dogs, a Cavalier King Charles spaniel. Now, Lawson uses the bookings to boost her income and cover the pool's maintenance.

    "When you own a pool, every time you turn around something happens and it's $1,000," Lawson said.

    Swimply founder and CEO Bunim Laskin said covering those expenses was the original idea for the company. He started Swimply in 2019, inspired by his experience of offering to pay a pool-owning neighbor to borrow it for a party with his 11 siblings.

    Today, according to a company spokesperson, Swimply has listings in 150 cities, and so far has had more than 275,000 reservations this year, about 50% more than last year.

    While homes listed on Airbnb, the best-known sharing platform, are often used by out-of-towners, such as for business trips or vacations, Swimply's rental pools are more often used locally. Guests book pools near home, often for staycations.

    Laskin said the company has done well during tough economic times. "We really became big for the first time during the pandemic," Laskin said. "Travel was impossible, and people more than ever needed a way to supplement their income."

    A woman skims a pool for leaves.
    Jasmine Lawson skims her pool in Birmingham, Ala., on June 24.
    (
    Stephan Bisaha
    /
    NPR
    )

    Renting out a swimming pool comes with an important, and possibly expensive, question: Who's responsible if someone gets hurt? After all, pools can be dangerous, especially for young swimmers.

    Swimply covers up to $1 million in liability for hosts, similar to Airbnb's policy for home rentals.

    Courts have been wrestling with this kind of question when it comes to gig and sharing economy companies, according to Lindsey Cameron, assistant professor at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School of Business. For example: Who's liable if a rideshare driver harms a passenger — the driver or the company? "Because there is not an employer, as one typically thinks of, that you can say, 'You have responsibility for the products that you are putting out into the world,'" she said.

    Some state governments are trying to hash out these kinds of issues, too. This week, Minnesota's Supreme Court agreed to hear a case about whether pools on the Swimply app should be considered public facilities — and therefore subject to government licensing regulations, possibly including state inspections. (A lower court ruled in favor of the regulations earlier this year.)

    Saša Pekeč, a professor of business administration at Duke University's Fuqua School of Business, compares it to the early days of ridesharing apps, which were banned in some cities while regulations were still being worked out.

    "Some local communities might just say that 'No, you cannot rent your pool because there's too much liability,'" said Pekeč.

    The prospect of a pool being used as a rental has even given at least one private company pause. Lawson said her pool maintenance company dropped her as a client, citing worries that they'd be held responsible if a guest had a bad reaction to pool chemicals. Now she maintains the pool on her own. ("It's been crystal clear," she said.)

    But other than having to offer the occasional Band-Aid, Lawson said, she's never had an incident. And that's with weekends with three or four bookings back-to-back. This weekend she's got an all-day Fourth of July birthday party booked.

    After renting Lawson's pool, Meghan Clopton got quotes for building one in her own backyard. She was shocked when they came back ranging from $60,000 to $110,000. While Clopton works out the budget and savings, she plans on sticking with renting. She's also dreamed about paying down that future pool by listing it on Swimply.

    "It's absolutely a great business plan and I would not say no," Clopton said.

    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Weary Boyle Heights residents take on testing
    A man with curly hair inspects water samples while wearing a respiratory mask.
    Emmanuel Carrera Ruedas gathers water samples from the L.A. River on Wednesday, July 1.

    Topline:

    Since the Lineage fire ignited June 17 in Boyle Heights, residents, environmental advocates and researchers have taken it upon themselves to find out what’s in the air and water.

    Why it matters: They’ve launched their own sampling efforts, seeking answers about what people have been breathing and contaminants that may have entered the L.A. River.

    Why now: The community-led testing comes as residents have reported eye irritation, nausea and headaches while questioning whether the government has done enough to capture the fire’s environmental and public health impacts.

    The backstory: Those concerns are especially alarming in Boyle Heights, East L.A. and neighboring Southeast L.A. communities, where neighbors have long faced disproportionate pollution burdens.

    Read on... for more on how residents are taking matters into their own hands.

    Wearing gloves and a KN95 mask, Emmanuel Carrera Ruedas hunkered down near a storm drain, just steps away from the smoldering Lineage warehouse fire, as he filmed himself pointing to what he described as insulation and foam flowing into the drain.

    “The thing about this water is that it all gets dumped straight into the L.A. River,” Carrera Ruedas, of Cudahy, told his Instagram followers in a June 22 reel.

    In the past two weeks, Carrera Ruedas has spent evenings gathering water samples outside Lineage and from the L.A. River as he and other community scientists are partnering with experts from UCLA and Columbia University to learn what’s in the runoff. Samples will soon be sent to a lab in New York.

    “For far too long, the river has just been a drainage, a dumping site for companies,” said Carrera Ruedas, 27, who often encounters toads, birds and fish inhabiting its ecosystem.

    “There is life in there,” he told Boyle Heights Beat. “We’re all in proximity to the river, and that’s kind of the vein that runs through the city that really connects us all.”

    Community-led testing

    Since the Lineage fire ignited June 17 in Boyle Heights, residents, environmental advocates and researchers have taken it upon themselves to find out what’s in the air and water. They’ve launched their own sampling efforts, seeking answers about what people have been breathing and contaminants that may have entered the L.A. River.

    The community-led testing comes as residents have reported eye irritation, nausea and headaches while questioning whether the government has done enough to capture the fire’s environmental and public health impacts.

    Those concerns are especially alarming in Boyle Heights, East L.A. and neighboring Southeast L.A. communities, where neighbors have long faced disproportionate pollution burdens.

    Crews clean up debris from a burned building.
    Crews navigate around piles of debris and puddles of water on the eastern edge of the Lineage warehouse as they begin cleanup efforts on June 25, 2026.
    (
    Andrew Lopez
    /
    Boyle Heights Beat
    )

    An estimated 31,700 workers, about 81% of whom are Latino, live in the county and city zones where a smoke advisory was issued, according to new data from the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. They work in health care, manufacturing and food service industries. About half of the workers earn $3,333 or less a month, below L.A. County’s “very low income” threshold.

    The area also experiences diesel pollution levels three times the county average, as well as higher rates of asthma and cardiovascular disease-related emergency department visits, according to UCLA. Nearly 10,000 households in the area lack air conditioning.

    “This is not only an air quality emergency but also a worker and environmental justice issue,” UCLA said.

    Behind the push for environmental justice

    For years, East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice has shed light on how Latinos on the Eastside often bear the brunt of the region’s pollution and climate disasters, such as the East L.A. oil spill in late May that dumped nearly 25,000 gallons of crude oil onto streets and into the L.A. River. For the organization, “We are just trying to breathe” is a common phrase.

    “Something I’ve told many people over a long period of time is, ‘We’re not polar bears. We’re not whales.’ Nobody is coming to save us. We have to step up and defend ourselves,” said mark! Lopez with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice.

    A woman wearing a respiratory mask outside affixes one to a boy.
    Antonia Castillo, 73, helps her grandson Aiden Velez put on a mask near their Boyle Heights home.
    (
    Andrew Lopez
    /
    Boyle Heights Beat
    )

    East Yard members opted to take air samples themselves, dissatisfied with the South Coast Air Quality Management District’s assessment of the fire’s air-quality impacts. They placed sorbent tubes, which Lopez described as passive air monitors, outside nearby homes for about seven days. Soon, they’ll send the findings to a Columbia University lab with the help of UC Irvine.

    What officials have done so far

    South Coast AQMD said it conducted “mobile monitoring” during the first two days of the fire that found “significantly elevated concentrations” of particulate matter. The agency then deployed particulate matter monitors at Eastman Avenue Elementary and Robert Louis Stevenson Middle School that provide “near-real time exposure information.” AQMD noted that the L.A. Fire Department and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency conducted their own monitoring, while third-party contractor Onterris has continued monitoring during the cleanup phase.

    AQMD also observed smoke impacts throughout the region, issuing a particle pollution advisory in English and Spanish that remained in effect through June 24.

    What's next and lingering questions

    Meanwhile, Lopez said more sampling is necessary, and he questioned the effectiveness of efforts by Lineage, AQMD and LAFD. He and other advocates criticized public statements from officials, including Mayor Karen Bass’ assurances that “the air is not dangerous,” even as residents were reporting feeling sick. He also took aim at LAFD Chief Jaime Moore’s statements that ammonia was not toxic to individuals unless they had respiratory issues or came in direct contact with it. East Yard also called for evacuations in the area.

    “It feels like at the city and county level they don’t currently have the capacity to really handle this situation,” Lopez added. “I think it really requires state and federal intervention to make sure that the cleanup and restoration isn’t mismanaged.”

    Yoshira “Yoshi” Ornelas Van Horne, an exposure scientist and assistant professor with the UCLA Fielding School’s Department of Environmental Health Sciences, said the Lineage fire is exposing how little is done to “respond to public health emergencies and disasters” in communities like Boyle Heights and East L.A., areas “that have so often been referred to as environmental injustice communities.”

    Residents and community organizations like East Yard, Ornelas Van Horne said, “are always the ones having to respond.”

    “They’re relying on each other. They’re relying on their networks and their organizing power to be able to do that on the ground sampling.”

    Ornelas Van Horne reached out to colleagues at Columbia’s Multi-Element Trace Analysis Laboratory in New York after she learned of the sampling taking place and of community concerns about the runoff making its way down to the L.A. River.

    Those samples will be analyzed for heavy metals like cadmium, lead and arsenic, she said.

    The L.A. County Public Works Department, according to the Los Angeles Times, deployed three containment booms on the L.A. River and continued to monitor the water as it made its way to the ocean.

    Carrera Ruedas began collecting water samples on the third day of the fire. He said he took the first sample from the L.A. River, about 100 meters from the spout where it spilled out. The second was taken from outside Lineage. He has amassed dozens of samples since then.

    Cudahy sits alongside the lower L.A. River, and after the fire, Carrera Ruedas recalled a “heavy stench that affected people in our community.” The trash he saw in the river was the foam and insulation that came from Lineage, he said.

    “It really pissed me off, just to see all this trash go in there and nobody doing anything about it,” said Carrera Ruedas, who also serves as the parks and environmental justice commissioner for Cudahy.

    The L.A. River, Carrera Ruedas said, is “part of our ecosystem.”

    “This is not just affecting me. This affects everybody else around me. This affects people who love the beach, people who just want our water systems clean,” he said.

  • Happening from Arcadia to Culver City
    A hand reaching for a Chinese mahjong game tile on top of a table.
    Stacking the tiles before a game.

    Topline:

    Mahjong — the beloved tile strategy game that crosses both cultural and age barriers — is coming to a park near you thanks to a partnership between L.A. County Parks and Recreation and a local club, Common Ground Mahjong.

    ‘Another language we speak’: Rowland Heights resident and mahjong enthusiast Jay Zhao started Common Ground Mahjong about a year ago after finding they had to wait too long between game meetups.

    The details: Zhao’s new Mahjong in the Parks series will take place at open spaces from Arcadia to Culver City, with 15 tables and enough room for 60 people to play together. And one thing to note: the Mahjong in the Parks events will be for 13-tile Hong Kong style.

    The series is a collaboration between Common Ground, the Matilija Collective and L.A. County Department of Parks and Recreation.

    Mahjong — the beloved tile strategy game that crosses both cultural and age barriers — is coming to a park near you thanks to a partnership between L.A. County Parks and Recreation and a local club, Common Ground Mahjong.

    ‘Another language we speak’

    Rowland Heights resident and mahjong enthusiast Jay Zhao started Common Ground Mahjong about a year ago after finding they had to wait too long between game meetups.

    “It brings people from all different backgrounds together. I’ve met folks that I would not have encountered outside of those mahjong clubs. ... In a way it’s another language that we speak,” Zhao said.

    The details 

    Zhao’s new Mahjong in the Parks series will take place at open spaces from Arcadia to Culver City, with 15 tables and enough room for 60 people to play together. And one thing to note: the Mahjong in the Parks events will be for 13-tile Hong Kong style.

    The series is a collaboration between Common Ground, the Matilija Collective and L.A. County Department of Parks and Recreation.

    New players welcome

    Zhao says everyone will be welcome at the park meetups, and there will be space for about 20 people to learn the game at the events, too. Just don’t be surprised if you come away from an event with a new friend.

    “It’s always nice to see people move their connections from just like ‘Oh you’re just someone I play Mahjong with,’ to ‘Hey you’re someone I’m going to see outside of these events. Let's go hiking, let's go to a museum,’” Zhao told LAist.

    You can go:

    The first meetup will be at 5 p.m. July 8 at Arcadia Park:

    405 S Santa Anita Ave, Arcadia

    For a list of all the meetups, head over to Common Ground Mahjong’s website.