The Brief

In the days since declaring a "crime emergency" in Washington, D.C., President Donald Trump has spoken repeatedly of extending federal control over the city, even as it fights back with protests and legal challenges.

Trump took control of the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) and deployed D.C.'s National Guard last week after a former DOGE staffer was injured in an attempted carjacking. Trump has cited "out of control" crime, despite the fact that city data shows violent crime is at a 30-year low.

The 1973 Home Rule Act gives the president command of D.C.'s National Guard. It also allows him to use local police for federal purposes during emergencies — but only for up to 30 days without authorization from Congress, which is on recess until early September.

"We're going to do this very quickly, but we're going to want extensions," Trump told reporters last Wednesday, referring to MPD control.

That has left many in D.C. wondering: How long can Trump's law enforcement takeover last?

"That is actually a question that we don't really have an answer to, because there is very little case law about the proper uses of the D.C. National Guard or about the authority that the president is relying on to invite other states to send their National Guard forces into D.C.," says Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice.

No other president has taken control of the MPD since the passage of the Home Rule Act. And while there are no clear time limits on his use of the D.C. National Guard, previous deployments — including responding to civil rights protests in 1968 and 2020 — have addressed more specific crises.

Trump's focus on crime, in contrast, seems much broader and more politically motivated, says Goitein, noting that the president has suggested other Democratic-run cities, like New York and Chicago, could be next.

"It just seems like this is a flexing of federal muscle to intimidate jurisdictions across the country," she says. "And so it's not clear what could bring this to an end, other than intervention by the courts, by Congress or overwhelming public disapproval."

Police officers set up a roadside checkpoint on 14th Street NW, a busy commercial street in D.C., last week.

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Last week, after D.C.'s attorney general sued the Trump administration to block its police takeover, a federal judge effectively halted its plan to replace D.C.'s police chief.

But the federal government has oversight over local police for now. And hundreds of National Guard members, some armed, are patrolling the city, with more on the way. The Republican governors of at least five other states say they are sending their own National Guard troops to the nation's capital — raising questions about what they will do and how long they will stay.

"If crime is already down, then at what point do they say, 'Mission accomplished'?" says Meryl Chertoff, an adjunct professor of law at the Georgetown University Law Center. "Or is the mission going to last endlessly because you're never going to drive crime down to zero?"

The White House declined to answer questions about its timeline for withdrawing National Guard troops from D.C., telling NPR on Monday: "We wouldn't get ahead of any potential announcements from POTUS."

Chertoff says the fact that Trump is already talking about extending his control over MPD, and inviting governors of other states to deploy their National Guard troops, suggests he is not making his decisions based on data.

"If the president were really serious about this as law enforcement, as opposed to intimidation or provocation of people who live in D.C., he would wait to see whether the current activation was enough to solve the problem which he says exists in D.C.," she adds.

What are the limits on Trump's use of D.C. police? 

Thousands marched through Washington, D.C., on Saturday to protest President Trump's use of federal agents and the National Guard to conduct policing actions throughout the city.

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Section 740 of the Home Rule Act allows the president to temporarily use D.C. police if he determines that "special conditions of an emergency nature exist which require the use of the Metropolitan Police force for Federal purposes."

He can only do so for 30 days, at which point the House and Senate would need to pass a joint resolution authorizing an extension. Trump's Aug. 11 executive order declared such an emergency and requested the services of the police "for the maximum period permitted."

That initial window would run through Sept. 10, unless Trump ends it sooner. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters last week that "we will reevaluate and reassess and make further decisions after this 30-day period is up."

Mere days later, Trump himself said his administration would ask for "long-term extensions."

"I think the Republicans in Congress will approve this pretty much unanimously," he added.

Indeed, many Republican lawmakers — including House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune — have complained of crime in D.C. and embraced Trump's efforts to address it.

"Give Trump a third term, give him a Peace Prize, and let him run D.C. as long as he wants," Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., tweeted Friday, despite the fact that the Constitution limits presidents to two elected terms.

Many Democrats — both in Congress and in local government — strongly oppose Trump's takeover, painting it as a threat to democracy in D.C. and beyond.

Last week, several House Democrats introduced a resolution that would terminate Trump's federalization of the MPD. Home rule allows Congress to end the president's control of local police through a joint resolution, though it would face an uphill battle in a Republican-controlled Congress.

Legal challenges pose a more likely obstacle to Trump's takeover, as was the case last week. D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb sued the U.S. Justice Department to block what he called a "hostile takeover" after it tried to put a federal official in charge of the MPD.

At an emergency hearing on Friday, Judge Ana Reyes — appointed by former President Joe Biden — suggested she would grant Schwalb's request unless the Justice Department rewrote its memo to leave the existing police chief in charge. She indicated she will hold another hearing on the broader legal questions this week.

"I still do not understand on what basis the president … can say, 'You, police department, can't do anything unless I say you can,' " Reyes said, according to reporting from Politico, USA Today and others. "That cannot be the reading of the statute."

What would need to happen for the National Guard to leave? 

Members of the D.C. National Guard patrol the Foggy Bottom Metro station on Saturday.

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Home Rule gives the president command of the D.C. National Guard, a power that goes to governors in other states. It does not limit how long the Guard can be deployed.

Experts say there are a few ways that the Guard's time in D.C. could come to an end.

Lawsuits are one of them. Goitein, of the Brennan Center, says they would likely center around the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which largely limits the military's role in domestic law enforcement — and has several potential loopholes.

"President Trump is trying to exploit a couple of those loopholes," she says. "And we don't know yet whether the courts are going to endorse what he's doing."

For example, she says the administration might argue the D.C. National Guard is operating under non-federal status (despite being under the president's command), which would make it exempt from Posse Comitatus. Or it could argue that the National Guard is not directly involved in law enforcement in D.C. (The Army said last week that guard members will not conduct arrests, but serve as a "visible crime deterrent.")

Chertoff says that as long as Reyes has jurisdiction over the police case, D.C.'s attorney general could theoretically go back and "ask for additional rulings with respect to the use of the National Guard." While it has "limited cards to play," she says the influx of troops from states could lend support to a potential abuse-of-power argument.

There are also more practical considerations. For example, National Guard forces are at the forefront of responding to natural disasters, and could be needed more urgently at home during Atlantic hurricane season.

When South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster announced the deployment of 200 troops to D.C. on Saturday, with Hurricane Erin approaching the East Coast, he said, "should a hurricane or natural disaster threaten our state, these men and women can and will be immediately recalled home to respond."

Goitein says there's also the power of public opinion, citing videos of masked agents conducting operations going viral and disruptions to local businesses; Data from online dining platform OpenTable showed a 25% drop in D.C. restaurant reservations in the days after Trump's takeover.

She says the public response, from protests to polling, could potentially shape Trump's decisions.

"As it becomes increasingly clear that D.C. is essentially under military occupation and that what's happening here, if replicated elsewhere, basically is moving this country toward a police state, that can move public opinion," Goitein says. "And public opinion can move the president."
Copyright 2025 NPR

Fifteen years ago, when modern electric vehicles were just hitting the road, no one knew exactly what to expect from their giant, expensive lithium-ion batteries.

As batteries age, they hold less and less energy. Anyone who's ever had a dying smartphone, or had to replace a vehicle's 12-volt starter battery, knows this painfully well.

EV batteries were intended to last longer than those smaller, cheaper batteries. But how much longer?

The predictions were not soothing. In 2010, the New York Times wrote that "estimates of [EV] battery packs' lifespan — no one knows for sure — range upward from seven years." The average car on the road is more than 12 years old. And that discrepancy made some would-be EV buyers nervous.

Batteries come with warranties, but they don't last as long as the car. If a high-voltage battery chokes out midway through a car's life, it needs replacing — at a price tag that can run in the ballpark of $5,000 to $20,000.

But there's good news.

As the fleet of EVs on the road ages, new data pooled from tens of thousands of vehicles is showing those batteries are lasting longer than expected.

How a battery ages 

Lithium-ion batteries undergo two kinds of aging. First, there's calendar aging: They degrade as time goes on, holding less juice, even if they just sit in storage.

Then there's cyclical aging, which is how much a battery degrades based on its use — being charged and discharged, over and over again.

That means there's no way to dodge degradation. Whether you use a vehicle a lot or a little, eventually, the battery will hold less energy.

But the trajectory of aging isn't a straight line. Recurrent, a research firm that pulls in data from over 30,000 EV drivers, describes it as an "S curve." There's a rapid decline at the beginning, a long leveling off, and then a more rapid decline at the end.

"It's very much like breaking in a pair of shoes," says Liz Najman, the director of market insights at Recurrent. The shoes start out stiff, but quickly get a little more give. "And then your shoes just last you," she says, until at some point, "It's all over, it's a rapid decline."

And when it comes to EV batteries, two things are becoming clear. The initial drop-off is not as severe as some people had worried. And the sharp end-of-life decline is taking a long, long time to materialize.

At auto auctions, a lot of healthy batteries

Adam George is a vehicle services director at Cox Automotive, which runs used car auctions around the country. In recent years, the number of used EVs for sale has increased enormously — reflecting the sharp rise in production a few years ago.

That's given Cox Automotive a growing pool of used EVs to evaluate before they're re-sold.

"We were expecting battery health to be experiencing mass degradation over the first one to three years of owning a vehicle," George says. "What we have seen, though, is that these 2, 3, 4-year-old off-lease cars that are coming back have battery health scores well upwards of 95%."

Recurrent's data also shows that cars from most major brands retain 95% or more of their expected range after 3 years, thanks in part to software and battery management systems that are designed to correct for the battery's early degradation, and give drivers consistent range.

So the initial drop-off in that S curve is in the range of 5% or so, give or take. After that? Well, Cox Automotive has tested nearly 80,000 EVs, and found an average battery health of 92%.

Decade-old EVs are overwhelmingly on their original batteries 

That data set is naturally skewed toward younger vehicles, because the vast majority of EVs on the road today are fairly new. There were only a million EVs sold between 2010 and 2018, and now there are more than a million sold each year.

So what about the oldest EVs, specifically?

Recurrent's data can help answer this question. Najman, a data scientist, notes a few caveats: It's a fairly small dataset, just because there weren't many EVs built more than a decade ago. And some of the oldest EVs use technology that can't connect to Recurrent's opt-in network.

But based on their community, among EVs that are 10 years old or older, only 8.5% have ever had a battery replacement. More than 90% of them are still on their original battery.

"EV batteries are holding up phenomenally well," Najman says.  

Recurrent has also looked at EVs of any age that have more than 150,000 miles on them, which provides a closer look at the effects of that cyclical aging. There, too, the batteries outperformed expectations.

"Cars with 150,000 miles or more, and that have not had battery replacements, are getting at least 83% of their original range," Najman says.

Now, there is one common reason why EV batteries will be replaced very early on: a defect. There have been multiple large-scale battery recalls, and any individual battery might have a flaw that requires replacement. But because all new EVs come with warranties, that kind of replacement isn't a financial blow to owners.

"That would be something that would be synonymous with, like, your engine or a transmission going bad," says Adam George, of Cox Automotive. "That's what warranties are for."

EV battery warranties typically cover at least 8 years and 100,000 miles, and automakers will replace the battery in the case of catastrophic failure, or a reduction in capacity (usually to 70% of the original or less).

A robotic arm displays the dual engine chassis of a Model S electric sedan at the Hawthorne Airport in Los Angeles on October 9, 2014.

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The tale of one Model S 

What do all these stats look like in real life? Consider Norman Hajjar's Model S.

Hajjar was an early adopter of electric vehicles. He kind of had to be: In 2013 he became an executive at the electric vehicle drivers' app Plugshare.

His 2012 Model S is one of the first that Tesla ever built. When he got it, he was well aware of the question mark about battery lifespan. "There was really no way of knowing what the future held for it because there was zero track record," Hajjar says.

In his case, the future held a battery defect: a loud noise followed by his car coming to an abrupt stop. He recalls Tesla replacing the battery — free of charge and under warranty — in 2014.

Since then, he's spent 12 years on that second battery. He's put around 200,000 miles on the car overall. And it's driving great, thank you very much.

"This vehicle still is a monster," Hajjar says, affectionately. "It is extremely fast, quick off the line."

The vehicle was originally rated to have 265 miles of range. Now it has about 220. Do the math, and it's at 83% of its original capacity. "The amount of degradation is pretty minor," Hajjar says.

Hajjar has moved on to a newer vehicle for his daily driver, mostly to enjoy higher-tech features. (His newer Model Y has Tesla's advanced driver-assistance software.) His son uses the Model S these days for his commute to college. "It's just sort of a backup vehicle now," Hajjar says. But he plans to hang on to it. He's sentimental about it, he says.

Why are batteries outlasting expectations? 

The engineers who developed modern EVs knew that prolonging battery life would be crucial. They designed systems to actively manage temperatures to improve battery lifespan, and software to constantly check battery health. Years have shown those efforts paid off.

But there's another reason EV batteries have out-performed expectations. It turns out that testing batteries is harder on them than the real world. Their lifespan was underestimated.

Simona Onori's lab at Stanford University has done research into the longevity of lithium-ion batteries, including a 2024 paper in Nature Energy showing that traditional methods for testing battery life are very stressful, and don't match the way batteries are actually used.

In most lab tests, researchers repeatedly cycle them from a very high state of charge to a very low one.

Real-world driving is gentler, with stops and starts — each start draws a bit of the battery's energy down, while each stop gives it a little time to recharge. A driver would never slam the accelerator to the floor and keep it there until the battery is dead.

"We accelerate, we decelerate," Onori says. "The battery will be charged, and discharged, some rest if you're at a traffic light."

Her lab's findings suggest that the traditional tests for battery life were unrealistically challenging, and Onori says ongoing work with real-world data is now confirming that. When they're actually driven, she says, EV batteries "age gracefully. Very gracefully."

Just like humans, she notes: "When we live a life with less stress, we live longer."

A decade plus … and counting 

So how long do EV batteries last? It's still too soon to put a precise number on it, because — as a group — the cars already on the road haven't yet reached the end of the S-curve, the point when they will start to show massive performance declines. In other words, they're not dead yet.

Meanwhile, battery technology keeps improving. The oldest EVs, like Hajjar's Model S, may not be the best indicator of how long newer EVs will last. Software systems to manage batteries have gotten more sophisticated. A lot of new EVs use a different battery chemistry — lithium iron phosphate or LFP — which lasts even longer than other lithium-ion batteries.

As Stephanie Valdez-Streaty, who follows EV trends for Cox Automotive, puts it: "These batteries are built to outlast the cars."

And there's one more wrinkle when it comes to figuring out the end of life for a normally-aging EV battery. They don't die abruptly, like an old engine cutting out. It's more that their range shrinks; they can only hold enough energy for shorter and shorter trips. Instead of shelling out for an expensive battery replacement, some EV owners might just put up with that limitation.

Thomas McVeigh, of Ontario, Canada, drives a 2014 BMW i3. That vehicle didn't have an impressive range even when it was new, and now it can only manage about 55 miles on a single charge in the winter. But it still looks great. It's pleasant to drive. It saves him on gas. Maintenance is wildly cheap for a 12-year-old vehicle, and especially for a BMW; his only real cost is new tires.

He's fine with its diminished range. And he's not inclined to put what he estimates would be a $6,000 battery into an aging car. Instead, maybe he'll pass it on to his kid. "Teenagers generally aren't going for long drives," he says.

Or maybe he'll keep it for himself, after all. "I mean," he says, "I love that car."

Copyright 2026 NPR

This week the Getty Villa Museum will begin offering a rare look at scrolls from its ancient Egyptian “Book of the Dead” collection.

The collection of 19 manuscripts written on scrolls of papyrus and linen fragments are fragile, with one of them dating back nearly 3,500 years. Because of that, the materials are not usually on display to the public and the gallery will be carefully lit, temperature and humidity-controlled.

Sara Cole, associate curator of antiquities, told LAist that a lot of the language in the spells is written in first person speech for the deceased spirit to say while navigating the afterlife.

“One of my favorite phrases that I have on a wall of the gallery is ‘May I join with the stars that call out to me in the night boat,’” Cole said.

Cole explained that the manuscripts have been in the Getty’s collection since 1983, when they were donated by a bookseller in New York, who got them from the private collection of a British rare manuscript collector.

Egyptian mummy wrapping of Petosiris, Son of Tetosiris, from around 332–100 BCE.

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A years-long project is underway to translate the spells and rituals immortalized in the Getty's “Book of the Dead” scrolls and fragments, with a “large publication” in the works, Cole said.

The exhibition will feature four papyri belonging to women named Webennesre, Ankhesenaset, and Aset. Cole said “Book of the Dead” materials belonging to women are rare, because most were reserved for men.

Twelve of the manuscripts in the exhibition are written on fragments of linen that were used to wrap the mummified remains of the people they belonged to. Cole said she hopes visitors will understand that the material was very intimately associated with peoples’ burials.

Cole said her goal is to foreground the identities of the people who owned the scrolls, including two women who were ritual singers for the god Amun in the ancient city of Thebes.

“We see in these manuscripts the ancient Egyptians really grappling with this question and thinking about what might happen when we die... And I think that’s something we can all connect with and understand,” she said.

Cole recommends visiting the Getty’s website for a calendar of curator tours and special events related to the exhibition, including an upcoming talk by an Egyptologist.

The “The Egyptian Book of the Dead” at the Getty Villa runs from March 4 to Nov. 30.

The Supreme Court hears arguments Monday in an important gun case that has united an array of strange bedfellows, from conservative gun rights groups to liberal civil liberties groups. At issue is a federal law making it a crime for drug users to possess a firearm. It's the same law that was used to prosecute then-President Joe Biden's son for illegal gun possession — only this case involves marijuana use and gun ownership.

The briefs in the case present diametrically different versions of the facts. On one side, the Trump administration portrays Ali Danial Hemani as a drug dealer and someone with terrorist ties and a marijuana habit. Importantly, he is not being prosecuted for any of those offenses, however. Rather, the government has charged Hemani with violating a federal gun law that bars people with drug addiction from possession of firearms, a crime punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals threw out the indictment, declaring that the federal law violates Hemani's Second Amendment right to own a gun.

The Justice Department appealed to the Supreme Court, arguing that because Hemani admitted to FBI agents that he used marijuana several times a week, he is a "persistent" drug user, thus rendering illegal the possession of the gun he bought legally and keeps securely in his home.

Hemani's lawyer, law professor Naz Ahmad of the City University of New York, paints a very different picture of her client. Hemani, she notes, was born and raised in Texas, "attended high school there, played on the high school football team, attended the University of Texas at Arlington, was an honor student there" and is "a really valued member of his local religious community."

"The Second Amendment doesn't support disarming and prosecuting somebody for mere possession of a firearm if they happen to have used marijuana occasionally," she says.

"That's a mismatch," she adds, especially at a time when 40 states, to one degree or another, have legalized marijuana use.
 
If the court rules against Hemani, she says, "the statute could apply to anybody. It could apply to somebody who uses like a marijuana sleep gummy."

The Trump administration's advocate, Solicitor General D. John Sauer, acknowledges that under the Supreme Court's landmark gun decision four years ago, the government has a heavy burden to show that modern-day gun laws are analogous to laws in place at the nation's founding. But he contends that the statute used to prosecute Hemani is both justified and analogous to founding-era laws and practices.

Specifically, in his Supreme Court brief, Sauer points to the harsh punishments imposed during the founding era on "habitual drunkards." And he contends that both Congress and the states have restricted firearm possession by illegal drug users "for as long as that social evil has plagued America."

That said, for the most part, the case seems to have united groups from left to right, from civil liberties groups to gun rights advocates.

"It's outrageous that they tried to get him on a marijuana gun charge," says Aidan Johnston, director of federal affairs for Gun Owners of America. He contends that the government is seeking to criminalize conduct that was widely tolerated at the founding.

"It was the universal custom of founding-era militias to imbibe," he notes, adding that Thomas Jefferson and other famous Americans "possessed firearms while being users of drugs ranging from opium to cocaine."

At the opposite end of the ideological spectrum are a variety of gun-safety groups that fear that if Hemani wins his case, it could gouge a hole in the existing system of national background checks.

Under the current system, dealers are required to first clear the sale by submitting the buyer's name to the FBI's National Instant Criminal Background Check System. The hitch is that there is a very small window in which to complete the check — just three days. And gun-safety groups say that anything that makes the rules more complicated and unclear could really screw up the system.

"We're saying" to the court, "whatever you do, it's essential that you keep the rules clear so that in that short window, federal agencies can give a quick answer to the dealers," says Douglas Letter of the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence. 

An adverse ruling, he says, would mess up the criminal background check process. That, in turn, would result in "so many, particularly women and children, who will die if that kind of a system is not in place."

A decision in the case is expected by summer.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Longtime administrator Andres Chait addressed the public as acting superintendent of Los Angeles Unified School District for the first time Monday.

“ We remain committed to academic excellence and student wellbeing,” he said ahead of a closed board meeting to discuss his employment and ongoing labor negotiations with district unions. “Our core values remain unchanged. I know transitions can create uncertainty, but our district is strong.”

After meeting for about four hours, the Board recessed the closed-door convening until March 10 at 9 a.m., the same day as the next regularly scheduled meeting.

Chait has worked for the district for nearly three decades, most recently as chief of school operations. His responsibilities included overseeing school safety, athletics and the district’s office of emergency management.

The LAUSD board voted unanimously Friday to place Superintendent Alberto Carvalho on paid administrative leave “pending investigation,” and appointed Chait in his stead. FBI agents searched Carvalho’s home in San Pedro and district office Wednesday.

A justice department spokesperson said the agency had a court-authorized warrant but declined to provide additional details. The reason for the searches is unknown.

Listen to Chait's full comments