The Brief

In November, Californians will vote for “the second-hardest job in the state behind the governor.”

That’s according to someone who has held the job twice: John Garamendi, who was the state’s first elected insurance commissioner in the 1990s and served again in the early 2000s. Garamendi, now a U.S. congressman, said the commissioner job is “complex, hard, detailed work.”

“There is no other task in any office in the state of California, except the governor, that has such significant power and the necessity to use the power to regulate the industry,” Garamendi said.

Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara is nearing the end of his second four-year term. In the past seven years, California experienced the biggest and most destructive wildfires in its history, which were a factor in insurance companies canceling homeowner policies or refusing to write new ones. With the insurance market out of whack, Lara last year put in place new regulations that include provisions insurers have long sought. Availability in the state is beginning to improve, though the commissioner said recently that he expects the recovery to take a few years.

The next insurance commissioner will have to balance availability with affordability. Premiums are rising. Many survivors of last year’s Los Angeles County fires are struggling to rebuild; they have sued insurance companies; and they have called for Lara to step down because they don’t think he has done enough to hold insurers accountable for delaying or denying their claims. Some insurers are still canceling policies. Many homeowners are continuing to turn to the last-resort FAIR Plan, which has seen a 146% increase in the number of policies since 2022.

“Affordability is only one piece of the very complicated puzzle,” said Amy Bach, executive director of United Policyholders, a nonprofit consumer advocacy group. She said the insurance business is more complicated today partly because of new technology and participants in the market, such as third-party administrators for insurers and non-admitted carriers, which among other things are not subject to rate reviews by the Insurance Department.

If all that doesn’t sound like enough responsibility, California’s insurance commissioner also regulates auto, health, pet, ride-hailing and life insurance, as well as workers’ compensation.

Among the candidates who have thrown their hats into the ring are state Sen. Ben Allen and former state Sen. Steven Bradford, former San Francisco Board of Supervisors member Jane Kim and Patrick Wolff, a financial analyst with experience in the insurance industry.

New rules and fire aftermath 

Lara recently told the state Assembly Insurance Committee that the new regulations he put in place last year are showing signs of working — that insurers are writing policies in California again.

Those regulations include speeding up reviews and approvals of insurers’ requests to raise rates, and allowing them to factor in reinsurance costs and catastrophe models when setting rates in exchange for writing a certain percentage of policies in areas with high wildfire risk. Insurance companies including Mercury, CSAA and USAA have requested higher rates under the new rules and have received them, Lara told the committee.

He credited the rules with the availability improvements the department has seen so far, despite the deadly, multibillion-dollar disasters that were the L.A.-area fires.

“The market stabilized at a moment when it could have collapsed,” he told the committee last month, referring to the fires as the “event that reshaped everything.”

Lara told the committee that he expects his so-called sustainable insurance strategy — and the recovery from the fires — to take three to five years, and that California is already a year into that timeline.

Policyholders have also complained about delays and denials of claims with their insurers, prompting the insurance department to investigate market leader State Farm, as well as the FAIR Plan, over their handling of claims. Lara has backed new legislation and policies to address some of the problems fire survivors have experienced, including lack of smoke-damage standards and underinsurance.

So the next commissioner will have to handle the continuing aftermath of the fires, and either work with or modify the regulations Lara put into place.

‘Brutal’ balancing act

That will require engaging with competing interests: insurance companies, lawmakers, consumers and consumer groups.

Early in his tenure, the San Diego Union-Tribune reported that Lara accepted donations from the insurance industry despite promising not to; he apologized and returned those donations. Since then, he has been accused of continued coziness with the industry and criticized for his overseas travel.

Former insurance commissioner Dave Jones, a Lara critic, said the next insurance commissioner needs to have “integrity” and “a seriousness of purpose.” Both Jones and Garamendi told CalMatters the commissioner must protect consumers while ensuring a viable insurance market, which almost everybody needs – whether they’re current homeowners, renters, business owners or property owners, as well as those who need insurance to buy a property.

Lara has often defended himself by saying he needs to communicate with the insurance industry that he regulates, and has criticized his predecessors as “armchair insurance commissioners.” He was not available for an interview, according to department spokesperson Gabriel Sanchez, who did not want to respond to the commissioner’s critics for this story.

Joel Laucher worked for the insurance department for more than three decades, focusing on insurers’ conduct — including briefly under Lara. He said the incoming commissioner will have to be diplomatic but firm with the industry.

“Even if you’ve had a nice conversation with them, that shouldn’t hold you back from enforcing consumer protection laws, including levying fines or taking them to hearings,” said Laucher, who is now a program specialist at United Policyholders.

Robert Herrell worked at the insurance department for several years. He is now executive director of the Consumer Federation of California, another nonprofit consumer advocacy group.

His group and others have asked Lara to withdraw regulations that make it harder for intervenors — any members of the public who under California law can challenge insurers’ requests to raise premiums — to have an impact on the insurance department’s rate reviews. The commissioner has said the new rules, which the industry supports, are meant to improve efficiency and speed up rate reviews; the consumer groups say the rules are “designed to impede effective consumer participation.”

“It’s exactly the opposite direction of the way you ought to be going,” Herrell said.

Bach, of United Policyholders, signed onto those joint comments submitted in November by consumer groups, unions and others. But she said some of Lara’s critics are a bit too tough on him.

She said the commissioner has to be the “bad guy” on rate increases; hold insurers accountable while encouraging them to keep writing policies in the state; and communicate to consumers that the insurance department can be helpful but doesn’t have the capacity to give them individualized legal aid.

“We’ve never seen a market like this,” Bach said. “The balancing act is so brutal.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Boyle Heights and Arts District residents are joining forces to push for enforcement of an anti-camping zone at the park beneath the 6th Street Bridge, which is expected to open next year.

On Thursday, members of the Boyle Heights Neighborhood Council voted 13-1 to sign on as supporters after Arts District residents spearheaded a petition calling for the city to implement such a zone for the sidewalks and perimeter around the future park. 

With this vote, the Boyle Heights Neighborhood Council is joining the Arts District Little Tokyo Neighborhood Council and the downtown Los Angeles Residents Association in urging Councilmember Ysabel Jurado, Mayor Karen Bass and city staff to move forward with the designation and to coordinate a security plan for the park. 

The move comes after residents on both sides of the Los Angeles River have raised concerns for months about the possibility of homeless encampments forming at the park. Anti-camping zones — established through Los Angeles Municipal Code 41.18 — bar people from sitting, lying, or sleeping in certain public spaces. 

Graffiti is seen at the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity).

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Steve Saldivar

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The LA Local

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Councilmembers must get buy-in from their colleagues before enacting new 41.18 zones. Proponents, however, point out that the LA City Council in 2024 already endorsed a zone for the 6th Street Bridge, which they believe should extend to the park beneath it. Former Councilmember Kevin de León initiated those efforts.

Jurado, in a statement, said her office is confirming the boundaries as they relate to the park. 

Elsewhere in Los Angeles, efforts to establish or enforce anti-camping zone have received pushback.

In August, the city council approved Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez’s efforts to repeal 12 anti-camping zones that were established under the previous councilmember in District 13. Soto-Martínez’s office said enforcement under the city ordinance interferes with efforts to move unhoused residents into housing.

Jurado said she is open to having “a serious and transparent conversation about how 41.18 is being used and what results it is producing.” She said anti-camping zones are “just one piece of a much larger conversation about keeping this park safe and responding to homelessness.”

“This park represents a major public investment into equitable park space while bridging two historic neighborhoods. Ensuring its success from day one requires the honest dialogue and difficult decisions needed to address legitimate safety and access concerns while recognizing that there is no one-size-fits-all solution,” Jurado said.

Known formally as the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity), the park will feature an arts plaza, complete with a performance amphitheater, garden and terrace seating. Other amenities include a café, dog park, fitness equipment and sports courts.

Construction of the park began in 2023, just a year after the grand opening celebration of the bridge, which connects historic Boyle Heights with the Arts District neighborhood and crosses the Los Angeles River. 

Rendering of Leonard Hill Arts Plaza at the Sixth Street PARC.

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Image courtesy of City of Los Angeles, Bureau of Engineering

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Boyle Heights Neighborhood Council board member Shmuel Gonzales, a local historian and community organizer, voted in favor of an anti-camping zone designation because he wants the park “to be something that ultimately benefits the community.” He said residents fought hard to get the park built on the Boyle Heights side. 

Enforcement of an anti-camping zone would mean “that we’re getting the city to take responsibility,” and it would be a way to deter private security and business improvement districts from bringing “negative capitalist forces into our neighborhood.”

Gonzales said there should be proper signage of anti-camping zones. It should be a fair process, he said, “so that people aren’t surprised and the city knows that they’re responsible through their own signage to facilitate the transition of these people into housing.”

Boyle Heights resident Margarita Amador, the neighborhood council’s secretary, said she wants the park to be “protected, safe and usable for the community.” 

Amador was in support of the neighborhood council “joining forces” with the Arts District and downtown because Boyle Heights, she noted, has the biggest recreational section of the park, including the soccer field and water splash area. 

“We don’t want it to be a MacArthur Park,” she said. “If you don’t have a plan in place, it’s going to become a MacArthur Park … It’s not probably the solution, but at least it’s something that can be enforceable.”

Tom Trafelet, who created the petition, told Boyle Heights Neighborhood Council members that he wants equity on both sides of the bridge. 

“I just don’t want it to be just the Arts District getting everything and you guys getting nothing,” said Trafelet, who has lived in the Arts District for more than 20 years. “I hope that we can work together and join forces and create a safe space for families to come and enjoy it because it’s an absolutely beautiful park.”

The 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles was paired with an equally elaborate arts festival: 10 weeks of programming around the region that included more than 400 performances and led to the launch of the Los Angeles Opera.

Fast forward more than 40 years, and lawmakers and experts are questioning whether L.A. can pull off a similar success in the summer of 2028, with less than two years to go.

“We had an opportunity to have a longer runway leading up to the Games…We had a lot of time,” said Zev Yaroslavsky, who was on the City Council when it negotiated the 1984 Olympic Games and closely observes plans for 2028. “And it just didn’t happen.”

Yaroslavsky and others testified Wednesday at a state hearing on the 2028 “Cultural Olympiad,” the arts and culture programming that will accompany the coming Games in Los Angeles.

At that meeting, officials from organizing committee LA28 and the city and county arts and culture departments laid out their plans, which will launch in the summer of 2027. They’ll include neighborhood festivals, a mural program, posters designed by local artists and partnerships with L.A.’s cultural institutions.

The planners presented a vision of arts sprawled across the region, lifting up local artists and bringing performances and installations into L.A.’s public spaces — but they were less clear on how the programming would be funded and who would be included.

The city of L.A. has already set aside $15 million for Olympics arts programming, but further fundraising for the Cultural Olympiad is still ongoing, according to LA28 and the city.

State Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas, who represents neighborhoods including downtown L.A. and Exposition Park, told organizers she was concerned that without clarity on funding opportunities soon, organizers would leave out community groups and artists in neighborhoods that need the investment, like Altadena, South L.A. and East L.A. She also wanted to know how much money LA28 was earmarking for local artists specifically.

“Given the short timeframe and given some of the structure I’m seeing, I’m a little concerned,” she said.

Dwayne Jones, a LA28 vice president working on the Cultural Olympiad, told lawmakers that they were raising “tens of millions” of dollars for the program, but didn’t offer specifics.

What’s in the works 

L.A.’s Olympics arts programming will launch in July of 2027, with a poster series designed by local artists. LA28 will also facilitate a program for L.A. institutions to apply to be an official part of the 2028 Cultural Olympiad, put on a film series, and offer subsidized tickets to cultural institutions and events.

The city of L.A. is planning its own local arts festivals in each council district, and will install new murals around the city tied to the Olympic and Paralympic Games. L.A.’s Department of Cultural Affairs has drafted plans to expand to a seven-week citywide festival if it can secure $25 million in additional funding.

“ We want L.A. to know that the Games are not happening to L.A., but happening for L.A.,” said Daniel Tarica, who leads that department, at Wednesday’s hearing.

Lessons learned from past Olympics

The Olympics may bring a lot of spectators to the region, but it does not typically flood local cultural attractions, such as museums. In fact, during the 2012 Olympics in London and 2024 Olympics in Paris, some museums reported a decline in visitors, according to Tawny Paul, a professor of history at UCLA who studied those recent festivals.

Paul told lawmakers on Wednesday that to counteract these lulls, L.A.’s 2028 arts offerings should cater to locals, and institutions would need to bring their offerings out of their normal locations and into the areas around competitions and fan zones.

She also offered lessons from the 1984 arts festival, which she said was lauded as a success, but faced criticism for focusing on international artists, rather than artistic communities in Los Angeles. Some in L.A. were so upset by the 1984 Cultural Olympiad, Paul said, that they put on their own fringe festivals in response.

Like Smallwood-Cuevas, Paul also warned that it would take greater resources to include smaller community-based art groups in the Cultural Olympiad.

“One of the things that the Cultural Olympiad can do really well is help lend visibility to different arts offerings,” she said. “But what I’ll warn is that visibility without resources would favor institutions and communities that already have capacity.”

California has more solar power than it can use during the day, and while the state is increasingly storing that energy in batteries, there’s a simpler strategy to help too: changing behavior.

“If we can better align our consumption with the sun, we use more clean energy, we reduce pressure on the grid in the evening, and we eventually lower costs for everyone,” said Magali Delmas, a strategy professor at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management and Institute of the Environment.

Solar and wind power are also the state’s cheapest source of electricity (our high electricity costs are mostly driven by utilities distributing that energy and shoring up the grid in the face of worsening wildfires and increased electrification).

Delmas is the research lead on a pilot program launched this month by L.A.-based nonprofit electricity provider Clean Power Alliance. For the next two years, 4,000 customers will get lower cost electricity during the day, then Delmas and her team will analyze the data to see if more people actually used it. (Customers don't pay Clean Power Alliance anything for generating the solar electricity but still have to pay the utility that delivers it.)

“The question is whether free electricity in the middle of the day is enough to change habits,” Delmas said.

The work could inform future rate incentives that also reduce stress on the grid during high demand.

It’s not an entirely new idea — Australia has experimented with periods of free electricity.

Time-of-use rates also aim to incentivize behavior. Delmas said this pilot provides a larger financial incentive given the electricity generation cost is set to $0. The Clean Power Alliance estimates it could save customers hundreds on their electric bills per year.

The pilot also focuses on customers who have already electrified their homes to a certain extent — they can’t have rooftop solar, but maybe they swapped a gas stove for induction, a gas water heater for an electric heat pump, or have an electric pool pump or electric vehicle they charge at home. Though the pilot isn’t adding customers, qualifying customers can sign up any time for the pilot’s rates.

“We're also in the business on the climate side of trying to actually incentivize electrification,” said Ted Bardacke, chief executive of the Clean Power Alliance.

Though it may seem impossible to reschedule when you charge your EV or run the A/C or dishwasher, Bardacke said increased automation can be key to managing the future grid.

“Most dishwashers today have a delay setting, so why not hit that delay setting to run beginning at 8 o'clock in the morning?” Bardacke said. “Let's say you have an air conditioner with a programmable thermostat. Why not run the air conditioning from 2 to 4 [in the afternoon] when the electricity is not costing you [as much] and have it nice and cool when you get home?”

Childcare costs continue to rise, and recent surveys have shown that families with children struggle with affordability. In California, the average annual cost of childcare for an infant at a childcare center was more than $23,000 in 2025.

And voters are paying attention. A recent poll found that nationwide, 3 in 4 voters saw the cost of childcare for families with young children as a “crisis” or “major problem,” and more than 8 in 10 voters saw it as part of the affordability crisis. It’s one reason childcare has become a hot political topic in places across the country, from New York City to New Mexico, policymakers have recently unveiled universal childcare initiatives.

At the same time, the Trump administration has said childcare should be left up to states. “We're a big country. We have 50 states. We have all these other people. We're fighting wars. We can't take care of daycare,” President Donald Trump said earlier this year.

So what can elected officials in California — from the Los Angeles mayor to the governor — do to help? We asked local and statewide candidates what “affordable childcare” means and how to make it happen.

Here’s where they stand.

Governor

What can the governor do?

The governor’s office has major authority over how — and which — services get funded in the state. Each year, the governor proposes a budget, outlining the office’s priorities. The budget is then turned over to the state Legislature, which can make its own changes and negotiate with the governor before approving it.

“The governor is the chief administrator of all the major agencies,” said Stacy Lee, senior managing director for early childhood with Children Now. "So the governor can use their administrative and executive authority to align priorities. We saw this in New Mexico."

During his term, Gov. Gavin Newsom made early childhood education and care a key part of his agenda. One landmark initiative was the implementation of a brand new grade for 4-year-olds in the public school system. But implementation hasn't been without hurdles — and privately run preschools have been closing in the state at the same time.

What do the candidates say?

Neither candidate for this office responded to LAist’s survey.

Democrat Xavier Becerra’s campaign website promises he would “[expand] help with childcare and essential costs,” but did not specify how.

Republican Steve Hilton’s website outlines actions he would take, including creating a home visiting program to support families and expanding paid family leave from eight to 12 weeks.

Read more about the California Governor race.

State Assembly and Senate

What can state legislators do?

Members of the California state Assembly and state Senate hold the power to introduce bills to help address the childcare system in the state. “They could be part of policy bills that streamline, reduce bureaucracy, eliminate barriers for children, families, providers and others in the system,” Lee said.

They also ultimately approve the governor’s budget and can advocate for funding through the process. This past year, for example, lawmakers opposed the governor’s proposal to cut funding for subsidized childcare slots for low-income families and eventually approved funding for more spaces.

Lawmakers have also taken on some novel ideas to address childcare costs: in Riverside County, a state Assemblymember secured funding to try to create a "special district" for childcare — the first of its kind in the state.

• Read more about the State Senate races.
• Read more about the State Assembly races.

LA Mayor

What can the mayor do?

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani made headlines over the last year in promising universal childcare for all in the city — and other cities have taken on their own efforts to try to make childcare more accessible.

L.A.’s mayor doesn’t have some of the same powers that mayors in other cities, like New York, have. For example, the mayor doesn’t have authority over the Los Angeles Unified School District — a significant provider of preschool options and the largest city where the mayor doesn’t have direct power over the school system. But the mayor proposes the city’s $14 billion budget, can issue executive orders and oversees the city’s departments, like the Department of Recreation and Parks, which ran free childcare centers with federal COVID relief funding before it ran out of money.

Cities have also found revenue streams to fund childcare initiatives in their jurisdictions. Washington, D.C., for example, has used a tax on residents earning more than $250,000 a year to boost the pay of childcare providers — similar to San Francisco, which uses a commercial property tax.

There are things mayors can do for their employees as well. For example, New York City opened up a free childcare center for city employees.

• Read more about the L.A. Mayor race.

LA City Council

What can Councilmembers do?

The L.A. City Council approves the city’s budget, proposed by the mayor, and can advocate for how those funds are allocated. City Councilmembers also create and adopt local laws, or “ordinances,” that regulate life and business in the city.

“If you think at a city level … people think of potholes and roads and things, right? There's a lot of basic infrastructure things that they're responsible for, and that includes rules and laws around building codes, licensing,” Lee said.

That could also mean addressing issues around permitting and zoning for childcare facilities, and identifying city buildings that could be put to use for childcare. The City Council was also the body that approved using federal COVID relief money to open 10 licensed preschools at Recreation and Parks facilities.

• Read more about the L.A. City Council races: District 3 | District 9

OC Board of Supervisors

What can the Supervisors do?

The Orange County Board of Supervisors decides how the budget is split up each year toward county departments and services.

Counties, like cities, can also find ways to create revenue streams to provide services. San Francisco is both a city and county, and it used a commercial property tax to fund childcare. “Just like people raise funds for their local library, you could do that for childcare,” Lee said. Similar to other offices, supervisors can also advocate for childcare at the state and federal level.

The board also appoints the members to the Orange County Child Care and Development Planning Council. Every county in California has such a council, which serves as a body to discuss and plan childcare needs in the county.

Supervisors can also issue discretionary funds. Earlier this year, the county awarded $75,000 to First 5 Orange County for a “childcare business incubator” program.

What do the candidates say?

• Read more about the OC Board of Supervisors race.