The Brief

Republican Leticia Castillo stunned political observers when she won her Riverside County Assembly seat in the state Legislature two years ago.

The Democratic candidate, Clarissa Cervantes, the sister of the outgoing assemblymember, was favored and had spent more than 10 times as much as her.

This year, Castillo thinks she can do it again.

“I’m accessible to my constituents and they like that,” Castillo said at an evening reception outside a San Diego resort. Republican strategists, legislators and advocates are meeting for the party’s annual convention in downtown San Diego, one month before mail ballots for the June primary appear in mailboxes.

California Republicans are optimistic Castillo and a handful of other GOP legislators can hold onto their seats — but only if they keep President Donald Trump at a distance. It’s emblematic of a tension between leaders who are focused on strategic campaigning and party conservatives’ unabashed embrace of Trump. GOP candidates have been careful not to align themselves too closely with the president, whose affiliation can activate California Democrats to vote against anything from a candidate to a ballot measure.

Inflation and America’s entry into another war have cratered the president’s popularity among voters nationally. And the California party is listening. Officials over the weekend repeatedly downplayed him and his influence in state politics. But between bedazzled sweaters featuring his name and cardboard cut-outs of him, delegates’ support for the president was on full display.

Trump remains deeply unpopular in California. But his support among hard-line conservatives activists has rarely, if ever, wavered since in the last decade. That remains true among California Republican activists, whose devotion has not waned despite Trump’s controversial decision to enter a war with Iran that has caused record-high gas prices.

“I love what he’s doing. I love all the s— he’s saying,” Los Angeles delegate Mary Boston said about Trump and the war in Iran. “The whole establishment — all the Democrats, all the judges — they just hate him because he’s trying to make a difference for you and me.”

Donald who?

However, GOP officials sought to minimize his role.

“I think people here are tired of California. They know that the federal government is doing nothing to harm or help California,” Riverside County sheriff and Republican candidate for governor Chad Bianco said in an interview. Trump last week endorsed his Republican rival Steve Hilton, a former Fox News host, instead of Bianco. “For the last week, people haven’t cared what President Trump is doing,” he said of Trump’s endorsement.

Bianco and Hilton have been reticent to mention Trump. In a state where Democratic voters vastly outnumber Republicans, it’s an imperative.

State party Chair Corrin Rankin said she was surprised to see Trump “weigh in on anything in California,” and refused to comment directly about voters’ discontent with his policies.

Some party leaders are hoping Trump’s toxicity will just blow over come the June 2 primary.

“Just as quickly as the gas prices went up, I think that we’ve all seen in California how quickly gas prices can also come down,” state party Vice Chair John Park said. “Many of the problems that are on the front burner, the ones that people will instinctively tie to President Trump, will subside by then.”

At the convention, the divide between the party establishment and its rank in file was on display. Trump merchandise could be seen all across the convention — at vendor booths, on the walls and on people’s clothes. At some sessions, Trump’s footprint was large. A “Make California Great Again” session was spearheaded by Jo Reitkopp, from Orange County, who founded a group of the same name shortly after Trump was inaugurated in 2016.

Reitkopp and other party activists were advocating for a voter ID ballot initiative that would require voters to show proof of citizenship to vote. The ballot measure is modeled after a voting restriction bill Trump is pushing in Congress.

Running for the Legislature? Stay mum on Trump

Even before voters passed Proposition 50, the ballot measure targeting House Republicans, the California Republican Party was weak and had little relevance. Democrats continue to hold a commanding supermajority in Sacramento, where Republicans are fewer than a third of state lawmakers. No Republican has been elected to a statewide office since 2006.

Things briefly looked different in 2024 after voters shifted to the right in nearly every county as part of the backlash to President Joe Biden. Predominantly Latino and working-class voters in Imperial County backed Trump, the first time they had backed a Republican presidential candidate in decades. Republicans also flipped three seats in the Legislature, a first in 10 years.

Those trends quickly evaporated. Voters in Imperial County and across the state overwhelmingly approved Prop. 50, complicating the narrative that Democrats were losing Latinos in California.

Imperial County GOP Chair Sayrs Morris said candidates’ approach will be to keep mum on Trump because of voters’ frustration with the economy.

“We’re not going out there saying our candidates are MAGA candidates. We’re keeping it focused on them,” said Morris, a Trump supporter. “Right now things are tough. The economy’s not super great. And we’re at war.”

Coachella Republican Assemblymember Jeff Gonzalez will be a test case. He flipped his district two years ago, despite a registration advantage that favors Democrats by 12 percentage points. Among Gonzalez’s challengers are Indio city Councilmember Oscar Ortiz and former El Centro Mayor Tomás Oliva. So far, he’s outraised all of them with $630,000 in his campaign account at the end of last year.

Gonzalez’s campaign spokespeople did not return calls and emails seeking comment.

Republicans are also targeting Castillo’s Riverside Assembly seat and Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones’ San Diego district, where the GOP holds only a slight advantage as voters in north and eastern parts of San Diego County trend leftward. He terms out at the end of this year.

“It’s the one we’re all watching,” GOP activist Justin Schlaefil said.

The debate over who should succeed Jones, a moderate Republican, has been a tension point among Republicans in San Diego.

Jones and U.S. Rep. Darrell Issa have backed San Marcos City Councilmember Ed Musgrove. Meanwhile, Reform California, a multimillion-dollar political organization led by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, is supporting Kristie Bruce-Lane, a two-time unsuccessful Assembly candidate who is further to the right than Musgrove.

Moderate Republicans fear Lane is too conservative for what will be the most competitive district this year.

Neither candidate gained enough support for an endorsement at a February San Diego County GOP meeting after hours of heated debate.

“We’re spending a lot of money against each other just because of that,” said Schlaefil, a friend of Jones. “It is winnable, but it is very tight.”

Back in Riverside, Castillo has a much larger war chest than two years ago when she narrowly clinched her seat by a few hundred votes against Democratic City Councilmember Clarrissa Cervantes.

Cervantes was initially considered a shoo-in. But she was bogged down by two DUI convictions. Cervantes attributed her loss to poor Democratic turnout. This time, she hopes things will be different.

Castillo is keeping her focus on public safety and parental rights.

“I get people just want to continue to say, ‘Trump, Trump, Trump,” she said. “At the end of the day, we’re in California, and Trump doesn’t rule here.”

A new analysis of alerts sent during the Eaton Fire found “no failure” by emergency officials to issue timely evacuation orders to areas west of Lake Avenue in Altadena.

The timing of alerts to neighborhoods west of Lake, where all but one of 19 deaths in that fire occurred, has been under scrutiny since the January 2025 fire.

The independent report by Citygate Associates was commissioned by the L.A. County Fire Department at the start of this year and was released Monday.

Its conclusions are similar to those of after-action reports from other firms — that officials did the best they could amid unprecedented fire conditions and strained resources.

“While the report provides an honest account of our operations, we recognize that no investigation can truly capture the horror and tragedy residents endured,” said L.A. County Fire Chief Anthony Marrone in a prepared statement. “My focus is to ensure that the lessons learned from the Eaton and Palisades fires are turned into lasting changes that will better protect our residents and neighborhoods into the future.”

Altadena resident Zaire Calvin — whose sister died in the fire and whose own home burned down — said the report feels like another “slap in the face.” He said he wanted to see details on any mistakes that may have been made. But reading the report, he felt blame was once again largely placed on unprecedented fire conditions.

“A  community that's already down, a community that's fighting for their lives, a community that's fighting all of the people trying to take property from them — at some point you just want accountability,” Calvin said.

L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena, said in a prepared statement that the “investigation should not be interpreted as dismissing the experiences of residents. Public trust requires both accountability and a willingness to learn from every aspect of a disaster response.”

Citygate Associates, which produced an after-action report on the 2018 Woolsey Fire, used interviews, operational records, dispatch records and internal communications to analyze decisionmaking between 9 p.m. on Jan. 7, 2025, and 6 a.m. the following day.

Some of the main findings include the following:

• With aircraft grounded by  high winds, “Incident Command was forced to fight a fire while blind to its movements.” 
• Evacuation decisions were not based on “race, age or socioeconomics.” 
• “Evacuation planners who created the evacuation zone areas well before the fire tried to use, where possible, major north/south and east/west streets. … Thus, Lake Avenue was a natural, very long street that could be utilized as an anchor for creating evacuation zones.” 
• Other fire timeline reviews cite reports of fire moving westward between 11 p.m. and just before midnight, but Citygate staffers write that strained resources were focused on the eastern front of the fire at that time, which was the direction the fire was initially spreading, and that “fire progression maps … do not show the the Eaton Fire directly impacting western neighborhoods at that time.” 
• The fire initially spread westward more slowly, and did not escalate significantly until early in the morning on Jan. 8.
• Reports of fires before 1 a.m. west of Lake Avenue were likely a result of downed power lines.
• By 2 a.m., radio reports indicated embers were being cast deeper into Altadena. 
• Discussions to expand evacuation orders west started at 2:18 a.m., with evacuation orders being sent to residents west of Lake by 3:25 a.m. 
• The main fire front crossed west of Lake Avenue by about 5:15 a.m. 

Find the full report here. 

Huntington Beach must pay $50,000 for each month it continues to fail to comply with the state’s mandate to zone for more housing, according to a recent court ruling. For several years now, the city has been waging a court battle against the state's order to make way for 40,000 new homes.

The judge ruled that the city should be penalized $10,000 per month going back to January 2025, and then fined $50,000 per month, starting next month, until the city gets a compliant housing element approved.

The backstory

State law requires California cities and counties to plan for enough housing to meet the expected demand over an eight-year time period, including for low-income housing. Huntington Beach, citing its independence as a charter city, has fought its most recent housing allocation all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, which declined to review the case last year.

Does the state require cities to actually build that many homes?

No. Cities are not required to actually build housing, but rather to make sure their zoning and land use codes accommodate the amount of housing assigned to them through what’s known as the Regional Housing Needs Assessment (RHNA).

What does the city say?

In a statement, Casey McKeon, the city’s mayor, said the city “strongly opposes these penalties and will continue fighting for the rights of our residents and for the principle of local control against ongoing efforts by the Attorney General to centralize land use authority in Sacramento.”

Is Huntington Beach an outlier?

Yes. Huntington Beach is an outlier in its aggressive fight against the state housing mandates. More than 90% of California’s 539 jurisdictions are in compliance with the state requirement to plan for the amount of housing assigned to them through the latest RHNA cycle.

What’s next?

The city recently posted draft revisions to its housing plan — for the first time since 2021. That’s significant because the city’s efforts to come into state compliance have been paused for years.

One complication with compliance: Huntington Beach residents voted to require any major changes to the city’s zoning, including its state-mandated housing plan, to be put up for a public vote. That could mean more delays in coming into state compliance, and consequently, more fines, at a time when the city is facing a budget crunch.

During a press conference following a shooting at the San Diego Islamic Center, San Diego Police Department Chief Scott Wahl confirmed three adult victims at the center and the two suspects are dead.

Police said the suspects were found dead in the vehicle nearby. They were 17 and 19 years old. The motivation behind the shooting is unknown at this time.

Wahl said in 28 years, this is the most dynamic and impressive response he's seen in policing with help coming from agencies all over the county.

Imam of the Islamic Center of San Diego Taha Hassane said the center stands in solidarity "with all of the families in our community here and all the mosques and places of worship" in San Diego.

"This is something that we never expected, and I would also like to thank all the people who contacted us from all over the country and overseas to offer their condolences."

San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria was also present at the news conference.

"We will do anything it takes to make sure you feel safe in this city," Gloria said.

In a statement, the Council on American-Islamic Relations-San Diego Executive Director Tazheen Nizam said:

“We strongly condemn this horrifying act of violence at the Islamic Center of San Diego. Our thoughts are with everyone impacted by this attack. No one should ever fear for their safety while attending prayers or studying at an elementary school. We are working to learn more about this incident and we encourage everyone to keep this community in your prayers."

The active shooter situation was reported at 11:43 a.m. at ICSD in the 7000 block of Eckstrom Avenue in Clairemont, according to SDPD.

The department is asking people to avoid the area.

A reunification location for those impacted by the incident has been established at 4125 Hathaway Street.

According to our news partner ABC 10News, authorities shut down northbound and southbound Interstate 805 at Balboa Avenue due to the law enforcement activity.

The San Diego Unified School District confirmed several campuses were placed on lock down. SDUSD spokesperson James Canning said lockdowns are gradually being lifted but schools closest to the Islamic Center will be the last to have their lockdowns lifted.

The Islamic Center is the largest mosque in San Diego County. The center holds five daily prayers.

In California’s upcoming June primary election, you’ll have the opportunity to cast your ballot for any of the candidates for governor, regardless of which party you’re registered with. The top two vote-getters advance to the general election.

Known as a “jungle primary,” this system is different from how most states handle their primary elections.

This year, Democrats raised the alarm that two Republican gubernatorial candidates may move to the general election, locking out Democrats despite outnumbering Republican registered voters almost two to one. That’s because the crowded field of Democratic candidates threatens to split the party’s vote. Until recently, multiple polls have shown the two Republicans, former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, polling at the top of the race.

Driven in part by these concerns, critics of the top-two primary have now filed a ballot initiative that would repeal this system and return California to party-based primaries, potentially as early as 2030.

But how does this top-two arrangement work? Why does California do things this way? And what are the chances of voters choosing between two GOP candidates for governor in November?

How does California’s top-two primary system work?

In a traditional closed primary, such as in presidential races, voters can only choose among candidates from their own party: That is, say, registered Democrats could only vote for Democratic candidates.

But in a top-two primary, all candidates from all parties appear on a single ballot open to any registered voter. The two candidates with the most votes in that primary then move on to the general election, even if they’re from the same party.

Kim Alexander, president and founder of the California Voter Foundation, said this is an even bigger concern for third parties in the state.

“One of the unfortunate byproducts” of California’s jungle primary system, Alexander said, is how “it’s really shut out a lot of minor parties from the general election and they run the risk of being kicked off the ballot altogether.”

“Because if you don’t have candidates appearing on ballots at a certain pace, then you can’t remain an official party,” she said.

Does this really mean Californians might not get a Republican vs. Democrat race for governor in November?

That’s correct: Under the top-two primary system, the November contest could be an intraparty fight.

That scenario has worried many California Democrats. With seven top Democrats crowding the field, there’s a risk of fracturing their party’s vote. Meanwhile, if enough Republican voters back both Hilton and Bianco to push them both into the top two, California could be locked into an all-Republican general election for governor.

Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, fist-bump prior to a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, on April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. (Jason Henry/Nexstar via Bloomberg)In March, state Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks urged politicians in his party to take a hard look at the viability of their campaigns and drop out before the filing deadline.

“California’s leadership on the world stage is significantly harder if a Democrat is not elected as our next Governor,” Hicks wrote in an open letter.

None of the contenders heeded his plea.

However, the likelihood of Republicans shutting Democrats out of the November election has decreased since President Donald Trump endorsed Hilton in April. A clear front-runner could unify Republican voters behind Hilton and open the door for a Democrat to claim the second spot in the runoff.

Plus, the most recent Emerson poll now shows former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra in the lead with 19% of likely voters for the first time in the race. Hilton and Democrat Tom Steyer are tied for second with 17%.

Becerra’s surge came after former East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell — who was regarded as a front-runner for the gubernatorial primary — exited the race last month amid sexual assault and misconduct allegations.

Why does California have this top-two system?

Historically, California required a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to pass the state budget instead of a simple majority vote.

In 2009, Democrats needed to court Republican votes to pass the state budget. Then-state Sen. Abel Maldonado, a Republican, agreed to vote yes — but only if the Legislature put a measure on the ballot to create the top-two primary system.

Voters approved that measure, Proposition 14, in 2010, amending the state constitution.

Then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger backed the measure as a way to transform state politics, forcing candidates to appeal to voters across party lines and ultimately boost more moderate politicians.

“He liked to talk about living in a post-partisan political climate,” Alexander said. “He liked the idea of candidates having to appeal to more voters than just voters of their own party, and to face competition.”

The system was also designed to give more influence to California’s no party preference voters, who make up 23% of registered voters in the state, just behind Republicans at 25%.

Which political offices in California are decided using this system?

The top-two primary applies to “voter-nominated” offices: governor and other statewide positions like lieutenant governor, attorney general, secretary of state, state treasurer, state controller, insurance commissioner and state board of equalization members.

It also covers state Senate and Assembly seats and U.S. congressional offices.

The jungle primary system does not apply to presidential elections, local and nonpartisan offices such as city council, school boards, judges, district attorneys or the superintendent of public instruction.

Which other states use this system?

Washington state was the first to adopt a top-two primary for congressional and state-level elections in 2004, but not for governor.

Unlike California, Washington allows write-in candidates in the general election — a safety valve for scenarios where one party is locked out.

A handful of other states use variations of the system. Nebraska’s legislature is nonpartisan, so it uses a top-two primary for state legislative races.

Louisiana uses a majority-vote system for statewide executive offices, state legislative seats and local offices. If a candidate receives a majority of the vote in the primary, they win outright. If not, there is a second round of voting with the top two vote-getters in November.

Alaska adopted a top-four primary in 2020 for state executive, state legislative and congressional races. An effort to repeal the state’s top-four primaries was narrowly defeated by voters in 2024 but will be on the ballot again this year.

If I’m a ‘no party preference’ voter, can I even vote in the California primary?

Yes: Any registered voter, including those with no party preference, can vote for any candidate in voter-nominated races like the governor’s contest.

The top-two primary system draws no distinction based on a voter’s party registration.

Are there any efforts to get rid of California’s jungle primary?

Driven in part by concerns that Democrats could be locked out of this year’s governor’s race, a new ballot initiative seeks to repeal California’s top-two primary system.

Democratic strategist Steven Maviglio filed the initiative, called “Undo the Top Two,” with the attorney general on May 8.
He called the jungle primary a “failed experiment.”

“The prospect of having to vote for a candidate who’s not from your party in November has really woken up a lot of voters in the state about the dangers of the top-two primary,” Maviglio said. “The chance that a Democrat would have to choose between Chad Bianco or Steve Hilton is sending a chill up the spine of a lot of Democrats.”

However, even if successful, Maviglio’s initiative won’t impact the 2026 election — since he hopes to place the measure on the 2028 ballot, with any changes taking effect no earlier than the 2030 elections.