Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents apprehend an undocumented immigrant on Sept. 8, 2022 in Los Angeles.
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Irfan Khan
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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
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Topline:
Under a new state bill from two Bay Area lawmakers, Immigrations and Customs Enforcement officers and others would have to identify themselves while working in California.
About the bill: The legislation introduced by state Sens. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D–Berkeley) would prevent police at all levels from covering their faces with masks or balaclavas while working — and would require them to be identifiable via uniform.
The backstory: Senate Bill 627, dubbed the No Secret Police Act, comes as tensions have escalated between the state and the Trump administration, which has vowed to carry out the largest deportation campaign in U.S. history. No specific federal law requires law enforcement to wear uniforms or show their faces during arrests. Meanwhile, images of masked ICE agents forcing people into unmarked police vans have proliferated on social media, catalyzing debate over whether such arrest tactics are a form of intimidation.
But under a new state bill from two Bay Area lawmakers, Immigrations and Customs Enforcement officers and others would have to identify themselves while working in California. The legislation introduced Monday by state Sens. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D–Berkeley) would prevent police at all levels from covering their faces with masks or balaclavas while working — and would require them to be identifiable via uniform.
“We are seeing more and more law enforcement officers, particularly at the federal level, be in our community covering their faces entirely, not identifying themselves at all,” Wiener said at a press conference at San Francisco City Hall. “You can’t tell — are these law enforcement officers or a vigilante militia?”
Senate Bill 627, dubbed the No Secret Police Act, comes as tensions have escalated between the state and the Trump administration, which has vowed to carry out the largest deportation campaign in U.S. history.
No specific federal law requires law enforcement to wear uniforms or show their faces during arrests. Meanwhile, images of masked ICE agents forcing people into unmarked police vans have proliferated on social media, catalyzing debate over whether such arrest tactics are a form of intimidation.
Sen. Jesse Arreguín speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations.
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Beth LaBerge
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KQED
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Arreguín and Wiener say the masks allow officers to evade accountability for their actions, adding that more transparency is needed around who is conducting these immigration operations.
“People covering their faces, impersonating police officers — it erodes trust in law enforcement and it undermines community safety,” Arreguín said.
ICE declined to comment on the bill, saying that the agency does not comment on pending legislation. But in an emailed statement, an ICE spokesperson maintained that masks and other anonymizing practices are essential to prevent “doxxing,” or the collection of someone’s information online to shame or harass them, following high-profile ICE raids in Los Angeles and the mass protests that followed.
“U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement fully respects the Constitutional rights of all people to express their opinions peacefully,” the statement said. “That being said, ICE remains committed to performing its immigration enforcement mission professionally in a manner consistent with federal law and agency policy.”
Recently, a North Texas man was charged in federal court for threatening to shoot and kill ICE agents on April 7, the spokesperson added.
Critics have been quick to point out what they say is hypocrisy surrounding ICE officers’ tendency to wear masks.
On June 8, President Trump posted on his social media platform Truth Social that protesters should not be allowed to wear masks, asking, “What do these people have to hide, and why?”
His administration has also criticized student protesters for wearing masks while protesting the war in Gaza.
Masked immigration officers can create a lot of “confusion,” the state lawmakers behind the new bill said.
“It is critically important that people know who they’re interacting with and that they’re interacting with actual law enforcement officers,” Wiener said.
Meanwhile, a federal bill introduced in Congress this month by Rep. Mike Thompson (D–St. Helena) would prohibit immigration officers from wearing clothing that bears the word “police.”
According to the National Immigrant Justice Center, immigration enforcement will often introduce themselves as police officers even though they are not legally considered to be so. That can confuse immigrant communities and sour the relationship with local police, Thompson argued.
News of the California bill also followed what authorities have labeled a political assassination in Minnesota by a man posing as a police officer.
Vance Boelter, 57, is accused of targeting two politicians, fatally shooting Democratic Rep. Melissa Holtman and her husband, Mark. Boelter currently faces federal murder charges for the attacks.
Some critics have raised concerns that immigration officers operating in masks and unmarked vehicles could sow distrust and make it easier for bad actors to pose as law enforcement.
Ex-FIFA president joins others calling for boycott
By The Associated Press | NPR
Published January 27, 2026 4:00 PM
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Michael Probst
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AP
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Topline:
Former FIFA president Sepp Blatter on Monday backed a proposed fan boycott of World Cup matches in the United States because of the conduct of President Donald Trump and his administration at home and abroad.
The backstory: The international soccer community's concerns about the United States stem from Trump's expansionist posture on Greenland, and travel bans and aggressive tactics in dealing with migrants and immigration enforcement protesters in American cities, particularly Minneapolis. Blatter was the latest international soccer figure to call into question the suitability of the United States as a host country.
Travel ban impacts: Travel plans for fans from two of the top soccer countries in Africa were thrown into disarray in December, when the Trump administration announced an expanded ban that would effectively bar people from Senegal and Ivory Coast following their teams unless they already have visas. Trump cited "screening and vetting deficiencies" as the main reason for the suspensions. Fans from Iran and Haiti, two other countries that have qualified for the World Cup, will be barred from entering the United States as well; they were included in the first iteration of the travel ban announced by the Trump administration.
Former FIFA president Sepp Blatter on Monday backed a proposed fan boycott of World Cup matches in the United States because of the conduct of President Donald Trump and his administration at home and abroad.
Blatter was the latest international soccer figure to call into question the suitability of the United States as a host country. He called for the boycott in a post on X that supported Mark Pieth's comments in an interview last week with the Swiss newspaper Der Bund.
Pieth, a Swiss attorney specializing in white-collar crime and an anti-corruption expert, chaired the Independent Governance Committee's oversight of FIFA reform a decade ago. Blatter was president of the world's governing body for soccer from 1998-2015; he resigned amid an investigation into corruption.
In his interview with Der Bund, Pieth said, "If we consider everything we've discussed, there's only one piece of advice for fans: Stay away from the USA! You'll see it better on TV anyway. And upon arrival, fans should expect that if they don't please the officials, they'll be put straight on the next flight home. If they're lucky."
In his X post, Blatter quoted Pieth and added, "I think Mark Pieth is right to question this World Cup."
The United States is co-hosting the World Cup with Canada and Mexico from June 11-July 19.
The international soccer community's concerns about the United States stem from Trump's expansionist posture on Greenland, and travel bans and aggressive tactics in dealing with migrants and immigration enforcement protesters in American cities, particularly Minneapolis.
Oke Göttlich, one of the vice presidents of the German soccer federation, told the Hamburger Morgenpost newspaper in an interview on Friday that the time had come to seriously consider boycotting the World Cup.
Travel plans for fans from two of the top soccer countries in Africa were thrown into disarray in December, when the Trump administration announced an expanded ban that would effectively bar people from Senegal and Ivory Coast following their teams unless they already have visas. Trump cited "screening and vetting deficiencies" as the main reason for the suspensions.
Fans from Iran and Haiti, two other countries that have qualified for the World Cup, will be barred from entering the United States as well; they were included in the first iteration of the travel ban announced by the Trump administration.
Copyright 2026 NPR
Cato Hernández
scours through tons of archives to understand how our region became the way it is today.
Published January 27, 2026 3:44 PM
The Central Library in downtown Los Angeles.
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Courtesy Los Angeles Public Library
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Topline:
Downtown L.A.’s central library on Fifth Street first opened its doors in 1926, making it 100 this year. But it took decades before the book collection moved into its forever home. We dig into its founding history.
The early library system: While the city of L.A.’s library system dates back to 1872, we didn’t get the Central Library until over 50 years later. Until then, the city’s main book collection moved around, couch-surfing in different locations, including a department store.
A need for space: As the collection and the city’s population grew rapidly, it became clear the collection needed a permanent home so the city could really address resident’s learning needs.
Central Library arrives: Multiple groups tried to create a central library over the decades, but money was often the key issue. In 1921, this was finally solved when voters passed a measure to fund $2 million for a new building. The Central Library building would go on to become one of the most renowned in the library world.
Read on … to learn more about what makes this library landmark stand out.
The Central Library in downtown Los Angeles hits a big milestone this year: It’s turning 100 years old.
The century-old landmark has been through a lot of changes since opening, but how we got this iconic library in the first place is a saga in its own right.
A scrappy start
To understand what it took to get here, we’ll go back to 1872. Back then, the city of L.A. only had about 6,000 residents. Dirt roads were everywhere and agriculture was king.
The region was still fresh off the transition to American rule, and local leaders were just starting to dream up what the city could look like, especially in the downtown area.
There was no “LAPL” during this time — a group called the Los Angeles Library Association attended to local reading needs. John Szabo, current L.A. city librarian, says that early system was pretty bare bones.
“ It was a very small one room library with a handful of books,” he told host Larry Mantle on LAist 89.3’s AirTalk.
That was in the Downey Block building at Temple and Main streets, which is where the Federal Courthouse stands today. There were newspaper racks and shelves with about 750 books, while another space had checkers and chess — because what more do you need to fuel young minds?
The Downey Block building circa 1897.
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Courtesy The Huntington Digital Library/Ernest Marquez Collection
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The city needed a lot more because of rapid growth, but money was an issue. To help meet the demand, the association became an official city department in 1878. That allowed local officials to fund their new “Los Angeles Public Library.”
Over the years, LAPL would open satellite “reading rooms” and branch libraries. However, the main collection was expanding quickly. The books were essentially couch-surfing for years. They moved four times into different rented spaces, including into City Hall in 1889.
This was a temporary home that lasted for a couple of decades. Then, the effort to build a central library picked up steam. One of those was with a plan to put it in Pershing Square, but the project went awry. So the collection moved again — this time into a department store building (while it was still running), between women’s clothes and furniture, where it stayed for six years.
A new, innovative library
When Everett Perry, an energetic city librarian, took the helm in 1911, he lobbied for years for a central library to be created.
Finally, a decade later, voters passed a measure for a $2 million bond to pay for a new dedicated building. That would become the Central Library we have today. L.A. was a little late among large U.S. cities for getting a central library, but it finally opened in July 1926.
The Central Library's rotunda and ornate ceiling, which is designed to mirror the mosaic pyramid on the exterior roof.
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Los Angeles Public Library/Los Angeles Public Library Legacy Collection
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The building was designed by New York architect Bertram Goodhue with art deco and Egyptian influence, common motifs of the time.
It’s elaborately decorated with murals, mosaics and sculptures. For example, black marble sphinxes sit inside and a mosaic tile pyramid with a handheld torch makes up the roof. Szabo says it was well received by Angelenos.
“ Of course I’m biased, but I think it’s the most beautiful library in the world,” Szabo said. “ [It was] a great sense of pride in a growing city, sort of putting L.A. on the map.”
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Jordan Rynning
holds local government accountable, covering city halls, law enforcement and other powerful institutions.
Published January 27, 2026 2:27 PM
San Croucher and her three daughters, Sithy Yi, Sithea San and Jennifer Diep at Kamput Refugee Camp, Thailand, in 1981. Photo was taken after the family fled genocide in Cambodia.
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Courtesy Sithea San
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Topline:
Sithy Yi fled genocide in Cambodia and came to the U.S. as a refugee in 1981. She was detained Jan. 8 at a regular immigration check-in in Santa Ana, and her lawyer, Kim Luu-Ng, says Yi is being held unlawfully at the Adelanto detention center.
Yi’s lawyer sued to have her released: After receiving protections against being deported to Cambodia and cooperating with law enforcement in a case against her abuser, Luu-Ng claims that federal immigration officials detained Yi two weeks ago as a form of punishment and to instill fear in immigrant communities.
Others with pending visas also at risk of deportation: The Immigration Center for Women and Children (ICWC) and other immigrant rights organizations sued the Department of Homeland Security last year over new immigration enforcement policies.
Erika Cervantes, an attorney representing ICWC in the case, told LAist that until early 2025 there was a presumption that victims who came forward to help law enforcement would be protected, but she claims some of those protections have been unlawfully removed. She said hundreds of people have been affected by the policy changes.
LAist reached out to DHS and ICE, but have not received comment at the time of publication.
Read on ... for more about Sithy Yi’s story and changes in how immigration enforcement agencies treat victims of crime, torture and human trafficking.
Sithy Yi fled genocide in Cambodia and came to the U.S. as a refugee in 1981. She was detained earlier this month at a regular immigration check-in in Santa Ana, and her lawyer, Kim Luu-Ng, says Yi is being held unlawfully at the Adelanto detention center.
Luu-Ng said Yi was ordered by an immigration court to be removed from the country in 2016, but her removal was withheld out of concerns she would be tortured if she returned to Cambodia.
After 10 years complying with ICE instructions and initiating a still-pending visa application, Luu-Ng claims that federal immigration officials detained Yi two weeks ago as a form of punishment and to instill fear in immigrant communities.
Yi is one of potentially hundreds of people with pending visa applications meant to protect victims of crime or human trafficking whose status has been abruptly put at risk by immigration policy changes ordered by the Trump administration, Luu-Ng and other immigration attorneys told LAist.
Yi cannot be deported back to Cambodia, her attorney said. Luu-Ng said immigration officials have not told her where Yi might be deported to and says her detention is unconstitutional and inhumane without a plan of where to send her. Luu-Ng has filed a petition in federal court arguing for Yi to be released from detention. Federal officials have not yet responded in court.
”I think this case asks a very simple question,” Luu-Ng said. “Can the government jail someone when it has no real plan to deport them?
“The Constitution says no."
ICE has not responded to LAist’s request for comment on this story.
Escaping violence
Sithea San, Yi’s sister, remembers the day her family was forced to leave their home.
According to her recollection, the Khmer Rouge approached them at gunpoint April 17, 1975, saying they had to leave before American forces were expected to bomb their city, Phnom Penh.
The Khmer Rouge was a Communist regime that brutally tortured, murdered and starved more than a million Cambodians in the 1970s. A United Nations-assisted tribunal began investigations in 2007 and found surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge guilty of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The family left that day thinking they would be gone for only three days. Their horrific experience would last years, until they arrived in the U.S. as refugees in 1981.
Sithea San recounted how Yi, the eldest sister who was just 9 years old when they left their home, used to steal food to keep her family alive in Cambodia.
After getting caught stealing by the Khmer Rouge several times, San said her sister was given a final warning: If she got caught again they would kill her entire family. They led Yi to a place where they said she, her mother and two sisters would all be buried.
Yi was subjected to forced labor and torture at the hands of the Khmer Rouge, which she later described to Luu-Ng in 2016 as she fought in immigration court to be allowed to stay in the U.S.
Yi still carries scars from where guards would burn her with cigarettes, Luu-Ng told LAist. She said Yi has other scars that lie deeper.
Safe from the Khmer Rouge, troubles continue in the US
San said her family came to the U.S. in 1981, sponsored by her uncle. They arrived in California with just $10.
Yi’s mother and sisters had all become U.S. citizens by 1990, San told LAist, but Yi’s path to legal residency was more complicated.
San said their family did not understand it at the time, but Yi suffered from PTSD. She began to have seizures after they escaped Cambodia, which often prevented her from going to school once they arrived in the U.S.
Yi was also bullied at school, leading her to drop out, her sister said.
Far from Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge, she again became a victim of abuse. Yi fell into a cycle of domestic violence, Luu-Ng told LAist, and she was severely abused by multiple partners over the years.
In 2011, Yi was convicted on drug charges and sentenced to probation. The abuse she faced at home continued and after being so severely beaten by her partner that she could not walk, Luu-Ng said, Yi missed one of her probation appointments.
She said that probation violation led to about a year in state prison, and from there Yi was transferred to ICE custody for removal proceedings.
Protections for victims of torture
Luu-Ng began working under a United Nations grant to help survivors of torture in immigration proceedings in 2009, and first met Yi in 2013.
She had talked with survivors of torture camps in Germany, Poland, Afghanistan and many other countries, but the story of what Yi and her family went through still left her shocked.
“ I've spoken to a lot of survivors of torture,” Luu-Ng told LAist. “Sithy’s story impacted me very, very deeply.”
Luu-Ng took on her case and argued in immigration court that Yi fell under protections granted by the United Nations Convention Against Torture — commonly known as CAT — banning anyone from being deported to countries where they will most likely be tortured.
The judge presiding over a 2016 hearing agreed.
“ We literally walked out of court within 30 minutes,” Luu-Ng said, “even the government counsel acknowledged the grave humanitarian concerns with this case.”
LAist reached out to ICE and an attorney who represented the agency, but they did not comment on the case.
Luu-Ng said Yi is not eligible for asylum status because of her conviction, but she has never heard of anyone being deported after receiving CAT protection.
“ Individuals who receive CAT withholding typically are allowed to live out the rest of their lives in the United States with a work permit,” she told LAist.
Even so, Luu-Ng said Yi also applied for a U visa in 2022 to further protect her from being deported. U visas are intended to give temporary immigration status to crime victims who have cooperated with law enforcement. Luu-Ng said Yi did cooperate with law enforcement in a case against one of her abusers and should qualify for a U visa, but she said they can take eight to ten years to be granted in some cases. She is still waiting for a decision on whether Yi’s visa will be approved.
Jennifer Diep, San Croucher, Sithy Yi and Sithea San attend the book release for "Exiled: From the Killing Fields of Cambodia to California and Back," by Katya Cengel. The family was featured in the book.
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Courtesy Sithea San
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A policy change puts Yi’s future at risk
The Immigration Center for Women and Children (ICWC) and other immigrant rights organizations sued the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, in October of last year over new immigration enforcement policies on how immigration agents treat victims of abuse or human trafficking.
The group claims in court documents that the new policy “has allowed, for the first time in decades, the detention and removal of survivors of these violent crimes as a routine matter, without regard for the many protections Congress put in place for them.”
Erika Cervantes, a staff attorney for The Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, is part of the legal team representing ICWC in the case. She told LAist that until early 2025 there was a presumption that victims who came forward to help law enforcement would be protected.
She said that U visas and T visas — another type of visa for victims of human trafficking — have strengthened law enforcement by allowing victims to be comfortable coming forward and telling police about their abuse without risk of being deported.
Then, in January, President Trump issued an executive order calling for the “total and efficient” enforcement of immigration laws. ICE shortly followed with a memo that removed previous requirements for agents to identify whether their targets are victims of crimes that might qualify them for protections against deportation.
Cervantes said the memo also cuts protections that had been in place for victims who are waiting for their U and T visas to be approved. Attorneys for ICE previously had been instructed to not seek deportation of U and T visa applicants unless there were “exceptional or exigent circumstances,” according to the new ICE memo, but Cervantes said the new memo removes the presumption that victims would be protected.
“ [The memo] essentially green lights targeting this vulnerable community who went out of their way to share their story, go through this visa process,” Cervantes said. “There’s an about face, and now they’re being put behind bars.”
Cervantes said the ICE memo has affected hundreds of people, and ICWC is asking a federal judge to set aside the policy changes.
“ We're trying to challenge the administration's attempt to criminalize victims,” she told LAist.
Detained by ICE
Yi’s detention on Jan. 8 came as a complete surprise.
According to her sister, Sithea San, she had helped the government when she came forward as a victim and always went to her monthly check-ins with ICE.
“ She complied with every single thing that the government asked her to do,” San told LAist.
In November, two months before her detention, Luu-Ng and San went with Yi for her check-in with ICE. Luu-Ng said they were concerned at that time that Yi could be detained because they saw reports of other people being taken from their families during check-ins.
After discussing Yi’s case with Luu-Ng, the immigration officials at the Santa Ana facility said she would need to start wearing an ankle monitor, but she was free to go home. Luu-Ng recalled one official telling her that as long as Yi didn’t tamper with the ankle monitor or violate any conditions of her electronic monitoring, ICE would not detain her.
“We went out and everyone was in tears, relieved,” Luu-Ng said.
Yi continued to check in, and Luu-Ng thought she would be fine because she was following ICE’s instructions. The next two months Yi went to her check-ins without a lawyer, but her sister still came along.
At her January check-in, San said they saw people crying in the waiting area. She said Yi approached them and tried to comfort them.
Then after waiting about an hour, ICE called Yi into a back room, alone.
Yi can’t read in English, San said, and sometimes she struggles to understand when people talk to her. San wanted to accompany her sister to be sure she understood any questions she might be asked.
Instead, she was stopped at the door.
“ And then I heard the sound . . . the handcuffs,” San said. “And that moment I feel like, am I dreaming? Is this real?”
San said she told the ICE agents that her sister had CAT protections and a pending U visa application, which she showed them. She said they told her it didn’t matter.
When San was later able to visit her sister in detention, she said Yi told her the ICE agents tried to coerce her to sign legal documents she couldn’t understand and threatened that things would get worse for her if she refused.
She said Yi didn’t sign the documents.
“So unfair”
Yi would not be in this situation under any other administration, said Mariko Khan, who is on the board of the nonprofit organization Cambodia Town, where she met Yi about 15 years ago.
“ Things would've been taken care of years ago and she certainly would not have had to be corralled at her check-in,” Khan said. “I mean, that's so unfair.”
Khan said Yi has been a consistent volunteer with Cambodia Town, which serves the largest Cambodian community outside Cambodia itself.
Khan had heard about some of Yi’s background over the years, and she learned that Yi had first found counseling when she was in prison. Having a background as a mental health professional, Khan said she was amazed to see Yi’s improvement.
“ I think it shows a lot of character and integrity that she could, given all that she had suffered, actually get better,” Khan said.
Yi has also been a mainstay with the Cambodia Town Parade. Khan said Yi had led a group of up to 30 women in the parade’s “Stop the Hate” event for the past three years.
Sithea San said Yi planned on coming to her house on Jan. 8 to work on the choreography for this year’s parade after they went to check in with ICE.
Fear in local communities
Manju Kulkarni is the executive director of AAPI Equity Alliance, and she says people being detained by masked agents in the streets and others being held at their immigration appointments reminds some in Southeast Asian communities of the governments their families once fled.
“ Communities that are made up often of refugees who escaped an American war in Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam . . . are faced with the familiar terror,” Kulkarni told LAist. “Terror from which they thought they had escaped.”
Kulkarni and Luu-Ng told LAist they are deeply concerned that if Yi is deported to a third-country, she will then be sent by that country back to Cambodia despite an immigration judge already acknowledging she would most likely be tortured.
Reuters found that 22 people who were deported to Ghana as a third-country were then sent to their country of origin last year, despite court orders in the U.S meant to prevent that from happening.
For now, Luu-Ng is focused on getting Yi out of detention.
When San visited her sister at the Adelanto detention center on Jan. 18, Yi said she’d just had a nightmare, with scenes from her time under the oppression of the Khmer Rouge.
She told San being detained reminds her of those times, and she tries to keep her mind on other things.
“Remember during the Khmer Rouge,” San told Yi. “You know what we do. We need to have hope.”
Yi told her sister she had been trying to fill her time by teaching the other detainees how to do traditional Cambodian dances.
“How do you do it? How do you get the music?” San recalled asking Yi.
Erin Stone
is a reporter who covers climate and environmental issues in Southern California.
Published January 27, 2026 2:15 PM
When thousands of homes burned down in Altadena, critical infrastructure was also destroyed.
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Libby Rainey
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LAist
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Topline:
A tiny Altadena water company plans to continue finalizing a strategy to stay in business a year after the Eaton Fire destroyed its two reservoirs and the homes of 75% of its customers. No vote was taken at a meeting last week.
The background: Some Altadena residents were left with sticker shock after the small Las Flores Water Company, which only has about 1,500 customers, proposed charging an extra $50 a month for the next five years to keep from going bankrupt. After a recent meeting at which more than 200 residents showed up, Las Flores Board President John Bednarski said the board will "deliberate at one of our upcoming meetings to take into account the feedback that we got."
Keep reading...for the latest on the company's plans.
Topline:
A tiny Altadena water company plans to continue finalizing a strategy to stay in business a year after the Eaton Fire destroyed its two reservoirs and the homes of 75% of its customers. No vote was taken at a meeting last week.
The background: Some Altadena residents were left with sticker shock after the small Las Flores Water Company, which only has about 1,500 customers, proposed charging an extra $50 a month for the next five years to keep from going bankrupt. After a recent meeting at which more than 200 residents showed up, Las Flores Board President John Bednarski said the board will "deliberate at one of our upcoming meetings to take into account the feedback that we got."
Why it matters: Not only did the fires destroy homes and businesses, but also critical infrastructure. Small private water companies, such as Las Flores and two others that serve unincorporated Altadena, have received limited insurance payouts and don’t have access to as many state and federal grants to rebuild, experts say.
What’s next: Bednarski said the company is interested in consolidating with neighboring water companies and is lobbying the public water district it purchases much of its water from, Foothill Municipal, to allocate some state funding to restore one of the company’s reservoirs. Outside of charging customers a new surcharge, Bednarski said additional funding is needed not only to restore, but also shore up their infrastructure to withstand future fires, earthquakes and other disasters.
How to keep up with the changes: Customers of Las Flores can check the company’s website for the latest agendas on upcoming board meetings and votes.