The Brief

Wilfredo Cruz went to the doctor in October of last year to have his brain scanned because he was experiencing vertigo — a dangerous condition when you’re a refinery worker like Cruz and your job entails climbing 200-foot towers and fixing heavy machinery.

While he waited at the doctor’s office, he picked up his phone and felt a moment of panic, seeing 100 unread text messages in the last hour.

The Phillips 66 refinery complex in Los Angeles had just said that it was going to close, and Cruz learned in that moment that he would eventually lose his job, along with nearly 1,000 other employees and contractors.

“It was a big shock, a gut punch,” said Cruz, who thinks his last day will be sometime in April. Workers say layoff notices will begin to go out in the next few months.

It’s just one of a handful of refineries that have closed or that intend to close in the coming months. For the workers — most of whom lack a college degree — it’s unlikely they’ll find another job that pays as well, despite recent efforts by the state to help. Though the Trump administration signed legislation creating billions of dollars in tax cuts for oil and gas companies, it’s not going to save these jobs or offer the workers any money to train for new ones.

“You have people earning between $80,000 to $200,000 a year, and almost everyone is a high school graduate and that’s it,” said Cruz. “To go out and look for another job that’s even somewhat comparable, it just doesn’t exist.”

When he isn’t at the refinery, Cruz is wearing a plain black shirt, shorts, and New Balance sneakers — anything that’s easy to clean if his 2-year old son throws food at him, he said. His vertigo is better these days, almost a year after the refinery said it would close, but he now has to find a job so he can support his family and pay his mortgage. The best bet, he said, is to go back to school and start a new career in cybersecurity.

Thousands of jobs lost

California has about 100,000 workers in the fossil fuel industry, according to an August report by the Public Policy Institute of California. That’s about the population of a small city, such as Merced or Redding. As the state continues its transition to renewable energy, many of those jobs may disappear — and some already have.

Refineries have been closing all across the U.S. in recent years, but California has been hit hard, especially in Contra Costa County, Solano County and parts of southern Los Angeles, near Long Beach. First it was the Marathon refinery in Contra Costa County in 2020, which put hundreds of people out of work before the plant converted to renewable fuels with a fraction of the former workforce. Then Phillips 66 began shifting one of its Contra Costa County refineries to renewables and closed an affiliated plant on the Central Coast. A Valero refinery in Solano County is also expected to close in the next few months, leading to more layoffs.

Publicly, oil companies have given vague justifications for the closures, though oil industry advocates, such as the Western States Petroleum Association, blame the state’s increased regulation and its renewable energy transition. Environmental groups point to the decrease in oil demand as more Californians turn to electric vehicles.

With thousands of jobs at stake, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Democratic-led state Legislature this summer tried to strike a deal with Valero to avoid the closure of its Solano County refinery. Those conversations are still “ongoing,” said Daniel Villaseñor, the deputy director of communications for the governor.

What the state has offered so far is a $30 million pot of money, which refinery workers can use to train for new jobs. The money went out to four different workforce organizations last February, and they have until 2027 to distribute it to workers in various ways, such as through scholarships.

Workers cross a street as smoke billows from a fire at the Martinez Refinery Company in Martinez in Contra Costa County on Feb. 1, 2025.

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Jose Carlos Fajardo

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Bay Area News Group

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A worker stands atop a tank car that carries liquefied petroleum gas at the Marathon Martinez Refinery on April 27, 2020.

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The United Steelworkers union, which represents many of the Phillips 66 refinery workers, received about a third of the money and recruited Cruz to help find eligible workers at his job. Some of his colleagues are trying to become truck drivers, emergency medical technicians, or radiologists, but the state money rarely covers all the training expenses, he said.

In his spare time, Cruz is enrolled in an online, year-long certificate program in cybersecurity at UC San Diego and is using the state money to cover the $4,000 tuition. He said he wants a remote job, something that would allow him to spend more time with his son.

The steelworkers union has pushed Newsom for much more, ideally “hundreds of millions of dollars per year” to help retrain the refinery workers it represents, said Mike Smith, the national bargaining chair for the union. The governor has yet to make any new promises.

Six-figure salary, no degree required

The average work day at a refinery might entail crawling into small spaces, withstanding searing heat, or operating heavy machinery with precision. And it can be dangerous: In 2006, the roof of a storage tank collapsed, killing one person and injuring four others at the Phillips 66 refinery complex in Los Angeles, which was then owned by an earlier iteration of the company.

Twelve-hour shifts are the norm, including many night shifts, and overtime is common. Nearby residents complain that the Phillips 66 facilities have a foul smell and that they pump cancer-causing chemicals into the air, creating health risks for the entire community. Workers are required to wear full-body fire retardant uniforms each day because fires are a constant risk, such as last week, when an explosion rocked a Chevron refinery in El Segundo. There was no major damage.

Flames and smoke from a large fire rises from the Chevron refinery in El Segundo on Oct. 2, 2025.

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Though the work can be physically demanding, the rewards are plentiful. Union workers at the Phillips 66 refinery complex make about $115,000 a year, plus a pension and an 8% match on 401k contributions, said Smith.

Together, the Phillips 66 refineries in Los Angeles and the Valero refinery in Solano County produce about 17% of the state’s gas. Without these facilities, Californians could see higher prices at the pump, according to an independent analysis by the federal government.

Laurie Wallace, a self-described artist, never wanted to work in oil and gas, but the money was a big draw, she said. For years, she was working as many as three different jobs, saving up money for punk and ska concerts while flipping burgers at In-N-Out, helping customers at Ace Hardware, or working shifts at a local cafe. Her husband at the time learned about a training program for refinery workers. He said he was going to apply and when she said she was interested, he told her she would never get in.

“I took the test and got the better score,” Wallace said. “I don’t do well with people telling me not to do something.”

In the nearly 18 years since that exam, she’s worked at the Phillips 66 refinery complex in Los Angeles, handling the heavy machinery that transports California’s oil and gas. Wallace often earns over $100,000, especially with overtime, allowing her to achieve what many might consider the American Dream: a four-bedroom house in the Long Beach suburbs with an affordable mortgage and family vacations every year, including cruises to Mexico and trips to Las Vegas.

She’ll likely see a pay cut in any future job. In a 2023 study by the UC Berkeley Labor Center, UC Irvine professor Virginia Parks helped survey those who had been laid off by the Marathon oil refinery in Contra Costa County in 2020. She found that roughly a quarter were unemployed or no longer looking for work over a year after losing their jobs. Some workers found opportunities at other oil refineries, though they made less money because they lacked seniority or a union. Others found jobs at utility companies or chemical treatment plants, and a few started working in health care or retail.

“I don’t think (refinery workers) need long training programs but they do need some sort of reskilling,” said Parks, who wants the state to provide workers more financial help. She’s especially interested in state grants that give workers income support while they search for a skilled job. “Otherwise they’re just going to find whatever (job) they can.”

Her study found that workers who did find a job after getting laid off made about $38 an hour — $12 less than before.

Lots of experience but few ways to prove it

Since the layoffs at the Phillips 66 refinery complex will happen slowly over the next few months, Wallace still has a job for now. Her department is responsible for receiving and shipping the oil and gas that arrives at the Port of Los Angeles, work that is so essential that she thinks she’ll be one of the last people laid off, potentially in 2027.

Over the years, she’s driven the trains that transport tons of oil and gas, operated cranes to carry pieces of pipelines and climbed on top of the massive fuel storage tanks that line the 110 Freeway. Often, she said she worked six or even seven days in a row.

Laurie Wallace at the end of her overnight shift in front of the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington, Los Angeles, on Oct. 1, 2025.

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In April, she was diagnosed with breast cancer and got a modified schedule. Now she works night shifts and only two or three days in a row. After finishing her radiation therapy around 2 p.m., she changes out of her usual attire, a punk T-shirt and jeans, and gets into her work uniform. She then has to get through Los Angeles traffic, bypass the plant’s two layers of security, and travel across the refinery, which takes up multiple city blocks, or about 650 acres. Her shift begins at 4:30 p.m., where she spends 12 hours in a room, alone, under fluorescent lights, actively monitoring 16 different computer screens for changes in pressure or chemistry.

After so many years, staying alert during a night shift is second nature, she said with a laugh. “I’m a little high strung. I have no problem staying awake.”

The stakes are high. If she isn’t paying attention and a machine fails or a tank has the wrong pressure, fuel leaks can occur. In 2014, a hole burst in an underground pipeline near the refinery, pouring 1,200 gallons of oil into a residential street.

Although Wallace has used many cranes over the years, she doesn’t have a crane operator’s license. In fact, all of the training that she’s done happens on-site, and her employer isn’t required to track it or give her any credential, such as a license or certificate, that could transfer to another job. After the Marathon refinery in Contra Costa County closed, former workers struggled to substantiate their skills when looking for new jobs, the UC Berkeley Labor survey found.

Drawing directly on the study, and with support from the steelworkers union, longtime labor activist and state Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Los Angeles Democrat, proposed a bill this year that would require employers to provide their workers with proof of any on-the-job training or education. The governor has until Oct. 12 to sign or veto the bill.

It’s only “a first step” though, said Parks, a co-author of the study. Long-term, she said refinery workers should have the option to acquire independent certificates or credentials, such as a crane operator license, that prove their skills and don't rely on an employer at all.

“It’s not ideal but it’s temporary” 

So far, only a fraction of the oil and gas workers who are eligible for state support have actually received it.

“We just started enrolling members,” said Rosi Romo, who coordinates the grant program on behalf of the steelworkers union.

Though the steelworkers union received the money last March, only about 100 people have participated so far, said Romo, most of them in Southern California. She said the program can fund 650 scholarships, offering up to $15,000 in tuition for each worker

In Kern County, where the oil industry is a major employer, the local job centers received over $11 million from the state, which they’ve used to help nearly 370 former oil and gas workers retrain in new careers, including trucking and nursing. The job centers have enough money to serve around 750 people, said Danette Williams, who works in marketing for the centers, known as the Employers’ Training Resource.

Unlike the steelworkers union, which is only giving out scholarships, Williams said the Employers’ Training Resource is also offering to reimburse 50% of wages during the first 480 hours of the workers’ new jobs. Romo said she wasn’t aware that was possible under the union’s contract with the state, but if it is, she said she’d try to offer the same benefit.

The other organizations who received the grant money did not respond to CalMatters' questions.

The Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington, on Sept. 30, 2025.

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CalMatters

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Romo, along with other representatives from the steelworkers union, said the work schedule at the Phillips 66 refinery complex is one reason why workers have yet to use most of the money. As of August, about a quarter of union employees have already left the facility for other opportunities, said Smith, the national bargaining chair for the union. The remaining employees are left working overtime.

Once layoffs begin in the coming months, Romo and Smith said they expect an uptick in the number of workers taking advantage of the scholarship money.

Phillips 66 did not respond to multiple requests for comment about its overtime policies or other ways it may be supporting workers’ job transitions.

Cruz said he’s working six days a week now, 12 hours each day. To make progress on his cybersecurity course at UC San Diego, he tries to listen to lectures and audiobooks during his commute or while eating lunch or dinner during his two, 30-minute breaks. After he puts his son to sleep around 9 p.m., he has a few hours to study, though he has to wake up at 5 a.m. to make it to his shift on time. “It’s not ideal but it’s temporary,” he said.

Wallace has a slight advantage, since she started taking online classes in 2020 to complete her associate degree. She’s still one class short, but she hasn’t had the time to finish it. Between her radiation therapy and the 12-hour night shifts, she said it’s unlikely she’ll be able to study for at least another year while she works with the skeleton crew that’s closing the refinery.

If she had time, she said she would finish her associate degree and use the state training grant to help offset the cost of a bachelor’s degree. But because the state tuition grants expire in 2027, it’s quite possible she won't be able to use the tuition money at all.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

The Justice Department has begun to publish documents from the Epstein files in its possession regarding the life, death and criminal investigation of convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

NPR is reviewing the website the Justice Department created to make the documents publicly available. The Epstein Library includes documents broken into Court Records, DOJ Disclosures, FOIA Records and House Disclosures. Under the law, the DOJ was required to put the documents on a website and make them downloadable and searchable.

On Friday morning, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche indicated in an interview with Fox News "several hundreds of thousands" of pages would be released on Friday, with more to follow.

The release of the Epstein files is the latest development in a political saga that has dogged President Trump's second term in office and caused bipartisan backlash against Trump's conflicting and shifting commentary on the subject.

Trump amplified conspiracy theories about the files relating to his onetime friend Epstein on the campaign trail, vowing to publicize information about the financier's crimes and ties to powerful people that he alleged was being covered up by the government.

After he returned to the White House, Trump fought efforts by lawmakers and his supporters to release those files, calling Republicans who demanded transparency "stupid" and blaming Democrats for pushing a "hoax" before ultimately signing a law that was passed with near unanimous support.

The Epstein Files Transparency Act gave Attorney General Pam Bondi 30 days to publish "all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials" about Epstein available in a searchable and downloadable format. That deadline was Dec. 19.

The law also directed the Justice Department to share documents related to Epstein's accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell and "individuals named or referenced in connection with Epstein's criminal activities," information regarding plea deals and decisions not to charge Epstein for other alleged crimes, as well as records pertaining to his 2019 death by suicide in federal custody.

Over the summer, the FBI put out a memo that said their files include "a significant amount of material, including more than 300 gigabytes of data and physical evidence."

Some of that includes photos and videos of Epstein's accusers, including minors, and disturbing material that will not be made public. The bill from Congress also says anything "that would jeopardize an active federal investigation or ongoing prosecution" can be withheld or redacted, too.

Trump called on the Justice Department to investigate some Democrats and institutions he said were complicit in Epstein's crimes or mentioned in other documents made public, including tens of thousands of emails and private files turned over to the House Oversight committee under subpoena, FBI records and numerous court cases over the years.

"I will be asking A.G. Pam Bondi, and the Department of Justice, together with our great patriots at the FBI, to investigate Jeffrey Epstein's involvement and relationship with Bill Clinton, Larry Summers, Reid Hoffman, J.P. Morgan, Chase, and many other people and institutions, to determine what was going on with them, and him," Trump wrote on Truth Social in November.

In a separate Truth Social post announcing his signing of the Epstein Files Transparency Act, Trump said Democrats were using the issue to distract from what he says are victories for his administration.

"Perhaps the truth about these Democrats, and their associations with Jeffrey Epstein, will soon be revealed, because I HAVE JUST SIGNED THE BILL TO RELEASE THE EPSTEIN FILES!" he posted.

The president had the authority to release the files without congressional action.

Thousands of pages are already public

Jeffrey Epstein in Cambridge, Mass. in September 2004.

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****Xday's release of Justice Department files joins tens of thousands of other records made public over the years, including court cases, government document dumps and subpoenas from Congress.

Spread throughout roughly 23,000 documents released by the House Oversight Committee in early November, emails and texts revealed a list of powerful people in politics, academia and business that sought his counsel and friendship in the years after he pleaded guilty to state charges of solicitation of prostitution and of solicitation of prostitution with a minor under the age of 18 in 2008.

The people who consulted with Epstein in those documents rarely acknowledged the severity of the crimes that required him to register as a sex offender, though simply corresponding with Epstein does not implicate individuals in his criminal activities, convicted or accused.

There's an apparent letter of recommendation for Epstein from linguist Noam Chomsky, calling him a "highly valued friend," that recalled how Epstein connected him with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak — another frequent Epstein correspondent.

"Jeffrey constantly raises searching questions and puts forth provocative ideas, which have repeatedly led me to rethink crucial issues," the letter reads.

There's advice Epstein gave to Steve Bannon, Trump's former strategist, about ways to build a far-right political movement overseas.

"If you are going to play here, you'll have to spend time, [E]urope by remote doesn't work," Epstein wrote in 2018. "Lots and lots of face time and hand holding. Europe can be a wife not a mistress."

Former Harvard University president and onetime Treasury Secretary Larry Summers is documented numerous times having intimate personal chats with Epstein, including asking for romantic advice and joking about women's intelligence.

"I yipped about inclusion," wrote Summers in 2017. "I observed that half the IQ [in the] world was possessed by women without mentioning they are more than 51 percent of population...."

In the weeks since the latest Epstein emails release, he has resigned from the board of OpenAI and abruptly left his teaching role at Harvard, as the university announced a probe of "information concerning individuals at Harvard included in the newly released Jeffrey Epstein documents to evaluate what actions may be warranted."

Summers isn't the only high-profile Democrat who found himself in Epstein's orbit. Kathryn Ruemmler, former White House counsel in the Obama administration and current chief legal officer for Goldman Sachs, messaged with Epstein before and during Trump's first term.

"Trump is living proof of the adage that it is better to be lucky than smart," she wrote in August 2015.

"I regret ever knowing Jeffrey Epstein," Ruemmler told the Wall Street Journal in 2023.

Trump's name appears repeatedly

Trump was a frequent subject of emails and text messages in the latest private Epstein file tranche — well over a thousand different mentions — though mainly the subject of Epstein's near-obsession with his presidency, as the latter positioned himself as a Trump whisperer of sorts to his powerful associates.

In one 2015 email between Epstein and author Michael Wolff, the pair discuss a potential question from an upcoming CNN appearance about Trump and Epstein's personal ties.

"I think you should let him hang himself," Wolff wrote. "If he says he hasn't been on the plane or to the house, then that gives you a valuable PR and political currency. You can hang him in a way that potentially generates a positive benefit for you, or, if it really looks like he could win, you could save him, generating a debt."

Another email Epstein sent in 2011 to Ghislaine Maxwell, his associate who has been convicted on trafficking charges, called Trump the "dog that hasn't barked" and says Trump spent "hours at my house" with one of the alleged sex trafficking victims.

Still another is a 2019 message between Epstein and Wolff in which the disgraced financier wrote that "of course [Trump] knew about the girls as he asked Ghislaine to stop." The email does not elaborate any further.

"I have met some very bad people, none as bad as Trump," Epstein wrote in 2017 to Summers. "Not one decent cell in his body."

In September, House Democrats released more than 200 pages of a birthday book for Epstein created more than two decades ago that includes a lewd drawing and letter that appears to be signed by Trump.

The president, who has consistently denied any meaningful connection to Epstein, called the drawing and signature "fake."

In July, Trump told reporters that he and Epstein fell out because Epstein hired away young female employees who worked at the spa at Mar-a-Lago.
Copyright 2025 NPR

A program that aimed to bring thousands of Angelenos living with serious mental illness under court-led care remains far below initial participation projections, a review of county data shows.

LAist reported earlier this year that participation in the CARE Court program in Los Angeles County was relatively low — a little more than 380 petitions more than a year after its launch.

Now that the program has hit the two-year mark, there have been roughly 700 local petitions filed with the court, according to officials. That’s in a region where there thousands of people are estimated to be living with severe mental illness. And it's about 18% of the number the state projected for CARE Court’s first two years.

As of late November, six participants in L.A. County graduated from the program, according to data from the L.A. County Department of Mental Health.

Sergio Tapia, presiding judge of the Superior Court of L.A. County, said that number represented a kind of success.

“Did it meet the unrealistic expectations that were set up before CARE Court opened? Obviously it didn’t meet those expectations,” Tapia told LAist. “But I think those expectations were not realistic.”

He said it took up to six months just to get the first participants into the program.

But the low numbers and other concerns have caused some advocates for people with mental health diagnoses to doubt the program is viable.

“The program is not working,” said Monica Porter Gilbert, associate director and senior counsel of public policy at Disability Rights California.

She told LAist state data show that about half of participants statewide last year did not receive at least one of the services ordered for them, including therapy. (Tapia said he was not aware of any shortfalls in carrying out the CARE Court plans in L.A. County.)

Porter Gilbert also said she’s concerned about the expense.

An analysis from the state Assembly Committee on the Judiciary on CARE Court found that the cost per participant statewide during fiscal year 2023-24 was $713,000.

L.A. County officials working with CARE Court say the numbers are low because the work takes time, in some cases months just to locate people who may be unhoused.

And some state authorities agree.

Anne Hadreas, supervising attorney with Judicial Council of California, which organizes training programs for judges, said those who have started the program are making progress.

“Maybe the numbers aren’t what people expected, but there’s still been a lot of successes there,” she said.

How it’s supposed to work 

CARE Court allows family members, behavioral health workers, first responders and others to ask a court — by way of a petition — to step in with a voluntary care agreement for someone living with serious mental illness, like schizophrenia. If the agreement fails, a judge could order the individual to sign on to a treatment plan.

Between Dec. 1, 2023, and mid-December of this year, there were about 700 petitions filed in L.A. County, far below the roughly 3,800 state officials projected for the first two years of the program.

San Diego County, the second most populous in the state, received 445 petitions between October 2023 and November of this year. Orange County, the third most populous, received 206 petitions, according to our media partner CalMatters.

As of October, statewide data for the first two years of the program show that courts throughout California had received a total of 3,092 petitions, according to CalMatters. That’s still about 700 petitions short of what was expected just for L.A. County.

Martin Jones, a program manager with the county Department of Mental Health, said the six local graduations don’t tell the whole story. At least another 16 participants chose to stay in the program for an additional year.

Jones noted one recent CARE Court graduate who was subsequently able to get an apartment and a job.

“When you think about the impact on the individual — on their family, on their loved ones, on the community — the success is multiplied probably many times over,” he said.

But Porter Gilbert said family members of some CARE Court participants have told her they were sold false hope.

“Because many believed that their loved ones would finally get connected with meaningful services,” she said. “And instead they’re getting court dates that don’t lead to immediate housing or recovery-oriented clinical care.”

Data from the state’s CARE Act Annual Report showed that about 56% of participants statewide between October 2023 and June 2024 did not receive at least one mental health service that was ordered for them. The most common services ordered but not provided included medication supports and therapy services.

Porter Gilbert said CARE Court is failing to hold counties accountable for providing the services, even after they appear before a judge. And she said compelling participants into treatment through the court system can feel punitive for some participants.

“It’s blaming individuals for the failure of the system,” Porter Gilbert said.

Expanding eligibility

Next year, a new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom will expand eligibility for CARE Court to include people living with bipolar disorder who experience psychotic symptoms.

CARE Court currently only applies to people with schizophrenia spectrum disorders and a limited list of other psychotic disorders.

Marco Saenz, program director of the Independent Defense Council’s Office of L.A. County — which is tasked with representing CARE Court participants throughout the process — said the expansion is a good move.

“Hopefully these changes in the law that extend eligibility will see more people participating and getting the services that they desperately need,” he said.

Saenz also said the county and state need to do more outreach to increase the number of CARE Court petitions from first responders and other eligible petitioners.

About 67% of all petitions in L.A. County were filed by family members who sought to get their loved one into the program, according to data from the Department of Mental Health. Authorities said the county is working to get other eligible petitioners — like first responders and social workers — to file more requests.

“Many of these individuals are known to... fire or ambulance or other first responders. So it’s a matter of leveraging those relationships to really access the help that many of these individuals would benefit from,” said Jones, the program manager.

He and Hadreas at the Judicial Council said the program was still a work in progress, and they noted that while numbers remain far below what the state expected, many people are finding a door into mental health care through the petition process, even if CARE Court isn’t a good fit.

Hadreas said CARE Court was not intended to be a fast process, as many county workers must take time to build relationships with vulnerable people dealing with some of the most difficult times in their lives.

“It’s not an emergency process," Hadreas said. "It is about outreach and engagement and that can take months."

Californians will see the minimum wage increase to $16.90 per hour starting Jan. 1. The adjustment — a boost of 40 cents per hour — was calculated in August by the Department of Finance as part of its minimum wage annual review required by state law.

California has been raising its minimum wage over the past decade. Former Gov. Jerry Brown in 2016 signed a watershed law to increase minimum wage from $10.50 per hour to $15 per hour, plus annual adjustments for inflation.

The current rate of $16.50 per hour suggests that a minimum wage worker needs to work 98 hours per week to afford a one-bedroom rental at fair market rent in California, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

California is one of 19 states to raise minimum wages in 2026, according to payroll company ADP. Cities and counties can also set their own minimum wages. This year, over two dozen local jurisdictions have increased local minimum wages. West Hollywood will have a $20.25 minimum wage starting in January — the highest of any California city, according to the UC Berkeley Labor Center.

Voters last November narrowly rejected a ballot measure that would have increased the minimum wage to $18 per hour. But some low-wage workers this year have successfully lobbied for bumps in pay in specific industries.

Under laws Gov. Gavin Newsom signed in 2023, fast food workers earn a minimum wage wage of $20 an hour and health care workers are on track to make $25 an hour.

That momentum extended to Los Angeles hotel and airport employees. Labor organizers in May secured a city minimum wage increase to $30 per hour for those workers by the 2028 Olympics. Large businesses fought back, arguing that wage hikes will only increase challenges for the tourism industry, which is still struggling to find its footing after the pandemic.

After failing to gather enough signatures for a ballot measure to repeal the new minimum wage, business groups later filed a different measure that could gut millions of dollars of revenue from the city’s general fund.

Following the move, Los Angeles City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson this month introduced a motion to delay the full wage increase from taking effect until 2030, according to reporting from the Los Angeles Times.

Labor leaders rebuked the motion, calling it “repulsive.” 

“You can’t threaten to blow a hole in our budget and then the only way to stop it is on the backs of workers,” said Kurt Petersen, co-president of the union that represents many hotel workers, UNITE HERE Local 11. “That kind of raw extortion and shakedown has no place in our city.”

According to Peterson, a coalition of community organizations and unions are beginning to collect signatures for a ballot measure that would raise the minimum wage to $30 per hour for all workers in Los Angeles.

“The power is everyone together,” said Peterson. “Working people need help and raising wages is the easiest, most straightforward thing to do. Going up 40 cents per hour in 2026 doesn’t move the needle at all.”

Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.