The Brief

After launching immigration sweeps that sparked weeks of protests in Los Angeles, the Trump administration faulted California policies for protecting those they described as “the worst of the worst,” meaning immigrants convicted of violent crimes.

“Why do Governor Newsom and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass care more about violent murderers and sex offenders than they do about protecting their own citizens?” said Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin in a news release announcing a group of LA detentions.

However, records and a CalMatters analysis show the state had previously coordinated with Immigration and Customs Enforcement attempting to hand over two of the agency’s top targets in LA: Roland E. Veneracion-Enriquez and Cuong Chanh Phan, both of whom had served time in state prisons for violent offenses.

That cooperation undercuts the Trump administration’s characterization of why it launched a massive immigration crackdown in the nation’s second-largest city.

Chanh Phan, who had served time after being convicted of murder, was released directly to ICE in 2022, records show.

As for Veneracion, state prison officials in May told ICE about the prisoner’s upcoming release, but the feds did not pick him up. Instead, the convicted sex offender was released, and ICE trumpeted his arrest in Los Angeles two weeks later.

California’s so-called sanctuary law does not apply to unauthorized immigrants convicted of serious crimes, and state prisons have handed over more than 9,000 people with those backgrounds to ICE since Gov. Gavin Newsom took office in 2019, state data show. The same rules apply to county jails, where sheriffs sometimes complain that ICE fails to pick up people who they believe should be deported in compliance with the sanctuary law.

In those cases, prison or jail employees communicate with federal immigration authorities before someone’s release.

Four others on the “worst of the worst” list had served time in Los Angeles and Orange County jails, according to the Department of Homeland Security. Officials at those jails said they did not know whether sheriff’s deputies had been in communication with ICE about those men prior to their release.

Top Trump officials have repeatedly said they’re targeting “criminal illegal aliens,” but immigrant and civil rights groups allege federal authorities have launched an indiscriminate enforcement blitz that’s mostly netted day laborers and workers from Latino communities who are not threats to public safety.

Between June 6 and June 22, immigration enforcement teams arrested 1,618 immigrants for deportation in Los Angeles and surrounding regions of Southern California, the Department of Homeland Security confirmed to CalMatters last week. During that time, masked agents have arrested car wash employees, farmworkers, U.S. citizens, and people attending their immigration court hearings.

Federal data obtained by the Cato Institute shows 65% of the people booked into ICE detention since October 2024 have no criminal convictions. More than 93% of those booked were never convicted of violent offenses, according to the libertarian research center. Data shows immigrants — including those who are undocumented — commit crimes at much lower rates than U.S.-born citizens do.

Officials from Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to emailed questions from CalMatters about the arrests of Veneracion and Chanh Phan.

How ICE detainers work

An ICE detainer – or an “immigration hold” – is a written request between a jail or prison and federal immigration authorities to coordinate the prisoner’s release directly to immigration authorities, typically to start the process for deportation.

ICE holds or detainers are the primary method immigration authorities use to find people for deportation. Immigrant Legal Resource Center, a national nonprofit that provides legal training and does pro-immigrant policy work in California and Texas, estimated in January that 70 to 75% of ICE arrests in the interior of the U.S. were historically handoffs from another law enforcement agency, such as local jails or state or federal prisons.

When a person enters the state prison system, the corrections department is required to identify people who may be subject to deportation within 90 days and send an initial inquiry to ICE. Typically, ICE will respond about whether the person can be deported and, if so, issue a detainer. The detainer means ICE will take custody of the person upon their release.

Shortly before an individual is released, state prison employees again contact ICE and let them know the person’s release date is approaching. ICE then decides whether or not they will pick the person up.

So far in 2025, ICE has picked up 587 people of 11,231 inmates released from the state prison system. They pick up about 87% of the people whom they’ve placed detainers on, state data shows.

What we know about former prisoners detained in LA

Veneracion-Enriquez, 55, was released from a California state prison in May after spending 28 years in prison for rape, according to the California Department of Justice’s sex offender database and the corrections department. The corrections department was ready to hand him over to ICE, but a day before his release, ICE cancelled his detainer, state officials confirmed in response to questions from CalMatters.

That month, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation contacted ICE about Veneracion’s pending release, as required by law. Emails show that they notified ICE that Veneracion was going to be released within 15 days. Typically, the federal immigration agency prefers to apprehend criminals in a controlled location directly outside a state prison. But on May 19, ICE cancelled the hold, according to state officials. He was released a day later.

Veneracion was released and given an ankle monitor to wear that broadcast his location to law enforcement authorities. His address was included in the sex offender registry. According to state records, his last registered address was at an apartment complex in Long Beach.

Immigration authorities then arrested Veneracion, a citizen of the Philippines, on June 7 during his regularly scheduled ICE check-in at the Los Angeles ICE office. It’s unclear if he’s been deported.

Chanh Phan, the other former state prisoner highlighted on the Homeland Security Department’s “worst of the worst” list, was released directly into ICE’s custody in August 2022 during the Biden administration, according to corrections department records. He was on parole until Aug. 14, 2024.

“Criminal Illegal Alien Arrested during Los Angeles ICE Operation Committed Notorious Gang-Affiliated Murder of Two Teenagers at a Graduation Party” is the headline on the press release the Department of Homeland Security sent out to publicize its arrest of Chanh Phan, a 49-year-old from Vietnam. He had spent 24 years in prison for second-degree murder.

“This criminal illegal alien is who Governor Newsom, Mayor Bass, and the rioters in Los Angeles are trying to protect over U.S. citizens,” the Department of Homeland Security wrote in the press release.

It is unclear what happened after California released him to ICE, such as whether Chanh Phan remained in ICE detention or whether he was released by ICE into Los Angeles and then re-arrested last month. CalMatters does not have details about where or how Chanh Phan was arrested by ICE last month.

Federal immigration authorities face off against protesters during an ICE raid at Ambiance Apparel in Downtown Los Angeles on June 6, 2025.

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J.W. Hendricks

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CalMatters

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Newsom vetoed bills to expand sanctuary law

California adopted its sanctuary law during the first Trump administration. It’s meant to shield unauthorized immigrants accused of minor infractions from facing deportation.

The law allows state corrections officials to continue working with federal immigration agencies regarding individuals in state custody who are facing deportation after serving their sentences. It also allows local law enforcement officials to work with the feds for individuals convicted of serious or violent felonies, such as assaults, child abuse, felony DUI, and other crimes.

At the local level, at least one sheriff wishes ICE would pick up more people.

In March, the Orange County sheriff made headlines for complaining that ICE wasn’t picking up all of the people it could. Sheriff Don Barnes told the Orange County Board of Supervisors that out of 48,000 suspects booked into jail in 2024, 733 were deportable, but the state’s sanctuary law prevented deputies from alerting ICE about 456 inmates. Of the remaining 277, 49 were not picked up by federal authorities, Barnes told the board.

"Those who are not picked up by ICE continue to victimize our community and consume law enforcement resources,'' he told the county board.

State lawmakers have tried expanding the sanctuary protections to people in prison. In 2019 and 2023, Newsom vetoed two bills that would have restricted the corrections department’s cooperation with ICE.

In the most recent veto, he said that the current law “strikes the right balance.”

Newsom has long positioned California as a bastion of immigrant rights, often clashing publicly with federal officials over deportation policy. But under his watch, the state has facilitated thousands of transfers from prison to ICE – a point he recently emphasized in a back-and-forth on social media with Trump Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.

“Yes, we seek sanctuary from your stupidity,” Newsom’s press office recently posted, responding to criticism from a former Trump aide in April. “P.S. Voldermort, you should know the state has coordinated 10,588+ times with ICE to remove dangerous criminals from the state since Governor Newsom took office.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Since 1977, Richard Santillan has been to every Opening Day game at Dodger Stadium. 

“The tradition goes from my father, to me, to my children and grandchildren. Some of my best memories are with my father and children here at Dodger Stadium,” Santillan told The LA Local, smiling under the shade of palm trees near the entrance to the ballpark Wednesday morning. He was there to protest the team less than 24 hours before Opening Day.

Santillan, like countless other loyal Dodgers fans, is grappling with his fan identity over the team’s decision to accept an invitation to the White House and owner Mark Walter’s ties to ICE detention facilities.

More than 30 people joined Santillan on Wednesday morning for a press conference held near 1000 Vin Scully Drive to convey a message directly to the team. 

“We are demanding the Dodgers stop participating in funding of inhumane treatment of families and do not go to the White House to celebrate with the criminal in chief,” Evelyn Escatiola told the crowd. “Together, we have the power to make a change.”

Escatiola, a former dean of East Los Angeles College and longtime community organizer, urged fans to flex their economic power by “letting the Dodgers know that we do not support repression.”

Jorge “Coqui” Rodriguez, a lifelong Dodgers fan, spoke to the crowd and called on Dodgers ownership to divest from immigration detention centers owned and operated by GEO Group and CoreCivic.

Jorge Coqui H Rodriguez speaks at a press conference outside Dodger Stadium on March 25, 2026, to demand the Dodgers not to visit the White House following their 2025 World Series win.

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In a phone interview a day before the protest, Rodriguez told The LA Local he did not want the Dodgers using his “cheve” or beer money to fund detention centers. 

“They can’t take our parking money, our cacahuate money, our cheve money, our Dodger Dog money and invest those funds into corporations that are imprisoning people. It’s wrong,” Rodriguez said. 

Rodriguez considers the Dodgers one of the most racially diverse teams and said the players need to support fans at a time when heightened immigration enforcement has become more common across L.A.

The team’s 2025’s visit to the White House drew ire from the largely Latino fan base, citing the Trump administration’s ongoing attacks on immigrants. 

In June, the team came under further scrutiny when rumors swirled online that federal immigration agents were using the stadium’s parking, which immigration authorities later denied in statements posted on social media accounts.

The team again came under fire after not releasing a statement on the impacts of ICE raids on its mostly Latino fan base at the height of immigration enforcement last summer. The team later agreed to invest $1 million to support families affected by immigration enforcement.

When he learned the Dodgers were pledging only $1 million to families in need, Rodriguez called the amount a  “slap in the face.” 

“These guys just bought the Lakers for billions of dollars and they give a million dollars to fight for legal services? That’s a joke,” Rodriguez said. “They need to have a moral backbone and not be investing in those companies.”

According to reporting from the Los Angeles Times, former Dodgers pitcher Clayton Kershawsaid last week that he is looking forward to the trip.

“I went when President [Joe] Biden was in office. I’m going to go when President [Donald] Trump is in office,” Kershaw said. “To me, it’s just about getting to go to the White House. You don’t get that opportunity every day, so I’m excited to go.”

The Dodgers have yet to announce when their planned visit will take place. 

Santillan sometimes laments his decision to give up his season tickets in protest of the team. His connection to the stadium and the memories he has made there with family and friends will last a lifetime, he said. On Thursday, he will uphold his tradition and be there for the first pitch of the season, but with a heavy heart.

“It’s a family tradition, but the Dodgers have a lot of work to do,” he said.

A local favorite mom-and-pop bookshop in Eagle Rock is facing displacement due to a steep rent hike. The owners say theirs is just one of several small businesses along Eagle Rock Boulevard struggling to keep up with lease increases.

Over the past 19 years, many in the neighborhood have come to love READ Books for its eclectic collection of used titles and shop dog Florence.

Co-owner Jeremy Kaplan said it’s been a delight to grow with the community over the years.

“Like seeing kids come back in, who were in grade school and now they’re in college,” Kaplan said.

But the building where Kaplan and wife Debbie rent was recently sold, and the rent increased by more than 130% to $2,805 a month, Kaplan said. He told LAist it was an increase his small business simply could not absorb.

Kaplan said he originally was given 30 days notice of the rent increase. After some research, assistance from Councilmember Ysabel Jurado’s office and some pro-bono legal help, Kaplan said he pushed back and got the 90-day notice he’s afforded by state law.

California Senate Bill 1103 requires landlords to give businesses with five or less employees 90 days’ notice for rent increases exceeding 10%, among other protections.

Systems Real Estate, the property management company, did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment.

What can small businesses do? 

Nadia Segura, directing attorney of the Small Business Program at pro bono legal aid non-profit Bet Tzedek said California law does not currently allow for rent control for commercial tenancies.

Outside of the protections under SB 1103, Segura said small businesses like READ Books don’t have much other recourse. And even then, commercial landlords are not required to inform their tenants of their protections under the law.

“There’s still a lot of people that don’t know about SB 1103. And then it’s very sad that they tell them they have these rent increases and within a month they have to leave,” Segura said.

She said her group is seeing steep rent hikes like this for commercial tenants across the city.

“We are seeing this even more with the World Cup coming up, the Olympics coming up. And I will say it was very sad to see that also after the wildfires,” Segura said.

Part of Bet Tzedek’s ongoing work is to advocate for small businesses, working with landlords who are increasing rents to see if they are willing to give business owners longer leases that lock in rents.

What’s next 

After READ Books posted about their situation on social media, commenters chimed in to express their outrage and love for the little shop.

While he looks for a new spot, Kaplan says he’s forming a coalition of local businesses and activist groups to see what can be done to help other small businesses facing similar displacement. He wants to address the displacement issue for businesses like his, which have made Eagle Rock the distinctive neighborhood that it is today.

Owl Talk, a longtime Eagle Rock staple selling clothing and accessories in a unit in the same building as READ Books, is facing a “more than double” rent increase, according to a post on their Instagram account.

Kaplan said he’s been in touch with the office of state Assemblywoman Jessica Caloza and wants to explore the possibility of introducing legislation to set up protections for small businesses like his, including rent-control measures or a vacancy tax for landlords. Kaplan said he also reached out to the office of state Sen. Maria Durazo.

By his count, Kaplan said there are about a dozen businesses within surrounding blocks that are at risk of closing their doors or have shuttered due to rent increases or other struggles.

When READ Books was founded during the Great Recession, Kaplan said he knew it was a longshot to open a bookstore at the same time so many were struggling to stay in business.

“It was kind of interesting to be doing something that neighborhoods needed. That was important to me growing up, that was important to my children, that was important to my wife growing up,” Kaplan said.

“And then somebody comes in and says, ‘We’re gonna over double your rent.”

Topline:

Frozen budget: Most of the city’s Bureau of Street Lighting budget comes from an assessment that people who own property illuminated by lights pay on their county property tax bill. The amount people pay depends on the kind of property they own and how much they benefit from lighting. A typical single-family home currently pays $53 annually, and in total, the assessments bring in about $45 million annually for the city to repair and maintain streetlights. Changing the amount the Bureau of Street Lighting gets from the assessment requires a vote among property owners who benefit from the lights.

Ballots: L.A. City Council’s vote gives city staff the green light to prepare and send out those ballots. Miguel Sangalang, who oversees the bureau, said at a committee meeting earlier this month that he expects to send out ballots by April 17. Notices about the ballots will be sent out prior to the ballots themselves.

Near unanimous vote: L.A. City Councilmember Monica Rodriguez was the only “No” vote Tuesday, saying she wanted to see a more current strategic plan for the bureau. Sangalang said the bureau developed a plan in 2022 that lays out how money will be spent. Councilmember Imelda Padilla was absent for the vote.

Vote count: Votes will be weighted according to the assessment amount. Basically, the more you’re asked to pay yearly to maintain streetlights, the more your vote will count. Ballots received before June 2 will be tabulated by the L.A. City Clerk.

How much more money: According to a report, the amount needed in assessments from property owners to meet the repair and maintenance needs of the city’s streetlighting in the next fiscal year is nearly $112 million.

Use of the money: Sangalang said at a March 11 committee meeting that the extra funds would be used to double the number of staff to handle repairs and procure solar streetlights, which don’t face the threat of copper wire theft. That would all potentially reduce the time it takes to repair simple fixes down to a week. Currently, city residents wait for months to see broken streetlights repaired. The assessment would come with a three-year auditing mechanism.