The Brief

Mayoral candidate Nithya Raman — who is also a sitting L.A. City Council member — unveiled a homelessness policy platform Tuesday that calls for the city to prepare for a breakup with the region’s troubled lead homelessness agency and to scale back Mayor Karen Bass' signature Inside Safe motel program.

In Raman’s new homelessness policy platform, she vowed to build an effective homelessness response system in the city, arguing it’s something that hasn’t existed during her five years as a city official.

“ One of the most persistent challenges with homelessness is that no one is in charge at City Hall,” Raman told LAist. “ There is no centralized management or oversight over our homelessness response system at the city. What we have is a patchwork of programs that have very different outcomes and hugely differential costs.”

Raman, who represents Council District 4 stretching from Silver Lake to Reseda, argues only the Mayor’s Office has the authority to fix that fragmentation and deliver transparency.

She is among 13 candidates challenging Bass in the race for L.A. mayor in the June primary.

Homelessness is one of the top issues in the mayoral race. Los Angeles is home to nearly 44,000 unhoused residents and budgets about $1 billion a year for homelessness.

In response to Raman’s announcement, a spokesperson from Bass’ campaign defended the incumbent mayor’s homelessness strategy and noted Raman had supported it.

“Councilmember Raman has been on the City Council since 2020 and is Chair of the Housing and Homelessness Committee, and frankly the most success she has achieved is voting yes on Inside Safe,” Alex Stack said in a statement.

Bass introduced Inside Safe through an executive order, with a goal of moving more unhoused residents from encampments into temporary shelter. Raman later voted with the L.A. City Council 13-1 to accept Bass’ 2023-24 budget, which included $250 million for the program.

Raman argues that L.A. should shift spending away from expensive motel-based programs like Inside Safe, toward lower-cost interventions like short-term rental vouchers and shared housing.

“What I'm proposing is to look across our shelter beds and really investing in what works and stretching every dollar as far as possible at a time when the Trump administration is about to cut funds for homelessness response here in Los Angeles significantly,” Raman told LAist.

The Bass campaign criticized Raman’s plan as impractical.

“The campaign plan she threw out there relies on private landlords turning over apartments to people living in tents — it's unrealistic and would increase homelessness,” Stack said.

The campaigns for other candidates, including Spencer Pratt, Rae Huang and Adam Miller, did not respond to requests on Tuesday. Each includes some homelessness policy proposals on their campaign websites.

Inside Safe 

Raman’s proposal took aim at Inside Safe, a city program designed to clear tent and vehicle encampments and move people into shelter, primarily hotel rooms.

The city of L.A. has spent more than $300 million on Inside Safe over the past few years. During that time, the program has moved more than 5,800 unhoused people indoors, according to the Mayor’s Office. Official data shows 40% of those people later returned to the street, as highlighted in a recent L.A. Times report.

The average Inside Safe bed, usually a hotel room, costs the city more than $225 a night, compared to an average nightly cost of about $86 at other shelter or “interim housing” options, according to the Office of the City Administrative Officer.

Raman called Inside Safe “the most expensive temporary housing intervention in the city by far,” estimating the program costs the city about $85,000 per motel room annually.

For the same money, the city could rent three apartments and provide services through its Time Limited Subsidy Program, she said.

That rental subsidy program costs about $24,000 annually per household, according to the Office of the City Administrative Officer.

Since Bass took office, L.A.’s overall homeless population estimates have declined by about 5%. The “unsheltered” population — those who live outside in tents or vehicles, instead of in homeless shelters or similar facilities — declined even more during that period, as Inside Safe moved more Angelenos living on the streets into hotel rooms and other shelters.

Bass’s campaign defended her approach.

“Mayor Bass launched L.A.'s first-ever comprehensive street homelessness strategy, driving street homelessness down nearly 18 percent, posting the first-ever consecutive-year decline in overall homelessness and achieving the first decline in homeless mortality since records have been kept,” Stack said.

As a candidate for City Council in 2020, Raman’s homelessness platform had called for eliminating “policies that criminalize people who are unhoused,” including sweeps of unhoused encampments led by the LAPD and sanitation workers.

Raman’s 2026 mayoral homelessness platform calls for “maintaining” the city’s “capacity for encampment resolution.”

"My approach to homelessness in my district would be exactly what I would be doing citywide, which is trying to ensure that we are using every single dollar and resource that we have to move people indoors as quickly as possible," Raman told LAist.

Accountability questions  

The L.A. City Council has been considering whether to redirect about $300 million in annual homelessness funding away from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority and, if so, whether to put the funds under city or county oversight.

As chair of the L.A. City Council’s Housing and Homelessness Committee, Raman is expected to preside over that committee's final discussion on the issue, before it issues a recommendation and sends the issue to the full council for a vote.

Last year, L.A. County officials voted to move hundreds of millions away from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority and administer the funds itself through a new county homelessness department. That funding shift begins July 1.

Bass has publicly clashed with county leaders about their decision. She’s also said the city should be cautious about following suit.

“Withdrawing from LAHSA too quickly, without a plan and without the capacity, will no doubt cause unintended consequences that will leave more Angelenos to die on our streets,” Bass said in a statement last month.

Raman said her mayoral platform sets a framework for moving hundreds of millions in city homelessness contracts away from LAHSA.

“The city needs to be prepared to make significant changes including taking on direct contracting for some funds and potentially contracting directly with the county,” Raman told LAist. “The biggest challenge right now is that, despite my efforts, the city still doesn't have the capacity to manage this transition effectively.”

That’s what her plan is designed to build, Raman said.

Raman’s platform describes LAHSA as “plagued with scandal” and “may be on the verge of shuttering.”

Bass and Raman both point to the city’s Bureau of Homelessness Oversight, created last year within the Los Angeles Housing Department, which they say can help deliver accountability and oversight if scaled up.

According to Raman, that bureau has not yet hired a single person, but it is doing some data work using consultants via a private grant.

Raman criticized the current city approach to the 6,500 people living in cars and RVs as "haphazard" and "ineffective, vowing to develop a clearer strategy.

Raman wants more street medicine teams — funded through Medi-CAL reimbursements — to meet health needs in encampments.

She also proposes a citywide unarmed crisis response team to respond to mental health and substance use calls.

Other candidates

Spencer Pratt, a former reality television personality who lost his home in last year’s Palisades Fire, urges a “treatment-first” approach to homelessness, according to his campaign website.

“For years, the Homeless Industrial Complex has prioritized process over outcomes, warehousing over treatment, and press releases over results,” the site states.

His approach would redirect resources to mental health care, drug treatment and stabilization services, according to campaign material.

The Rev. Rae Huang, a community organizer and Presbyterian minister running to the left of Raman, has proposed a new “Mayor’s Office of Housing For All” to coordinate housing and homelessness efforts in the city.

On her campaign website, Huang promises to build more permanent supportive housing and to end “sweeps” or city cleanups of tent encampments.

Candidate Adam Miller is a tech entrepreneur who founded Better Angels LA, a nonprofit that distributes small loans to families facing eviction.

Miller’s campaign platform lists a range of proposals for L.A.’s homelessness system, including 50 more tiny home village sites, more enforcement of anti-camping laws and a better tech system for managing shelter bed reservations.

If no candidate wins a majority of the votes in the June Primary Election, the top two vote-getters will face off in a November runoff.

Southern California air quality officials have given Lineage LLC a deadline of Tuesday to present a plan to mitigate the odors of decomposing food at the company’s Boyle Heights warehouse. The move comes after residents filed more than 900 complaints of “rotten, sour, garbage-type smells” last week.

The rotting food is a result of last month’s fire at the Lineage cold-storage warehouse, which burned for a week and spewed acrid smoke around L.A., inundating Boyle Heights and surrounding neighborhoods.

The deadline, which marked an escalation in enforcement tactics, was in a demand letter from the South Coast Air Quality Management District, the agency tasked with maintaining air quality in Southern California. In a statement issued Friday, the agency said it has worked with Lineage for weeks to recommend ways for the company to lessen the spread of odors, but “the company has not yet incorporated several key actions.”

South Coast AQMD outlined more than 20 steps for Lineage to take to comply with state law on public nuisances, such as requiring them to apply odor neutralizer to food waste and trucks containing it, requiring coverings for parked trucks loaded with food waste, and notifying the community of any activities that may increase odors.

For its part, Lineage reports that it has been attempting to mitigate the rancid smells coming from its warehouse as it hauls away dozens of truckloads of waste.

“We are using a variety of approaches to minimize the effects, including: physical barriers (StormWrapper), applying a bleach solution in and around the building, running mist deodorizing systems around the site, and applying deodorizers directly to the debris to reduce odors as much as possible during that period,” Lineage’s website reads. “It will get better as the cleanup progresses.”

The demand letter sent to Lineage also notified the company that South Coast AQMD planned to start a process that could lead to the company being fined or sued.

LAist has reached out to Lineage and South Coast AQMD to determine if Lineage has presented the agency with its plan to put the additional odor controls in place but had not received a response before publication.

About South Coast AQMD’s notices

South Coast AQMD has issued notices of violation to Lineage for at least seven consecutive days, starting July 12, for “discharging such quantities of air contaminants to cause injury, detriment, nuisance or annoyance to a considerable number of persons.”

Though South Coast AQMD has not announced if it has levied any fines on Lineage yet, it has a formal process in place to resolve the notices of violations it has issued. Any fines would then be collected by the state.

According to the South Coast AQMD, violators of state air quality regulations face a sliding scale of penalties depending on the severity. The base civil penalties range from $5,000 per day for a simple violation to $75,000 daily if a person “willfully and intentionally emits an air contaminant” in violation of state law. Those penalties could be $100,000 or more if the contaminants are found to have harmed anyone.

South Coast AQMD has not yet announced litigation against Lineage, though it mentioned the possibility of a civil suit in statements released last week.

UCLA environmental health professor Yoshira Ornelas Van Horne said that criminal cases against companies responsible for air contamination are more difficult to bring to trial compared to other forms of accountability.

Prosecutors “have to show that they intentionally were doing something bad, and that they knew that they were doing this, and they still kept doing it,” Ornelas Van Horne said. “So most of the time, the legal pathway is through these penalties and civil lawsuits — if at all — to bring them into compliance.”

Another ongoing question is whether the warehouse continues to be a source of air pollutants. A tracker on Lineage’s website shows that on July 15 and 17, the most recently reported days, the air quality was within EPA guidelines for all contaminants measured, including carbon monoxide and ammonia. (You can see AQMD’s measurements here.)

Smoke from the Boyle Heights warehouse fire could be seen for miles in June. This image was captured June 20 on the 110/105 Freeway interchange.

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Ornelas Van Horne, who studies the impact of pollutants on marginalized communities, said that Lineage was using benchmarks that were meant for acute exposure to contaminants, which the EPA defines as under 14 days. Since it’s now been over a month since the warehouse caught fire, she said it’s important to reevaluate how appropriate the guidelines for acute exposure are in this situation.

“What they're measuring is in concentrations of what we'd call PPM,” parts per million, Ornelas Van Horne said. “But as we move toward … longer time periods, those levels actually go down to PPB [parts per billion], and so that's super important to emphasize.”

Other local agencies’ oversight

Though South Coast AQMD has taken the lead on penalties and enforcement so far, other agencies can also step in — though they are limited by law and jurisdiction in terms of what and when they can do it.

On July 1, the L.A. Department of Building and Safety ordered Lineage to remove all of the estimated 85 million pounds of spoiling food waste from the warehouse within 45 days.

If Lineage is found not to be in compliance by the deadline, the Department of Building and Safety can then hire contractors to remove waste and harmful materials and even demolish the building, among other actions, according to a June 29 executive order from L.A. Mayor Karen Bass.

The cost of these services, plus a 40% surcharge, would then be “placed as a lien on the property upon which the nuisances exist.”

In the same executive order, Mayor Bass committed to recovering the costs of its firefighting efforts, remediation, administrative overhead costs and community recovery centers from “all responsible parties.”

But city leaders have indicated they’re not happy with that timeline. Bass said in an interview with LAist media partner CBS LA that despite her original 45-day deadline, “these odors are so severe they need to move faster than that.”

The L.A. County Department of Public Health told LAist it has looked into issues involving flies and other potential health issues in and near the warehouse, including “increased fly activity, decaying organic waste odors, and sanitation concerns.”

Public health officials have issued their own notice to abate these issues on July 15, after an investigation that found violations of Los Angeles County code related to fly breeding.

The Department of Public Health also said that the city of Los Angeles and Lineage had been directed to develop a pest control plan after reports of rats, flies and other insects. Bass' office said L.A.'s sanitation department placed and is monitoring "about 250 rodent control stations around the facility and in the neighborhood." It also said the city has hired a pest control company.

LAist has reached out to Lineage for further comment on their vermin control plans.

“Removing [the food waste] safely takes time and requires specialized contractors,” Lineage’s website reads. “We are required to follow strict environmental and safety protocols set by the City of Los Angeles and [South Coast Air Quality Management District]. We have cleanup crews working around the clock, and we are pushing to move faster wherever we safely can.”

Still, the company will indeed have to pick up the pace in order to meet the city’s mid-August deadline. An estimated 3.5% of the total food waste — 1,506 tons — has been cleared out to date. Between July 15 and July 20, Lineage cleared out 695 tons of spoiled food, an average of 139 tons per day, according to data released by the company. At that pace, the company will have removed about 10.1% of the estimated 85 million pounds of food waste by Aug. 15. LAist has asked Lineage about the pace of cleanup and will update this article when the company responds.

Lineage Chief Operations Officer Jeff Rivera said at a July 9 community meeting that he was confident Lineage was on track to remove all waste by the city’s deadline.

“The mayor put an aggressive 45-day schedule, and we’re going to beat that,” Rivera said.

“We’re doing everything in our power to beat that.”

The waste is being hauled away by trucks that can hold 20 tons at once. And Ornelas Van Horne of UCLA said beyond the smells of the material they’re holding, these trucks may pose health concerns of their own, similar to those near warehouses across L.A. County and the Inland Empire.

“Obviously the cleanup is necessary, right? But with the cleanup comes things like additional diesel trucks coming into the community,” Ornelas Van Horne said. “We have a lot of documented evidence that diesel particulate matter is harmful to health, and so I think that particularly is an additional concern.”

The 2026 World Cup has ended — after almost six weeks, 104 matches and games spread across three countries: the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Spain is the World Cup champion again, defeating the defending champion Argentina to claim its second title. With the win, Spain holds World Cup titles for both the men's and women's national teams — a first.

Here are the moments that stood out to NPR's team of journalists who covered the tournament:

All the drama before the tournament, and just pure enjoyment once underway

For the most part, the 2026 World Cup was a smooth, fun and safe one.

Sure, the mandatory hydration breaks added for all games (including those in domed stadiums with air conditioning) and a first-ever halftime show in the final were maddening for the soccer purists. But, still, the U.S., Mexico and Canada put on a great show for the world — with record viewership and attendance.

And, wow, were people treated to some remarkable soccer games. Let's not forget the hand-wringing when the announcement was made about expanding the number of countries from 32 to 48. "The quality of play will be poor! There will be blowouts! It just won't be as fun!" And then we all saw what actually happened.
Those World Cup debutants — or those that hadn't been in decades — were just delightful. Scotland (and their wonderful fans), anyone? People from other countries enjoying and exploring the U.S. and posting the absolute best social media videos about it. And what about African countries powering into the knockout rounds? Soccer at its best.
— Russell Lewis

During the World Cup round of 32 match between the United States and Bosnia-Herzegovina, fans of the U.S. roared and cheered throughout in Santa Clara, Calif. The Americans won 2-0 on July 1 to advance to the round of 16 against Belgium.

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The enthusiasm for the U.S. team is hopefully the start of something

I've been to a lot of sporting events, but I'm not sure I've heard a crowd pop like in Seattle when forward Folarin Balogun forced an own goal when the U.S. faced Australia, or like in Santa Clara, Calif., when midfielder Malik Tillman hit the free kick to put the U.S. up 2-0 despite being shorthanded after the Balogun red card.

It's been a joy to see children all over the country, from L.A. to Kansas City to Atlanta to New York, wearing the team's red-and-white striped jerseys. I had friends and family who never normally watch the sport text me during the U.S. games.

Look, I'm not naive. The U.S. still has a long way to go to match the passion of, say, Argentina when it comes to our national soccer teams. But compared to the tiny crowds at other friendlies I've attended, or getting outnumbered by Mexico fans in the Gold Cup final in Houston, this was a great start.

And I'm hopeful that come the next CONCACAF Nations League, which begins this fall, or even the possible Copa América that might be on deck here in the States in 2028, the passion will linger long enough that this story might change.
— Becky Sullivan

The Cape Verde-Argentina game

Cape Verde was an exciting team to watch in this tournament. The narrative was that they came out of nowhere, which is not quite true: yes, this was their first time qualifying for a World Cup, but in African tournaments, Cape Verde has been playing amazing soccer for years.
As someone who follows soccer closely, I think African soccer is having a moment, and we may see it come to full bloom in the 2030 World Cup (hosted in part by Morocco). Vozinha, Cape Verde's extraordinary goalie, was one of the breakout stars of this cup at age 40.

On the other hand, Argentina is a relentless team; they were the defending champions. They have Lionel Messi, a living legend. The game, played in Miami, was a nail-biter: until the last moment, no one knew how it would end.

The fans were wild (there was a moment in the press box when the stadium was shaking so hard, a local journalist turned to me and said, "It never shakes like this." I will never forget that game.
— Jasmine Garsd

Argentina's forward Lionel Messi reacts during the 2026 World Cup final loss against Spain. This is likely Messi's final World Cup game.

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The Argentina team working to decrease cardiac health globally

As someone who has followed the Argentina team for decades, this is nothing new: It is a team notorious for being slow starters, as if they needed to be up against the wall to find their motivation.

They started off the last World Cup, in 2022, with a shocking loss to Saudi Arabia, and then, just as everyone had discounted them, they went on to win the entire tournament.

The matches in this year's World Cup followed a similar pattern: Like against Cape Verde, Argentina seeming to be on standby during the first half, then coming to life in the second.

Another example was Argentina-England, and yet another heart attack special. Argentina seemed to be getting its bearings in the first half of the game. It wasn't until after the 55th minute, when England scored a goal, that Argentina began to awaken and put up a fight. They equalized in the 85th minute, and then scored again in stoppage time to win and advance to the final.

Argentina played the same way in the final, but unlike the previous games, could not find a way to bounce back.

— Jasmine Garsd

Unfortunately, the high ticket prices were justified

From the moment FIFA released the first tickets, our eyes collectively popped at the price of the tickets — what a cash grab! Hundreds of dollars for the seemingly low-demand group stage games, $1,000 or more for each U.S. game, and thousands for Sunday's final.

But the fears of half-empty stadiums, of empty hotels, or visitors turned off by the high prices, never quite came to fruition. I'm sad to report it turns out FIFA was onto something. It turns out the World Cup is very fun and very cool, and many people are willing to pay those prices, whether diehard fans traveling from overseas or curious locals who wanted the experience.

Soccer has long hung its hat on being the most accessible sport to play — all you need is a ball! — but a $10,000 entry price to the final, and hundreds for the cheapest games, are the latest proof that's changing.

— Becky Sullivan

France's forward Kylian Mbappé celebrates scoring a goal against Sweden in a round of 32 match. Mbappé finished the tournament as the Golden Boot winner with 10 goals, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

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Kylian Mbappé's unbelievable speed

It's one thing to watch him play on TV, but when you see him in person, you really understand just how fast French captain Kylian Mbappé is.

I did a little digging after the France-Morocco game near Boston, and found that Mbappé's fastest recorded sprint on a pitch was faster than Jamaican Olympic gold medalist Usain Bolt's average set in his 100m World Record in 2009.

Mbappé's speed was 23.6 miles per hour, recorded in a 2019 match between Paris Saint-Germain and AS Monaco. And that speed helped him win yet another Golden Boot award. His 10 goals were the most in the tournament, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

— Jasmine Garsd

The much-hated VAR

VAR, or video assistant referee, was first introduced at the World Cup in 2018. At the time, fans and teams appreciated it as a way to correct the occasional referee error or missed call. Fast-forward to 2026, and VAR is ubiquitous in almost every game.
At times, the decisions have been accused of being ludicrous: a Colombian goal against Portugal annulled because a toenail was found offside by the VAR.
An Iranian goal against Belgium was wiped away because the striker's butt was offside. There have also been controversial VAR calls, like the questionable foul that led to an Egyptian goal against Argentina being annulled. Argentina won that game and Egypt got knocked out.

Fans also say it's slowing down the game and putting a damper on goal celebrations, lest the great VAR take the moment away.

— Jasmine Garsd

The continued politicizing of the Cup

It's nothing new: The 2018 Russia World Cup was rife with accusations of sportswashing of human rights abuses and FIFA corruption. The 2022 Qatar World Cup faced similar criticism.

During this World Cup, there were critiques of the U.S. government's immigration policy as tens of thousands of foreign tourists tried to enter the country. The U.S.-led war against Iran trickled onto the soccer field, too.

Iran's soccer team had planned to base its training camp in Arizona. But it moved to Tijuana, Mexico, amid security fears and other worries. Then, the U.S. government only allowed Iran's team to enter the country a single day (and, later, two days) before each game, and the team had to depart immediately afterward.

And, of course, the prohibitive cost of tickets, and President Trump's involvement in the tournament. He only attended one game, the final between Argentina and Spain, and was booed. There were also conversations about various teams and their colonial histories.

— Jasmine Garsd

FIFA President Gianni Infantino (L) and President Donald Trump arrive for the final ceremony after the 2026 World Cup final won by Spain over Argentina in East Rutherford, N.J. on July 19, 2026.

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Trump's call to Infantino was an uncomfortable new frontier

The White House's involvement with the red card given to Balogun, the U.S. striker, was an uncomfortable new frontier for U.S. national teams.

It wasn't a surprise, exactly — President Trump has often used sports as a way to score political points. But it was extraordinary for Trump to personally call FIFA president Gianni Infantino to ask for the red card to be reviewed.

Whether his call made a difference in FIFA's decision to allow Balogun to play — FIFA insists it did not — the optics were terrible, and for many fans, it dimmed a summer's worth of enthusiasm for the team.
For days after Trump confirmed reports of his call to Infantino, U.S. Soccer remained silent on the president's involvement. That silence left some fans feeling as though the organization welcomed the White House's intervention.

Then, when asked about it last week — after plenty of time had passed to issue a statement — the head of U.S. Soccer essentially shrugged.

"The president is able to do what the president wants to do. The president is the president of the United States," U.S. Soccer CEO J.T. Batson said. "Obviously we're incredibly grateful for all the support for all of our fans all across the country, wherever they are. And we're excited about that, and we know that that'll pay dividends going forward."

— Becky Sullivan

Fans react at a bar in New York as the USA scores to make it 4-1 against Paraguay in a World Cup group match.

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The World Cup that sparkled and thrilled 

This is the fourth World Cup that I've covered for NPR, and, unlike at the Olympics, the pride in one's country at the World Cup is always so striking.

Fans — young and old — attend the games or show up in the host cities to be around others to cheer on their team. The passion, the fervor and just the sheer love of home.

Seeing tens of thousands of fans in a stadium, a bar, or a watch party and watching them will their country forward believing that anything is possible on the pitch. And sometimes the fans aren't even from any of the countries playing that day.

Soccer is a global sport and a global love. It truly is a treat to see in person.
— Russell Lewis

Want more fútbol in the United States? Major League Soccer has just resumed its season, and is working to capitalize on World Cup fever in the U.S.

NWSL, the National Women's Soccer League and USL Championship are also underway. And the number-two-ranked U.S. Women's National Team is back in action this fall with a pair of tune-up matches against No. 1 Spain — ahead of next year's Women's World Cup in Brazil.
Copyright 2026 NPR

In one big way, Gov. Gavin Newsom is tougher on public employee unions than his Republican counterpart in Texas: Making state workers show up in the office.

After facing strong opposition from workers, it took Texas Gov. Greg Abbott three months to reverse his 2025 ban on remote work for state employees. But Newsom, whose return-to-office mandate has been in effect since July 1, shows no signs of backing down.

It’s a stance that has upset — and at times befuddled — some state workers who are calling for the governor to scrap the four-day-a-week in-office policy as they hammer out new labor agreements.

Typically, they’re allies to the Democratic governor. They helped him fight off a recall in 2021, and they encouraged their members to vote for him against his Republican opponents.

More importantly to them, they maintain they’re just as effective at home, which they say they proved when Newsom ordered them to work from home during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It’s confusing to people when they think that they’ve done a great job to be told, ‘Well we don’t think it’s good enough and you should incur going back into the office,’” said D’Arcy McLeod, chairperson of the Professional Engineers in California Government’s bargaining team.

Roughly 108,000 of California’s more than 245,900 state employees are affected by the mandate, according to the state human resources department. The others generally already are required to work at a specific location five days a week, including prison, firefighting, law enforcement, and custodial employees.

Service Employees International Union Local 1000, California’s largest state worker union, represents 96,000 employees and is in contract negotiations. It argues that remote work saves taxpayers and employees money, reduces traffic and lowers emissions — all without affecting productivity.

Newsom’s mandate allows exemptions on a case-by-case basis, including for those who live 50 miles or farther from their worksite, or who conduct work outside the office, such as telehealth providers and inspectors. Public transportation costs for commuting are also reimbursable.

But that isn’t enough for SEIU, which in May filed an unfair labor practices complaint with the California Public Employment Relations Board. It also threw its support behind a bill that would give state agencies more authority to shape their hybrid work policies.

“A blanket mandate does not work for all the jobs that our workers do,” said Anica Walls, the union’s president. “Let the departments decide.”

California exceptionalism?

States have taken different approaches to calling workers back to the office since the pandemic. Republican-led Nevada and Democratic-led New Mexico require state employees to be in the office five days a week, for example. Utah with a Republican governor wants them at the office twice a week.

But Newsom’s blanket policy appears to be an outlier among other blue states with robust public employee unions: Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Oregon and Washington state still embrace remote work in some capacity. It also differs from Texas, a Republican-led state that Newsom has contrasted with California.

A few months after President Donald Trump began his second term and called for federal employees to return to the office, Abbott banned remote work for Texas state employees. But following a multi-agency survey that found that telework did not curb productivity and helped reduce turnover, Abbott walked back the move.

Newsom “is a man who has talked about the importance of innovation, wrote an entire book about government adapting to technology and providing services in a more cost-effective way,” said Ted Toppin, the executive director of the engineers union.

“It strikes me as interesting and ironic that Texas would have a more modern, flexible and efficient take on state employee telework.”

Despite a state audit that concluded that telework could save California as much as $225 million a year, Newsom moved forward with his March 2025 executive order directing workers back into the office at least four days a week.

In May during a state budget presentation, Newsom told reporters that he is “empathetic to change,” but that returning to the office helps build a sense of community. The governor has also contended that in-person work fosters collaboration, accountability and helps boost small businesses.

McLeod said he’s surprised Newsom remains resolute to the mandate even after the audit found that remote work proved successful during and after the pandemic.

“Every single Newsom appointed official that testified for the state auditor indicated that … the work that was being delivered during telework was substantially of higher quality and more efficient,” said McLeod of the engineers union.

The CalPERS Sacramento Regional Office in downtown Sacramento on July 15, 2026. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters

What unions wanted from Newsom

In some ways the rift echoes labor disputes from California’s last two governors.

Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came out swinging against public employees with unsuccessful ballot measures that were designed to cut their influence. He later imposed unpaid furloughs on public employees during the Great Recession.

Then Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown battled with unions over pensions, passing a law that curbed retirement benefits and required workers to chip in more for their benefits. He had a reputation for being stingy with raises, too.

Public employee unions were optimistic about Newsom. He offered concessions when he asked workers for temporary pay reductions during the pandemic, gave one-time bonuses to many employees and negotiated contracts that often included goodies for workers in hard-to-fill positions even if the deals didn’t please everyone.

Then came the fight over returning to the office.

Besides union leaders, Newsom’s steadfast commitment to in-person work has baffled Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with public employee unions on pension issues. For Newsom, a Democratic politician who is likely eyeing a bid for the presidency, “it’s political malpractice to come across as anti-labor,” said Maviglio.

“The only thing you’ll be able to say is that ‘I stood up to state workers,’ which isn’t particularly helpful in a Democratic primary where labor is the key constituency nationwide for Democrats.”

But for Will Swaim, chief executive of the libertarian think tank California Policy Center, Newsom’s fight with the unions signals something larger than remote work. Rather, it is a “policy disagreement that has turned into a foundational challenge to democracy,” said Swaim.

SEIU 1000 has donated at least $2 million to current members of the Legislature, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. In addition to its contract, the union is pushing for more flexible telework policies through a legislative proposal currently in the state Senate.

Through its campaign donations and labor talks, SEIU is attempting to wrest control from Newsom, a publicly elected official, over who gets to shape policies over government work, according to Swaim.

“That’s simply undemocratic,” said Swaim. “I don’t know anybody out there who believes that in their jobs they could tell their boss, ‘I’m not coming to the office, no matter what you want.’ It just doesn’t fly.”

But bosses should work to accommodate current employees, according to SEIU president Walls — especially if they have presumably bigger ambitions to oversee even more workers.

“As a state employee I would have trouble voting for someone who would be the boss of federal employees when I know he hasn’t shown to be a stellar employer to state employees,” said Walls.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Picture a gigantic, greasy, fried tiramisu. Layers of cream, espresso and lady fingers are deep fried in a thick, sweet batter before being sprinkled with cocoa powder.

This unique treat can only be found right now at the Orange County Fair.

The fair runs through Aug. 16 and in addition to pig races, carnival rides and outdoor music, the big draw is the food — carefully curated creations that test the limits of what’s typical. This year is no different. I was there on opening day, and here’s what I tried:

What’s new at the fair this year, and where you can find it:

One of my favorite new items was the Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe. This treat was sweet and refreshing with the cold ice cream.

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Joshua Letona

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LAist

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• The Chocolate Chip Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe is a must if you like sweet treats. It’s a cross between a buttery croissant and crispy waffle. Then it’s adorned with vanilla ice cream, chocolate chips, whipped cream and a caramel drizzle. This creation made its way to the States from South Korea, where it’s a beloved street food. 
  
• A French onion bun is an OC Fair exclusive from Ten Pound Buns, which bills itself as the king of cheese breads. The French onion bun combines gooey melted cheese and caramelized onions on a crispy piece of bread. Everything at their stand is made to order, and the portion sizes are very shareable! 

I love peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, but had never taken it to this level before. Highly recommend.

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Joshua Letona

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LAist

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• The Peanut Butter and Jelly Bacon Cheeseburger from the Philly Cheesesteak stand did not disappoint. Don’t be alarmed by this strange sweet and savory combo; the flavors balance each other out perfectly. The burger comes with crispy bacon, cheese, lettuce, tomato and pickles on top of a beef patty smothered in jelly and peanut butter.  

What else is on the menu?

As a born-and-raised Nebraskan, this was my first time at the OC Fair, and I felt like I needed to try some classics. So, I headed to the OG at the OC Fair, Chicken Charlie’s.

They've been at the OC Fair for 30 years now, and are known for classics like the deep-fried Oreos and new eye-popping inventions. Some of their new concoctions this year include: A fried mangonada — which features fresh mango battered, deep fried and topped with chamoy, lime and Tajin. There's also a Shawarma fry cone, Parmesan garlic fry cone and the fried tiramisu I mentioned.

The treats I tried ranged from $10 and $15 each, but there are some deals to be had. Chicken Charlie’s is offering a $30 anniversary meal deal that includes an entrée, fries, fried Oreos and a drink.

“I love being at the fair,” Charlie Boghosian, creator and owner of Chicken Charlie’s, told me. “I love creating new things, because I think frying is an art.”

Profound words from the person who created items like fried Kool-Aid, bacon-wrapped pickles and a Krispy Kreme chicken sandwich.

More new fair creations and where you can find them at the fair this year:

• Street Corn Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Chili Mac 'n' Cheese Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Street Corn Fries (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Tot-Zilla (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Vegetarian Broc-Star Potato with broccoli (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Dutch Fries with black truffle mayo (Biggy's)
• Dubai Deep-Fried Oreo (Fried Affair)
• Porkapalooza Pizza (Enzo's Pizza)
• Korean Corn Dogs and Cheese Sticks rolled in Takis or buldak ramen (Mustard's)
• Chupacabra Tasti Chips (Tasti Chips)
• Candied drinks dirty beverages (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gluten-free Cheese Curds (Tasti Burger)
• Loaded Tater Kegs (Tasti Burger)
• Pizza Bacon Bombs and Bacon-Wrapped Churro (Bacon Nation)
• Lord of the Rings Dog (Pink's)
• Freeze-dried candy beverages and Candy Blast gummies (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gooey Maple Butter Popcorn Cone (Planet Popcorn)