The Brief

As L.A. residents continue to rank homelessness as a top concern, taxpayers are spending hundreds of millions of dollars on Mayor Karen Bass’ signature program Inside Safe to help get people off the streets and into motels.

Now an LAist review has found major errors in a recent data release that tracks where encampments have been cleared and how many people were brought inside from each council district.

It comes as some council members have questioned a lack of details about how the mayor’s office chooses which encampments to offer motel rooms to.

The data was the first — and so far only — detailed public listing of each encampment operation for Inside Safe, a program that started a year and a half ago.

About the data and errors

The data was provided to the City Council back in April by the L.A. Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA), after the council ordered officials to gather it.

As LAist was analyzing the data last week, we reached out to all 15 council offices to verify the accuracy. That’s when problems with the data were pointed out to LAist by officials — problems that hadn’t previously been acknowledged publicly.

Click to compare the spreadsheets

Officials who prepared the spreadsheet acknowledge it had the following errors:

• It incorrectly labeled encampments located in multiple districts as only being in a single district. In one of those operations, 116 people were incorrectly labeled as all coming inside from Council District 1. The vast majority — about 100 — were actually in Council District 13, according to that district’s spokesperson. 
• It double-counted about 50 people who left Inside Safe motels, returned to an encampment, and then re-entered an Inside Safe motel.
• It listed incorrect dates for when encampment clearings took place. Among the problems: It showed an Inside Safe operation as starting before the mayor took office. The program didn’t launch until after she was sworn in.

Officials at the Homeless Services Authority acknowledged the errors in an interview with LAist and issued a correction this week for the City Council. The agency is overseen by Bass and other officials appointed by the mayor and county supervisors.

LAHSA official owns the errors

“I will own the errors in that report,” said Bevin Kuhn, who has been overseeing data at LAHSA on an interim basis since February. That’s when the previous data chief — Emily Vaughn Henry — left, before this data was compiled.

Kuhn was brought into the top data role at LAHSA by its CEO, Va Lecia Adams Kellum, who formerly worked with Kuhn at the Westside service provider St. Joseph Center.

Kuhn said the data was compiled as she was starting in her new role, and that she did not take the time to thoroughly review the data before it went out for the council.

“This report unfortunately fell off my personal radar,” Kuhn said.

“There was nothing nefarious about it, and there was nothing hidden there.”

LAHSA fixed the errors, and the corrected report sent to the city on Tuesday is “100% accurate,” Kuhn said.

Kuhn said she’s learned to communicate if deadlines aren’t realistic, and to do a better job of educating staff to prevent data errors.

Adams Kellum said she believes overall that LAHSA’s data is much more accurate than in the past, but that mistakes do still happen. She said she’s been working to get LAHSA staff to feel more comfortable asking for more time to make sure data reports are correct, and owning up to mistakes.

“We know nothing will get better, and we won't be able to hone our interventions if we can't tell you what's working and what's not,” she told LAist.

Timing: Homeless count numbers coming soon

LAist discovered the errors as LAHSA prepares to release the widely-anticipated homeless count results on Friday.

Asked why the public should trust the point in time results, Adams Kellum said it’s important to note that the data for that is overseen and validated by researchers at the University of Southern California.

She acknowledged “data issues across our entire homeless delivery system,” noting that LAist has reported on many of them.

“We've made great strides,” Adams Kellum said, adding that Kuhn “is making a great improvement in our ability to stand behind the numbers and also share with you where there's gaps.”

“That's that transparency that we're trying to get to.”

The backstory

The data was collected under a City Council order in February, which was initiated by Councilmember Monica Rodriguez.

“I requested the data because this information was not forthcoming from the mayor's office when we were requesting these reports” previously, Rodriguez told LAist in an interview.

“My big problem is that there was a lot of dollars being spent, a lot of money being allocated, but there hasn't been a lot of accountability for who's getting what money, what is it going to — like, breaking down and distilling more of those details,” Rodriguez told LAist in an interview.

The mayor’s office should be ensuring transparency and accuracy for data about the mayor’s key program, Rodriguez said.

“The administrator of the program should be able to account for how the program operates and where the deployments are.”

LAist requested an interview with Bass and her top homelessness advisor, Lourdes Castro Ramirez. They have not responded.

Why there are still unanswered questions

Many City Council members say Inside Safe is making a real difference in the lives of their constituents — housed and unhoused alike. More than 2,700 people have come inside under the program, as of the latest data, of whom about 1,900 are still known to be in shelter or housing.

Still, lack of clarity around how decisions get made persists, which the City Council’s directive to collect data in February noted. The strategy “remains open to further definition,” states the motion.

Asked how encampments are prioritized for Inside Safe, Mayor Bass’ office pointed LAist to a short description that says factors include “council district priorities, voluntary participation, encampment-specific needs (e.g., RVs, number of residents, size of encampment, safety/hazard issues, multiple jurisdictions), availability of interim housing, and service provider capacity."

Her office did not respond to follow-up questions, including what "council district priorities" means and how they’re decided.

Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, who chairs the council’s budget committee, called for “more transparency and accountability” about Inside Safe decisions in an interview with LAist.

He credited the mayor’s office with trying to prioritize encampments for Inside Safe in “a rational way,” but said “the decision process is not necessarily clear or inclusive of the entire council.”

“I think they're just trying to address a crisis. I don't think they have a clearly delineated process,” Blumenfield said.

The City Council is now stepping up its push for transparency about that. As part of its budget approval for the new fiscal year, the council is requiring detailed data about each Inside Safe operation on a regular basis — including, for the first time, how encampments were chosen.

As for the data errors uncovered by LAist, he said LAHSA’s data quality has been a longstanding problem and one that’s still “a big concern” for him.

LAHSA officials “certainly have asked us for more money for admin, for data, and we've provided that every time we've been asked,” he added.

“And we're spending a lot on making sure that they're resourced to provide the data.”

Tell LAist: The state of homelessness in your neighborhood

Young California voters are on track to make up a larger share of the 2026 primary electorate compared to the 2022 primary, according to an analysis of ballots counted so far by Political Data Intelligence.

As of Thursday, voters aged 18–34 accounted for 13% of all ballots counted. That’s a 4 percentage point increase from the 2022 primary at this time.

One factor is that there are nearly 2 million more people in this age group registered than in 2022.

Paul Mitchell, a vice president at PDI, said this is due in part to a change in policy that automatically re-registers California voters when they move from county-to-county.

“Young people have benefited from their registrations staying alive when they are constantly shuffling around the state,” Mitchell said.

Yet, the returns show that while more young people are voting, their turnout rate is still slightly lower than in 2022. (There’s a longstanding trend of young people voting at lower rates than older voters.)

Mitchell said that may change by the time all the ballots are counted.

 ”Those late voters were very heavily young people,” Mitchell said. “That could mean… if this pattern continues, a higher final turnout for young people.”

Among those late voters was a group of students at South L.A.’s Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School. About 40 seniors walked with their teachers Tuesday afternoon to a Washington Park vote center to cast a ballot for the first time. Nearly two dozen additional students signed up as poll workers.

The school’s government and economics teacher, Joel Snyder, has made civic engagement a key part of the curriculum since the school opened in 2006.

“ I think about how to make the pitch to them that democracy is important in their lives and is a public good,” Snyder said.

Here’s what the students said motivated them to vote, edited for length and clarity. LAist is not publishing their last names because some discuss the immigration status of their family members.

Jose, senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.

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Mariana Dale

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LAist

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Katherine, a senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.

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Mariana Dale

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LAist

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Natalia, senior Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.

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Mariana Dale

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LAist

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Martha, senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.

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Mariana Dale

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LAist

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A group of students waits for their turn to vote at Washington Park in the Florence Graham neighborhood.

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Mariana Dale

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LAist

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California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, which means it may take a while before voters have results for some significant races. A big one is the L.A. mayor's race with Nithya Raman gaining some ground on Spencer Pratt in the race for second place.

Here are five other races we're watching.

Complete results for L.A. County and Orange County >>

L.A. City Council, District 9

Jose Ugarte maintains his lead ahead of Estuardo Mazariegos as of Thursday night. The two leave four other Latino candidates far behind in this race.

For the first time since 1963, L.A.'s District 9 will not be represented by a Black councilmember.

L.A. County Sheriff

Incumbent Robert Luna and former sheriff Alex Villanueva are holding on to their places in the two top spots. Luna maintains a significant lead — about 20 percentage points — over Villanueva.

If you're getting déjà vu, that's because the two went head-to-head once before in the 2022 General Election.

L.A. County Measure ER

Voters are still on track to reject L.A. County's attempt to raise sales taxes by half a percent.

The increase was expected to have generated $1 billion to backfill funding gaps left by federal cuts to Medi-Cal.

Orange County Board of Supervisors, District 5

Incumbent Katrina Foley is still falling just short of regaining her top spot from Diane Dixon. Unless Dixon receives more than 50% of the votes, the two will face off in the November election.

U.S. House, District 32

Incumbent Rep. Brad Sherman and Republican Larry Thompson are likely to square off in November for the race to represent District 32 in the U.S. House of Representatives. Sherman maintains a tight lead.

District 32 spans from the western San Fernando Valley to the coastal cities.

Tracking your ballot

You can track the status of your ballot through California's BallotTrax website.

If your mail-in ballot has any problems (like a missing or mismatched signature), your county registrar must contact you to give you a chance to fix it.

Ask us a question

A potent carcinogen may have spread to communities as far as nine miles downwind of the Eaton and Palisades fire burn zones during debris clean-up, according to a new peer-reviewed study in the journal Nature.

A team of researchers has been studying the air pollution effects of clearing the remains of more than 16,000 homes and businesses destroyed in the 2025 fires.

Scientists with UCLA and UC Davis drove through Altadena and Pacific Palisades in an electric vehicle with mobile air monitors periodically over about seven months after the fires. They measured nanoparticles of hexavalent chromium, or chromium-6, within the cleanup areas. Paint, auto parts, electronics and fire retardant are possible sources, but more study is needed to understand where the chromium came from, the researchers said. They also detected other airborne metals, including lead and arsenic.

The researchers used computer modeling to understand how far those airborne particles may have spread beyond the immediate burn zones. About 3 million people live in the areas that could have been exposed, according to the scientists’ models.

The highest concentrations of nanoparticles — particles less than 1/1,000th the width of a human hair — were measured in March 2025, about two months into the debris removal effort in both burn zones. But the toxicity declined as time passed.

“ The good news is that some of those toxic metals, they were converted back to less toxic forms over time,” said Michael Kleeman, professor of civil and environmental engineering at UC Davis and lead author of the study. “So in the months after the wildfire, the threat from this sort of decayed away.”

In communities outside the burn zones, concentrations diluted further as the plume moved downwind, Kleeman said. By eight months after the fires, the researchers measured that heavy metal concentrations had fallen to background levels for the L.A. basin.

The research highlights how “even after the fire is over, the danger isn't gone,” Kleeman said.

An aerial view of properties cleared of fire debris in Altadena in July 2025.

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Mario Tama

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Getty Images

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Cleared lots in the Palisades Fire burn zone stretch into the distance.

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Qian Weizhong

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VCG / Associated Press

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How concerned should you be? 

The researchers and outside experts emphasized to LAist that the study’s findings do not prove widespread contamination of homes, businesses or the environment.

“ I hope we can get a message of caution out there, but not panic,” said Kleeman.

Andrew Whelton, a Purdue University post-disaster environmental risk researcher who was not involved in the study, said the research is far from proving what, if any, harm to human health could occur, especially because no indoor testing was carried out.

“Drawing a line from street-level detections to indoor exposure, without confirming that the [chromium-6] outdoors entered homes at levels posing health risks, is a significant leap,” he said.

Whelton, who carried out soil testing in the L.A. fire burn scars, said he worries the paper could needlessly sow fear because so many open questions remain. He has argued for funding and establishing more comprehensive contaminant testing at the individual household level in the wake of such destructive fires — the most definitive way to know your personal risk.

“The bottom line: detecting nanoparticles in outdoor air does not mean harm occurred to 3-plus million people living and working inside buildings,” Whelton told LAist.

The average levels of chromium-6 detected in the air during debris cleanup in March were well below limits set for workplaces by the Occupational Health and Safety Administration, but above the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency long-term screening levels for homes, according to the study.

Still, those comparisons are imperfect because the particles measured were far smaller than what’s used for current health standards — meaning they can more easily travel throughout the body, Kleeman said.

“We don't know for sure what the concerning level should be,” he said.

Workplace standards, for example, are set for healthy adults working eight-hour shifts, “rather than for sensitive populations such as young children, pregnant individuals, older adults, or people with chronic illness,” said Jun Wu, an environmental health scientist and professor at UC Irvine’s School of Public Health, who also was not involved with the study.

More comprehensive study is needed to get at what true exposures may, or may not, have occurred, the Kleeman and outside researchers emphasized.

“This is a single, novel finding based on limited sampling, with the downwind reach estimated by modeling,” Wu said, “so broader monitoring is the natural next step.”

Where the nanoparticles may have spread

The broadest potential plume was from the Palisades Fire, spreading as far as the southern San Fernando Valley to the north and Beverly Hills and West Hollywood to the east. Kleeman said computer modeling of prevailing winds show the plume being pushed toward central L.A.

“Santa Monica, Venice and moving toward central L.A. took the brunt of the plume,” Kleeman said.

Prevailing winds didn’t spread the plume quite as far in communities near the Eaton Fire, with modeling showing northeast Pasadena being the primary community affected.

A map from the study showing the ZIP codes where a airborne chromium-6 may have spread during debris removal.

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Courtesy UCLA / UC Davis

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Many unknowns remain about the public health effects of catastrophic fires in urban areas — and how far those risks may drift beyond the burn zone.

“More work is needed to understand how widespread and persistent these particles were, how exposure varied by location and cleanup activity, and what the health risks were for nearby residents,” said Sina Hasheminassab, an air quality researcher at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory who was not involved in the study.

Additionally, the study raises questions about how to better protect people’s health not only during, but also after destructive urban fires, said Wu.

“Much of our attention goes to the smoke during the active fire, but this study points to the cleanup and recovery phase,” she said. “This time window deserves just as much attention as the fire period itself.”

For example, some survivors whose homes survived never left during debris removal — some cited concerns about not being able to afford another place to stay without upfront insurance payouts, as well as worries about looting.

The study notes that workers in the burn zones faced the highest risk.

“Based on our field observations, many workers in the debris cleanup zone did not wear masks despite California requirements to provide approved air purifying respirators to workers,” the researchers wrote.

Crews remove wildfire debris on hillside property in Pacific Palisades last year. Researchers note in a recent study that many workers they saw weren't using respiratory protection.

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Charles Delano

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U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

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Survivors push for policy to protect public health after wildfires

Nicole Maccalla’s home in Altadena was damaged but ultimately survived the Eaton Fire. She and her two teenagers moved back in nearly six months after the fire, while debris removal was ongoing. Her daughter’s school nearby was also reopened just a month after the fires.

“ I know I was exposed. I know my kids were exposed,” Maccalla told LAist. “I'm not really sure what to do with that, to be honest.”

“Our entire community is really now guinea pigs,” she added. “It’s deeply concerning.”

Nicole Maccalla, with her kids, Seb and AJ. Their Altadena home survived the Eaton Fire but suffered serious smoke damage.

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Courtesy Nicole Maccalla

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Maccalla, a data scientist and member of Eaton Fire Residents United, helped guide ongoing research by scientists like Kleeman to better understand the levels of contamination after the fires.

She said this study is a warning.

“ I think in the future, we need to move a little slower in fire recovery. The goal should not be speed. The goal should be health and safety,” Maccalla said. “We rushed it, and I hope that we learn from this mistake.”

She and fellow survivors see some hope in a new bill they helped inform. AB 1642, or the Wildfire Environmental Safety and Testing Act, is making its way through the California Legislature.

The bill, written by Assemblymember John Harabedian, would establish the first statewide health standards for testing and cleaning up debris in and outside standing homes, schools, businesses and other structures after a wildfire.

Maccalla urged fellow survivors worried about the results of this study to prioritize caring for their mental and physical wellbeing.

“The stress of all of this is just going to be an added component that will be another contributor to us getting sick long term,” she said. “So many of us are still in survival mode. It's time, I think, to start taking care of ourselves a little bit.”

A year ago, the Trump administration launched a deportation campaign that would leave an indelible mark on L.A. County.

On the morning of June 6, masked federal immigration agents targeted a Home Depot in Westlake, where day laborers were gathered to solicit construction work. About 3 miles east, more masked agents descended on Ambiance Apparel, a fast-fashion warehouse in downtown Los Angeles.

At both locations, Angelenos witnessed workers getting handcuffed and hauled away. For some, those workers were friends, siblings, spouses or parents.

Purportedly meant to remove criminals from the country, federal immigration officials would go on to arrest more than 14,000 people in the greater Los Angeles area in 2025 — the majority of whom had no criminal record, according to an LAist analysis of recent data from the Deportation Data Project.

These detentions, and the ones that followed, ignited sweeping marches and community activism. Met with occasional violent resistance, the federal government deployed active-duty military personnel to the region.

So far, the mass deportation effort has left the following in its wake:

• In Ladera Heights, a food vendor clung to a tree to avoid being taken by federal agents. When they hauled her away, she was still wearing her work apron.
• In the San Fernando Valley, a high school senior took his dog for a walk and did not come home. A neighbor said she saw four men in tactical vests standing near unmarked SUVs shortly after the teenager was detained.
• In Monrovia, a 52-year-old day laborer who worked to support his wife and four daughters died after being struck by an SUV on the freeway. He was attempting to flee a raid at a local Home Depot. 

Families who were suddenly left without their breadwinners struggle to pay their rent. Asylum seekers are detained at routine check-ins. A record number of immigrants have died in civil detention. Many U.S. citizens of color now carry their passports to move about town. Federal agents have detained scores of citizens — sometimes for days. And, to date, more than 200,000 children have been separated from their parents. 

Trump’s mass deportation effort, first tested in Bakersfield, has been escalated to other cities: This includes Chicago, where federal agents killed Silverio Villegas-González, a 38-year-old single father, and almost killed Marimar Martinez, a Montessori school teaching assistant. Then, in Minneapolis, federal agents shot and killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti. The federal government branded Martinez, Good and Pretti — all U.S. citizens — as “domestic terrorists” and accused them of trying to harm officers.

Eeking out a living in the raids’ aftermath

In downtown L.A.’s once-bustling fashion district, business hasn't bounced back. LAist spoke with multiple workers in the area. They declined to share their names for fear of reprisal.

Since the raid at Ambiance, “it hasn’t been the same,” said a worker at a nearby shop. She works at a party supply store specializing in piñatas and embroidered graduation stoles. She’s always waiting for the other shoe to drop, she said.

“[One feels] insecure because you never know how the day is going to go,” the worker told LAist.

At Ambiance Apparel, around the block, an employee estimated a massive loss of income for the store, as much as 50%. (The store did not immediately respond to requests for comment.)

That same effect has played out at small businesses all over the county. Neighborhoods that were hit hard by immigration raids — including Boyle Heights, Echo Park and Westlake, along with southeast L.A. cities like Bell, Pico Rivera and South Gate — report less customer traffic and reduced daily sales.

Angelenos, including workers' family members, gather in front of Ambiance Apparel after several employees were taken into custody by federal agents last summer.

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Genaro Molina

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Getty Images

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Since last June, the Home Depot in Westlake has been targeted for raids at least four times. Even so, day laborers still mill about the home improvement megastore’s parking lot, soliciting construction work from homeowners and contractors.

One worker, a 39-year-old from Guatemala who declined to give his name, said he witnessed the raid last year but managed to get away. He was frightened, he told LAist, but he still came back to work the next day; he has five children to support, including one studying to become a nurse.

“Ni modo, hay que comer,” he said, noting that people need money to eat. “Siempre hay necesidad.”

The reality, he said, is that he’s defenseless if agents were to show up again. Despite his own situation, he feels for the other workers around him.

“Es muy triste,” he said. “Están luchando por sus hijos, para seguir adelante” — “It’s really sad. They’re fighting for their children, to get ahead.”

Finding strength in community  

Beyond the marches last summer, Angelenos continue to find ways to support local immigrant communities. Some have offered to buy groceries for those who struggle to make ends meet or are simply scared to leave their homes. Others have volunteered to give their neighbors rides to school or work. Several regions have organized community patrols to warn about the presence of federal agents.

Activism has not eluded younger generations. At high schools and middle schools across the county, students have walked out of class in protest.

At Olive Vista Middle School in Sylmar, about 100 students left their science, English and math classes earlier this year. To critics who thought they should have stayed inside, 11-year-old Alejandro said: “They don't understand how much we love our parents.”

Across the U.S., detained immigrants themselves are engaging in activism. From Delaney Hall in New Jersey to Adelanto in California, people inside ICE detention centers have launched hunger strikes to expose conditions they describe as unsafe and inhumane. The Department of Homeland Security insists there are no hunger strikes at these facilities, and that detainees get “three meals a day, medical care, and receive full due process.”

The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights has also planned a slew of L.A. events during the months of June and July to draw attention to the raids’ impact on local families — and to the unique challenges faced by certain workers, including car washers and custodians.

“A year after the cruel immigration surge that shook all Angelenos, our message is clear: Fear did not defeat us, cruelty did not divide us, and militarization did not silence us,” said executive director Angelica Salas in an email. “We remember, we resist, and we recommit ourselves to the struggle for justice, dignity and the humanity of every Angeleno.”