The Brief

During the COVID pandemic, J. Paul Grayson was hit with an avalanche of health problems — high blood pressure, prediabetes and a heart arrhythmia.

He also gained 40 pounds to his 6-feet 3-inches frame. "I felt like my weight was getting out of control," says the 73-year-old retiree, who lives on a ranch in Oklahoma. "I had to start taking all these medications that I never had to take before. I actually felt pretty depressed about my health."

About six months ago, Grayson began taking the popular weight-loss drug Ozempic. He knew the side effects could be rough, including nausea, constipation, and diarrhea. But he thought it would be worth it if he could stave off further heart problems by losing the extra weight.

"Right away, I started eating less and losing weight," he says. That was expected. But what Grayson hadn't expected was that the drug also immediately altered one of his other habits.

"I remember going to dinner for the first time [while taking Ozempic]," Grayson explains. "I ordered a beer, took a sip, and I couldn't finish it," he says. "You know how sometimes you taste a beer, and it's like, 'Oh my God, this tastes so good that I want to guzzle it.' Well, I didn't feel like guzzling. I just really felt like sipping it."
And, instead of having several beers with dinner, Grayson stopped at just one drink.

J. Paul Grayson experienced an interesting side effect when he started taking Ozempic: He lost his taste for alcohol.

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J. Paul Grayson

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In the past year, prescriptions for both the diabetes drug Ozempic, and its weight-loss counterpart Wegovy, have skyrocketed, despite the fact that each costs about $1,000 a month, and some health insurers recently stopped covering them. Both drugs contain the same active ingredient, semaglutide, which belongs to a class of drugs known as GLP-1 (a.k.a. "glucagon-like peptide 1"). These drugs regulate your blood sugar and make you feel satisfied after eating. Ozempic is approved for treating diabetes and, in some cases, excess weight.

With the drug's surge in popularity, doctors and patients have begun to notice a striking side effect of these drugs: They appear to reduce people's cravings for alcohol, nicotine and opioids. They may also reduce some types of compulsive behaviors, such as gambling and online shopping.

"There's really been a large number of clinical and anecdotal reports coming in suggesting that people's drinking behaviors are changing and in some instances pretty substantially while taking [Ozempic or Wegovy]," says Christian Hendershot, a psychologist and addiction researcher at the University of North Carolina.

He's leading one of six clinical trials now underway aimed at understanding how semaglutide may alter people's drinking and smoking habits.

"All these reports, for the most part, are anecdotal," Hendershot adds. "At the same time, it does seem like there's a pretty strong signal here."

Scientists are hopeful that a new class of treatments for alcohol use disorder or smoking may be on the horizon. Some doctors have even started prescribing these drugs for this specific purpose, even though evidence from large, randomized controlled trials are still years away.

Stopping at just one cookie or beer

To many doctors and patients, like J. Paul Grayson, Ozempic's effect on alcohol came as a big surprise.

"Before Ozempic, I could consume a whole bottle of wine in an evening without trying real hard, along with a bag of chocolates," he says laughing. "But with Ozempic, even one beer didn't feel good to me somehow," he says.

"I had no idea this would happen," he adds. "Nobody told me anything about the drug affecting alcohol, too."

But for scientists who study GLP-1 drugs, this striking side effect was exactly what they expected. "It's really not surprising," says pharmacologist Elisabet Jerlhag.

For more than a decade now, Jerlhag and her colleagues at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden, have been figuring out in great detail how GLP-1 drugs, such as Ozempic, reduce alcohol consumption in rats.

She and other scientists have published nearly a dozen studies, showing how these drugs stop binge drinking in rats or mice, prevent relapse in "addicted" animals, and overall decrease their consumption of alcohol. "So we see a reduction by over 50%, which is quite dramatic," Jerlhag says.

Other studies in animals have also found that GLP-1 drugs reduce the consumption of nicotine, opioids, as well as psychostimulants, such as cocaine and methamphetamine.

So why would a weight-loss drug do this? Turns out, these drugs (as well as the GLP-1 hormone) don't just work on blood sugar. "They also work in your brain," says Dr. Lorenzo Leggio, who's the clinical director of the National Institute of Drug Abuse.

"The mechanism in the brain that regulates overeating overlaps with those responsible for the development and maintenance of addiction, including alcohol disorder," he says.

The role of dopamine

Studies in animals, as well as a few in people, offer tantalizing clues to how this mechanism works for both food and alcohol.

Imagine for a second taking a bite of a chewy, chocolate cookie. It's buttery and very sweet.

That first bite triggers the release of dopamine inside the part of your brain that controls your motivation, says neuroscientist Alexandra G. DiFeliceantonio, an assistant professor at Virginia Tech. "That dopamine essentially tells you, 'Hey, do that again!' Take another bite.' " And so, you want another bite. Maybe even another whole cookie. It's hard to stop.

Now imagine you're a beer lover and you take a big gulp of a cold IPA on a hot day. It also triggers a dopamine spike in the motivation center of the brain – just like the cookie.

"Dopamine in the striatum [the brain's motivation center] is the motivation and learning signal for everything. Not just for food," DiFeliceantonio says. "All addictive drugs increase dopamine there. That's a common thing."

And so after the first taste of beer, the dopamine tells you, "Do it again! Have another gulp."

But studies have found that in animals and people, GLP-1 drugs reduce the release of dopamine in this region when you eat something sweet and fatty, or when you consume alcohol. "The drug talks with our brain and says, 'we've had enough food here. So let's slow down. Let's have less appetite, let's have less food. Less alcohol," says NIDA's Leggio.

So you don't really feel like another bite of cookie, or as J. Paul Grayson said, "I didn't feel like guzzling. I just really felt like sipping it."

Oftentimes, now, he doesn't even feel like drinking at all. "When I still had wine or chocolate in the refrigerator, sometimes I would think, 'Oh, I should have some wine. I should have some chocolate.' But there just wasn't anything that made me get up and go to the refrigerator," he explains.

The 'horse has already left the barn'

Ozempic's potential to reduce alcohol consumption is now so well known that some people are seeking out the drug to help with their drinking, says Christian Hendershot.

"We're also hearing about clinicians prescribing for that reason," he says. "In many ways this is really kind of the indication that the horse has already left the barn. This is something that's already appearing to happen, whether we like it or not."

But NIDA's Leggio advises against this off-label use of Ozempic and Wegovy. "It's too early," he says. Ozempic may not work against alcohol for everyone, including people who don't have obesity.

So far, there has only been only one small randomized controlled study, looking at whether another GLP-1 drug could treat alcohol use disorder in people in general, as compared to cognitive behavioral therapy. This drug, called exenatide, isn't as potent as semaglutide (Ozempic) at inducing weight-loss or penetrating inside the brain. In the study, the drug reduced drinking in people with obesity, but it actually increased drinking in people who don't have obesity.

"We don't know why," Leggio says. One hypothesis is that the semaglutide caused people to lose weight even though they had normal weight and that led them to seek more calories through drinking, Leggio says.

"But that's only speculation," he adds. "We have to realize that no medication is going to work for everybody, and it's very important to identify the sub-class of patients for who this medication might work."

And he notes, in the end, maybe a newer version of the GLP-1 drugs might work better for treating addictions than diabetes.

Elisabet Jerlhag at the University of Gothenburg notes that people with obesity tend to have less severe side effects while taking semaglutide than people who don't have obesity. "With these drugs there's also a risk of developing pancreatitis," she says. "A person with alcohol use disorder may be at [elevated] risk for pancreatitis. So a doctor would need to monitor that."

On the other hand, if you have diabetes and you want to curb your alcohol intake then definitely talk to your doctor about the option of semaglutide, Leggio says. "Even more so if you have obesity and alcohol use disorder. Absolutely. Speak with your doctor."

'Many days I don't drink at all'

Meg Johnston's weight-loss medication has reduced her desire to drink. "Alcohol just doesn't sound as appetizing or appealing," she says.

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Nicole Jackson

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Meg Johnston

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That's exactly what Meg Johnston, age 37, did about a month ago. During COVID, she also gained weight. "I make this joke that food was the only thing that brought me joy," she says. But she also drank much more. "I would drink out of boredom, just total boredom."

So she began taking semaglutide at the end of June. A part of her goal was to curb drinking. "I was hoping that I would be one of the people that the drug affected this way," says Johnston, who's a real estate agent in Washington, D.C.

And indeed, the drug has not disappointed her. "Many days I don't drink at all," she says. "It's hard to explain why. Alcohol just doesn't sound as appetizing or appealing. And now my tolerance is lower, too.

"This has been a welcome change for me," she adds. "During those first couple of weeks of taking the drug, I was very much focused on not vomiting and making sure I continue to have bowel movements. I just knew alcohol was going to make me feel terrible afterwards."

As the race to represent L.A.’s Council District 9 remains too close to call, candidate Estuardo Mazariegos’ campaign has accused the campaign of Jose Ugarte, the front-runner, of potential ballot tampering.

The Mazariegos campaign made the accusations Monday, saying it had filed a complaint with the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk. In a press release, the campaign alleged that representatives for the Ugarte campaign had collected voters’ ballots to drop off without signing the appropriate line identifying the individual who returned the ballot.

In one case, Mazariegos’ team accused Ugarte campaigners of filling out a ballot on a voter’s behalf without her knowledge of who she was voting for.

“Taking people’s ballots, filling them out, and not following legal voter assistance guidelines in a district that has faced so much disenfranchisement is disgusting,” Mazariegos said in a statement.

Mike Sanchez, a spokesperson for the L.A. County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk, said his office had forwarded the news release to the district attorney for review. He also pointed to the California Elections Code, which says that a “ballot shall not be disqualified solely because the person authorized to return it did not provide on the identification envelope their name or signature.”

Under California law, a voter can authorize another person to return their mail-in ballot — an approach also called ballot harvesting.

Justin Levitt, a  professor of constitutional law at Loyola Marymount University, told AirTalk Tuesday that there is no legal limit on the number of ballots an individual can turn in on others’ behalf, so long as they aren’t being compensated per ballot returned.

“Even if there were some sort of administrative wrongdoing, as long as there's no indication of fraud with the ballot itself, those ballots will all be counted,” he said.

Levitt said, however, that signing a ballot and then handing it to someone else to fill out would be illegal.

“ To the extent that there are allegations now that the DA may investigate, I suspect that's what they'll be focusing on,” Levitt continued.

The Mazariegos campaign also sent a collection of photos to the press, including one of a campaigner, USC student Amir King, returning a stack of ballots at a ballot drop box.

The Mazariegos campaign alleged that representatives for the Ugarte campaign had collected voters’ ballots to drop off without signing the appropriate line identifying the individual who returned the ballot.

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Courtesy of Estuardo Mazariegos' Campaign

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Ugarte’s campaign responded to the accusations by pointing to a post by King on Instagram in which he accused the Mazariegos campaign of bullying him and making false claims about him.

“Why is he attacking me? For participating in our democracy, as is my right under California state law and for helping others participate in democracy, as is their right under California state law,” King said in the post.

As of Tuesday morning, just under 300 ballots separate Ugarte and Mazariegos, with 44,000 ballots left to count in L.A. County. It’s not clear how many ballots in Council District 9 are left to count.

This story first appeared on Long Beach Post.

An off-duty Los Angeles County Sheriff’s deputy died in a motorcycle crash near Marina Pacifica on Friday.

The crash happened at about 11 p.m. at the intersection of Pacific Coast Highway and Second Street, according to Long Beach police.

Martin Maciel, 40, was heading south on PCH when he collided with a vehicle traveling east on Second Street, throwing the rider from the motorcycle, police said. He was pronounced dead at the scene, according to the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner’s Office.

The other vehicle’s driver remained at the scene and cooperated with investigators, who believe speed was a contributing factor in the crash. Police did not specify which driver they suspect was speeding.

The Sheriff’s Department said Maciel was a 10-year veteran of the force and an Army Reservist. He worked at the Norwalk Station as a motorcycle deputy after starting his career at the Twin Towers Correctional Facility and working patrol at the Transit Services Bureau.

“Throughout his years of service, Deputy Maciel was a valued member of the department, and his dedication will be remembered by those who had the privilege of serving alongside him,” the Sheriff’s Department said in a statement. “Our thoughts and prayers are with his family, friends, and all who knew him.”

In recent years, Long Beach has been fighting a stubborn rise in traffic deaths. Last year, the city recorded 53 fatal crashes, its highest total in more than a decade.

Friday’s crash marked the city’s 41st fatal traffic collision this year. At this time last year, Long Beach had recorded 43 fatal crashes.

To fight speeding in particular, Long Beach recently installed automated speed cameras that are scheduled to start issuing tickets in December.

Inflation-scarred consumers are finding a bit of relief these days at an unlikely place: the gas pump.

The average price of gasoline dipped below $4 a gallon Tuesday for the first time in three months, according to AAA. The price of regular gas has fallen by 38 cents in the last month to a national average of $3.98.

The overall cost of living, however, remains stubbornly high. Consumer prices in October were up 0.4% from the previous month, according to a report Tuesday from the Labor Department. That's a bigger monthly increase than forecasters had expected.

Rising housing costs accounted for about a third of the monthly increase. Grocery prices were also up sharply during the month.

Why gas prices are falling

The drop in gasoline prices in recent weeks is thanks to a combination of falling crude oil prices, refineries' switch to a cheaper blend of winter fuel, and the typical seasonal drop in demand for gas.

"Temperatures are getting colder," says Patrick De Haan, petroleum analyst for GasBuddy. "People who have boats and RVs are probably done for the year. I would say, by Thanksgiving, so long as we don't get any wild cards geopolitically, the national average could be $3.75 a gallon."

Gas prices are still at a record high for this time of year, however — about a dollar a gallon higher than when the U.S. went to war with Iran. Even with the recent drop in prices, this year's drive to grandma's for Thanksgiving could be the most expensive ever.

Diesel prices have also fallen, but more slowly than gas prices. AAA says the average price of diesel fuel is $6.15 a gallon, down about 13 cents from a month ago.

The high cost of diesel fuel is another byproduct of the war — not only the U.S. war with Iran but also Russia's war with Ukraine. Russia is ordinarily a big exporter of diesel fuel, but that supply has largely dried up because of damage to Russia's refineries.

"When a country like Russia isn't exporting diesel, that is very impactful for the global market. So diesel prices – they will come down but they will still remain very elevated," De Haan says.

Heating oil prices are also high

Rising diesel prices are also driving up the cost of heating oil in the northeast, because heating oil is a close cousin of diesel.

Mild fall weather has kept heating costs in check so far, but De Haan says a blast of cold air could push heating oil prices even higher.

Higher diesel prices also affect the cost of other goods that have to be moved by truck or train or cargo ship.

"You're starting to see higher freight costs get passed through," says economist Mike Reid of RBC Capital Markets. "We've seen it show up notably in goods that are heavily imported — apparel, recreation goods, IT equipment."

In a speech Tuesday before the inflation release, Federal Reserve Chris Waller suggested that energy shocks could have more lasting effects on inflation that previously though. Waller suggested the central bank may need to raise interest rates more aggressively to curb price hikes than markets had previously expected.

No annual comparison for inflation this time

While Tuesday's inflation report shows how much prices rose in the last month, it does not include the typical reading on how prices have changed over the last year. That's a casualty of last year's government shutdown, which idled hundreds of government price-checkers so prices from October 2025 were never recorded for comparison.

The Cleveland Federal Reserve Bank estimated before Tuesday's release that consumer prices in October were up 3.7% from a year ago. That would outstrip average wage gains of just 3.1% during the year, so the typical worker is losing buying power. That's a big reason for the heavy turnout in last week's mid-term elections. 49.1% of eligible voters took part in the election, the second highest total for any midterm in more than a century.

Copyright 2026 NPR

California will not become the first state to levy a wealth tax on its richest residents — at least not this election.

Voters rejected Proposition 40, a proposal to tax billionaires based on their net worth and financial holdings, by 52.8% to 47.2%, according to The Associated Press Monday. The measure had trailed behind for days before The Associated Press confirmed results.

Leaders for Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West, the union pushing the measure, seemed to concede the race minutes before the polls closed but vowed to try again in 2028 if California’s Legislature “fails to deliver a real solution” to fund healthcare hammered by recent federal law.

“That’s not a hypothetical. That’s our plan,” said Dave Regan, president of SEIU-UHW.

Election Day was projected to be an all-around defeat for the union, known for aggressively pursuing ballot measures. Voters defeated union-backed Proposition 44, an effort to control how clinics spend money. Proposition 42, a billionaire tax countermeasure prohibiting future wealth taxes, was leading Monday evening by 51.6% to 48.4%. That measure could get in the way of SEIU-UHW’s future plans to try taxing wealth again.

The billionaire tax would have generated $100 billion for healthcare and education through a one-time, 5% tax on billionaires, according to SEIU-UHW. Opponents of the measure celebrated its defeat.

“Proposition 40 was a reckless experiment conducted on our state’s economy with little regard for the harms it would cause,” according to a statement from Evan Westrop, a campaign strategist for No on Prop. 40.

The opposition campaign, which was backed by wealthy tech investors and healthcare organizations, argued the measure had already driven billionaires from the state and permanently harmed income tax revenue. On Monday they said the state still faces “enormous pressure” to find other ways to fund healthcare hit by federal cuts.

Billionaire tax divided Democrats

From the outset, Prop. 40 revealed divisions among the Democratic Party and galvanized some of Silicon Valley’s wealthiest executives to spend hundreds of millions to defeat it.

Gov. Gavin Newsom became one of its earliest opponents, attempting through backroom negotiations to keep it off of the ballot altogether. He endorsed the billionaire-backed counter measure, Prop. 42, designed to ban all wealth taxes in California and kill Prop. 40. Newsom, along with Democratic allies such as Planned Parenthood of California and California Teachers Association, argued a one-time tax would not solve the state’s fiscal woes and would drive wealthy residents out of state.

The California Democratic Party and California Federation of Labor Unions supported the initiative and opposed its counter measures, arguing the state needed more revenue to shield workers and everyday Californians from the effects of dramatic federal healthcare cuts expected to kick 2 million residents off of health insurance.

Lorena Gonzalez, former Assemblymember and president of the California Federation of Labor Unions, said Prop. 40’s failure puts even more pressure on state and federal lawmakers to backfill federal Medicaid cuts.

Supporters of Prop. 40 blamed its loss on billionaires vastly outspending the Yes campaign, which raised $33.5 million.

“That is incredibly corrosive and corrupting to our democracy and our political system, and that's been dominating the discussion here in California,” Regan said.

Billionaires poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the campaign to stop Prop. 40. Google co-founder Sergey Brin led the charge, publicly moving out of state and donating $102 million to Building a Better California, a political committee he founded to oppose the tax. The group has served as a passthrough for other billionaire donors to oppose Prop. 40, including by funding the counterpropositions 41 and 42. Collectively, ultra-wealthy opponents donated $378.4 million to oppose the billionaire tax.

In a statement, Abby Lunardini, a spokesperson for Building a Better California, said the billionaire tax threatened to limit revenue for all services in California, including healthcare, by driving economic interests out of the state.

“It was a lose-lose for California, and voters clearly agreed,” Lunardini said.

Ultimately, opponents’ efforts succeeded.

Polling just ahead of the election indicated falling support for Prop. 40 despite growing sentiment for taxing billionaires more in general. According to a UC Berkeley Citrin-POLITICO poll, 45% of voters believed in taxing billionaires more to fund public services compared to 35% who believed the state should prioritize keeping billionaires in state because of the tax revenue and jobs they generate — but just 46% favored Prop. 40.

Infighting among Democrats could have also contributed to Prop. 40’s demise, said John Matsusaka, an economist and direct democracy expert at USC, ahead of the election. Research shows money doesn’t buy people’s votes or values on core issues like abortion, Matsusaka said, but it can exploit uncertainty.

“People these days are very tribal. When your tribe is arguing, people start to listen to the counterarguments,” Matsusaka said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.