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The most important stories for you to know today
  • Mental health workers set US record, talks resume
    A group of mental health workers hold signs while picketing outside a courtyard.
    Kaiser Permanente mental health care workers on a company-wide strike picket outside Kaiser Permanente Downey Medical Center on Dec. 12, 2024.

    Topline:

    Nearly six months into their labor union dispute against Southern California Kaiser Permanente, eight mental health care workers banded together last week in an organized five-day hunger strike to highlight their cause. They've now engaged in the longest mental health strike in U.S. history.

    What they're asking for: The Southern California workers have been seeking a new union contract that would include:

    • more mandated time between therapy sessions for patient follow up
    • restoration of pension benefits that were removed from new employee contracts in 2015
    • cost-of-living wage adjustments

    Where we're at now: After a long list of Democratic members of the state Assembly and Senate wrote Kaiser in December urging it to accept the union’s “reasonable contract proposals” — and after Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Feb. 6 written request for both sides “to prioritize the common good that have allowed Californians to rise above our difficulties and resolve our differences” — state Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly and former Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg have agreed to mediate.

    How we got here: Kaiser executives threw their hands up and walked out of mediation talks on March 11 when the union continued pressing its three major contract issues. Today bargaining talks are scheduled to resume.

    Read on... for more about the labor dispute and where it might end up.

    Nearly six months into their labor union dispute against Southern California Kaiser Permanente, eight mental health care workers banded together last week in an organized five-day hunger strike to highlight their cause.

    “Kaiser’s trying to starve us out, that’s clear — so, give them what they want,” said Adriana Webb, a member of the National Union of Healthcare Workers who chose to subsist solely on water and electrolytes from Monday morning through Friday evening. “I feel hungry for equity. I feel hungry for change. How is this any different?”

    Now engaged in the longest mental health strike in U.S. history, the Southern California workers have been seeking a new union contract that would include:

    • more mandated time between therapy sessions for patient follow up
    • restoration of pension benefits that were removed from new employee contracts in 2015
    • cost-of-living wage adjustments

    After a long list of Democratic members of the state Assembly and Senate wrote Kaiser in December urging it to accept the union’s “reasonable contract proposals” — and after Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Feb. 6 written request for both sides “to prioritize the common good that have allowed Californians to rise above our difficulties and resolve our differences” — state Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly and former Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg have agreed to mediate.

    Kaiser executives threw their hands up and walked out of mediation talks on March 11 when the union continued pressing its three major contract issues. Today bargaining talks are scheduled to resume.

    Steinberg mediated a similar open-ended strike for Northern California Kaiser mental health care workers in 2022, which lasted 10 weeks and resulted in Kaiser meeting most of the union’s demands.

    “We know Kaiser can provide all these things if they wanted to,” said Webb, a medical social worker in the infectious disease unit who stood on the picket line in front of Kaiser’s Los Angeles Medical Center on Sunset Boulevard. “They already provide it to our Northern California counterparts, and all we’re asking for is the same thing. Kaiser still can’t explain why we deserve less or our patients deserve less.”

    In a written response to CalMatters questions, Kaiser Permanente spokesperson Terry Kanakri discussed Kaiser’s overall commitment to work with more than 40 unions that represent 80% of its employees.

    “Every one of the 80 contracts is different, and each reflects the differences in operational needs, local market economics and wages, professional classifications of the employees in each local, and a host of other factors,” said Kanakri.

    “Our goal is and has always been to reach an agreement that makes Kaiser Permanente the best place to give and receive care. We have made — and repeatedly improved — our proposals during bargaining in an effort to reach an agreement. However, in nearly nine months of bargaining, NUHW has made very little movement on the key bargaining issues.”

    Although not aware of any specific details of the 2022 NorCal strike or the current SoCal strikes, University of Southern California professor of healthcare finances and economics Glenn Melnick gave his overview on today’s health care labor climate.

    “Northern California has the highest wage index in the country,” he said. “I think it’s 20 points higher than L.A. — maybe 25%. So there’s economic reasons why there’s differences. An economist would say, ‘Mental health care worker, you want these benefits? Move to San Francisco.’

    “And many employers are cutting back pension benefits these days. Ten or 15 years ago, pension benefits were much more generous across the board. Kaiser could easily afford to give them these benefits and not think twice, but it’s bigger than just these workers. It’s the ripple effect, right?”

    Melnick also speculated that health care workers’ negotiating power has waned as the COVID pandemic, which drove demand for their services, has somewhat subsided.

    From April 8 through 12, the hunger strikers spent eight-hour days alongside their picketing fellow union members and each night together fasting at a West Hollywood church. Sleeping in a community space barely big enough for eight air mattresses huddled beside the piano against a back wall, they shared a bathroom and took turns showering in a motel room next door.

    Medically cleared beforehand, they received daily wellness checks from volunteer union nurses.

    “Right now, I feel like I could go another month,” said Zhane Sandoval, propped up on an elbow from their mattress on the morning of April 11, day four of the hunger strike. “So test me, Kaiser!

    “Kaiser says that it’s a union employer, but all we’re seeing is union busting. All we’re seeing is separation, trying to divide. But their efforts just lead us to unite.”

    Union organizer Rachel Forgash, who stayed overnight with the hunger strikers at the church, expressed frustration over the protracted standoff.

    “Kaiser has exceeded all of our expectations in their unwillingness to bargain in good faith and drag this out as long as possible,” she said. “In Southern California, they’re about to start bargaining with the Alliance, which is a huge group of unions at Kaiser, and I think they’re afraid that — when we win — it’s going to set a precedent for other unions to fight just as hard.”

    Aida Valvidia, a psychiatric social worker at Kaiser’s Sylmar facility, and Melissa Chavez, a medical social worker at Riverside, both started working for Kaiser before the 2015 contract negotiations reached a settlement, so they each have pension benefits that 70% of their fellow mental health care union members do not. Yet both chose to participate in the hunger strike.

    “For the people who don’t have pensions, I think it’s unfair,” said Valvidia. “Why do I have a pension and you don’t? Because you started later? That makes no sense to me. We’re equals.”

    Chavez and her husband have been on strike together since Oct. 21. “Kaiser members deserve equity and access to timely quality care,” she said. “Workers are experiencing high caseloads, inadequate and unsafe staffing, lack of time, lack of tools.”

    The hunger strike week started with iconic labor leader and activist Dolores Huerta visiting the picketers on April 8, two days before her 95th birthday. “I know that you’re not just doing this on your own behalf,” said Huerta, surrounded by cheering union members in their red union T-shirts. “You’re actually doing this on behalf of all the patients at Kaiser that are not getting the mental health services that they deserve.”

    The union cites a recent 88-page report from the state Department of Managed Health Care, which notes that Kaiser’s failures to remedy 19 of the 20 violations in 2022 led to $200 million in state fines. The union has also filed its own complaints alleging Kaiser mismanages patient triage and appointment scheduling, by hiring unlicensed clerical staff and using algorithmic programming.

    “Despite the persistent efforts of NUHW to mislead the public, the Department of Managed Health Care (DMHC) has not identified new deficiencies in our mental health care,” said Kanakri’s statement. It went on to say that Kaiser met with the state department “last week in our first quarterly review and demonstrated the extraordinary progress we have made on all the deficiencies outlined in the Corrective Action Work Plan.”

    “We’re in disbelief,” said hunger striker Nick Nunez, a therapist in Kaiser’s Virtual Medical Center, which lends support to any patients in need across Southern California. “They take out ads in the paper saying everything’s fine — that they’re providing adequate care to their patients and everything is top-notch. It’s so bizarre and unbelievable.”

    Andrew Kane worked as an associate clinical social worker at the Los Angeles Medical Center he now pickets and fasted at. “It’s a little odd, a little surreal,” he said, noting that he happened to see a patient in the world outside of Kaiser. “Fortunately — or unfortunately — he didn’t notice me, so we didn’t have to have that interaction.”

    Kane started in June 2024, so he’s been on strike longer than he’s received a Kaiser salary.

    As the strike persisted without end in sight since October, many workers have returned to Kaiser due to financial concerns. But some communicate the problems they see internally while back at work.

    “They’re actually the ones documenting all the things going wrong,” said hunger striker Kassaundra Gutierrez-Thompson, a psychiatric social worker in Kaiser’s ADAPT virtual online treatment program. “We have DMHC investigators talking to a lot of our returned back staff. Unfortunately, a lot of our managers are combatting them.

    “And so, a lot of our members are kind of scared, having to advocate for our patients.They’re fighting a different kind of battle inside.”

    Rage Against the Machine guitarist and political labor activist Tom Morello joined the Kaiser picketers on April 9 to perform a short acoustic set, and U.S. Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove and state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo visited the strikers April 11.

    Hours later, they broke their fast with religious leaders passing around a ceremonial bread loaf.
    “We can’t just be treated like numbers,” said hunger striker Ana Vargas Garcia, who also saw members remotely through the ADAPT program. “Patients can’t be treated like numbers. There’s real lives behind everyone that we see, behind every worker at Kaiser. That’s a big part of why we’re doing this.”

  • The live-fire restaurant's casual side.
    Overhead shot of four dishes on a wood table at ALTO: a breaded cutlet topped with melted cheese, tongue and trout roe on toast, two oysters with chimichurri on black stones, and avocado ceviche in yellow broth.
    A spread from ALTO's new bar menu, including the Tongue & Trout Roe Toast, oysters, avocado ceviche and Milanga Fugazeta.

    Topline:

    ALTO chef-owners Esteban Klenzi and Juana Castellanos have launched a new bar and lounge, bringing Argentine vermouth culture and everyday Rioplatense dishes to the Studio City restaurant.

    Why it matters: ALTO built its name on special-occasion asado, but the new bar menu — choripán, beef tongue, vermouth service — gives regulars a reason to come back during the week for a casual bite, not just for a milestone dinner.

    Read on … for what to order, what to drink, and how the two chefs are turning ALTO into a neighborhood spot …

    Just past the doorway at ALTO, off busy Ventura Boulevard in Studio City, the bar opens up under exposed post-and-beam ceilings, tanned cowhides hanging along the walls like abstract art.

    Grab a seat at one of the small tables and settle in for the open-fire South American restaurant's new, more casual bar concept, where street food takes center stage from executive Chef Esteban Klenzi and co-founder Juana Castellanos.

    In its first year, ALTO has already landed a spot in the Michelin Guide California.

    One culture, two chefs

    Both chefs came up through fine dining — including time in Spain's Basque Country — and watched their peers wear rigid, high-pressure kitchen culture as a badge of honor.

    But Castellanos and Klenzi wanted something different.

    For Klenzi, cooking is as much about feeling as it is about food — an idea his new bar menu extends directly.

    "It's like cooking at home for my friends or my family," he said.

    Black-and-white portrait of two ALTO chefs standing against a plain gray backdrop, facing each other in profile. The woman on the left wears a white apron over a T-shirt, her hair pulled back, one hand resting thoughtfully at her chin as she smiles. The man on the right wears a dark apron over a light T-shirt, arms crossed, a tattoo visible on his forearm, smiling back at her.
    ALTO Co-Founder Chef Juana Castellanos and Executive Chef Esteban Klenzi.
    (
    Courtesy ALTO
    )

    Their connection runs deeper than the kitchen, though. Both chefs grew up around the Río de la Plata, the shared basin uniting Argentina and Uruguay into a single Rioplatense identity — once part of the same Spanish colonial territory before an 1828 treaty, brokered under British pressure, split them apart. Not unlike the Basque Country straddling Spain and France: one culture, divided by a border neither side chose.

    What to order

    The bar leans into what Klenzi calls the rotisserías tradition — the everyday, prepared-food spots common across Argentina. That shows up in the Tongue & Trout Roe Toast ($17): sous-vide beef tongue over brioche, finished with a celery-carrot vinaigrette and a crown of trout roe. It's a savory, briny bite, perfect for sharing to start the meal.

    The Tongue & Trout Roe Toast, one of the standout bites on ALTO's new bar menu.
    Close-up of two pieces of toast on a dark plate, each topped with ruffled, thin-sliced beef tongue tinted pale pink, scattered with chopped herbs and diced vegetables, and crowned with a generous mound of glistening orange roe.
    (
    Soledad Recatume
    /
    Courtesy ALTO
    )

    The Real Deal ($18) — ALTO's take on the classic choripán sandwich — pulls from the dinner menu, too: short rib and smoked pork, the same cuts used in the Asado Banderita and Pork Txuleta.

    When the pair first sat down to design the menu, Klenzi found himself facing a deceptively simple question: "Should we make a burger? Or shall we make a choripán?"

    They chose the choripán, prizing the way beef and pork together deliver, in his words, "the best flavor you can get from both of them." Lard from the pork chop trim adds richness; the short rib's fat keeps the sausage moist, with smokiness carried over from that same applewood-smoked chop.

    For something heartier, there's the Banderita & Frites ($39): a thinner cut of short rib than its dinner-menu counterpart, seared on both sides.

    Alongside it, try the smashed potatoes from Weiser Family Farms, cooked in the charcoal oven with beef tallow. Klenzi refuses to serve french fries — this is his answer instead, crisp outside, rich with tallow underneath.

    What to drink

    Close-up of a deep red vermouth cocktail in a rocks glass, poured over a single large, cloudy ice cube. A thin metal cocktail pick rests across the rim, skewering two dark red pieces of dried fruit garnish. Light catches the glass, casting a warm reddish glow across the table below.
    A pour from ALTO's Vermucito Experience, served over ice with soda water.
    (
    Soledad Recatume
    /
    Courtesy ALTO
    )

    Ever since I wrote about Spanish vermouth last month, I've been a magnet for the stuff — not complaining, especially during these warmer months. ALTO had me covered, though the serving style looked nothing like what I'm used to.

    Unlike the Spanish and Italian style of an orange slice and olive, Argentine vermouth is served over ice with soda water — lighter, easier to drink.

    Interior shot of ALTO's lounge area at dusk, showing four burgundy velvet armchairs arranged around small black side tables with lit candles. A brick fireplace with three votive candles sits at the center of a warm, plaster-textured wall, flanked by two textured tapestry-like wall hangings under sconce lighting. A neat stack of firewood is visible to the left.
    A cozy corner of ALTO's dining room, where velvet chairs surround a wood-burning fireplace.
    (
    Courtesy ALTO
    )

    On the table: a trio from the Vermucito Experience — Las Flores blanco from Uruguay, and La Fuerza's rojo and sideral from Argentina, Malbec-based pours ranging from $12 to $22.

    "When you pour it in the glass, it's almost red. It looks almost like a wine," Klenzi said of La Fuerza's rojo, made with Malbec. "You can really feel the pure essence of the Malbec wine."

    ALTO

    Location: 12969 Ventura Blvd., Studio City

    Hours: Tuesday–Friday 5:30–9:30 p.m., Saturday 5–9:30 p.m., Sunday 5–9 p.m. Closed Monday.

    ALTO celebrates its first anniversary Aug. 13 and 14 with an à la carte collaboration dinner featuring chefs Clara Corso and Lucas Canga. Reservations are available via ALTO's Instagram.

    The regular dinner menu is a great choice for a special night out. But the bar is for every other night — the "almost every day" Klenzi imagined when he decided a choripán, not a burger, was the answer.

    "If we see your face every day, we're gonna take care of you every day," Klenzi said.

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  • Listeners argue whether dogs belong in restaurants
    dog-restaurant-cali.jpg
    L.A. County's public health policy forbids dogs inside restaurants.

    Look: I like dogs. I just don't like when they're inside restaurants or other places where food is served. Lately, I've seen a lot of people casually bringing their pups into restaurants, and it's been grossing me out.

    But: That's not just my opinion. L.A. County's public health policy forbids dogs inside restaurants, although the rules don't seem to be stopping anyone.

    So: I shared my thoughts on a recent episode of AirTalk, which airs on your radio dial at LAist 89.3. We also heard from listeners about what they thought about bringing dogs in restaurants.

    Listen: To the AirTalk episode above to hear what people had to say. Email me at nperez@laist.com if you get caught up and want to fight it out over who is right.

  • LAUSD ridership expands as fleet goes electric
    A yellow bus with a green fender. Black letters above the windshield read "SCHOOL BUS."
    LAUSD's bus fleet now includes 250 electric buses. The vehicles cost about $420,000 each and are funded largely by state and federal dollars, said Daniel Kang, LAUSD's transportation director.

    Topline:

    The number of Los Angeles Unified students regularly taking the bus to school has increased by about 10% over the last two years, a change prompted in part by families concerned about federal immigration enforcement. On Thursday, district leaders said buses have room for even more riders.

    The backstory: During the last school year, an average of 16,800 students rode the bus each day, up from 15,300 students in the 2023-2024 school year. Federal law requires schools to provide transportation for some students with disabilities. The district also prioritizes students in specific academic programs and those with concerns about safety.

    What’s new this school year? Nearly three-quarters of the district’s 1,300 buses now run on alternative fuel, including a record-high 250 electric vehicles, according to Daniel Kang, LAUSD’s transportation director. The vast majority of the fleet now has Wi-Fi and technology that allows families to track their students’ bus in real time.

    “A student's ability to arrive to school safely and reliably should never depend on a family's income, where they live, or whether they have access to a car,” said Board Vice President Rocío Rivas.

    ICE raids led to more riders: There have been several instances of students and parents being detained near Southern California schools since the Trump administration stripped campuses of immigration enforcement protections in 2025.

    Last school year, the district provided rides to about 1,000 students whose families worried about immigration enforcement, Kang said Thursday.

    Request a ride: Any family can request a bus ride, but the district sets routes based on demand. The Parent Portal app is the best way to request a ride, Kang said. Parents can also ask school staff, including the principal, or counselors, or call the district’s resource hotline at (213)-443-1300.

  • Move to deregulate the early ed program

    Topline:

    The Trump administration on Thursday proposed significant changes to Head Start, the nation's early education program for children from low-income families. The move would diminish the program's federal standards and give states and parents more control.


    About Head Start: The program not only provides preschool and childcare, but also meals and support services for qualifying families. It now serves more than 700,000 kids each year from birth to age 5. Since its launch in 1965, the $12 billion HHS program has, for the most part, enjoyed bipartisan support. But in recent years, some conservatives have criticized Head Start, saying it wastes money and fails to have a lasting impact on students.
    Why are changes being made?: The new proposal would limit the amount of money Head Start centers can spend on administrative overhead, from a 15% cap to 5%. This change should save the government $2.2 billion, which it plans to reinvest in the program. To get those costs down, the administration said it proposes cutting regulations and "compliance-driven activities," according to a press release. Similarly, they are shifting decisions about several standards — such as student-teacher ratios, education requirements, background checks and transportation practices — back to states.

    The Trump administration on Thursday proposed significant changes to Head Start, the nation's early education program for children from low-income families. The move would diminish the program's federal standards and give states and parents more control.

    "We have 1,600 Head Start providers across the country," Alex Adams, the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services' assistant secretary for family support, said in a call with reporters. "And one-size-fits-all mandates from Washington cannot fully account for the realities facing these 1,600 grantees."

    Head Start not only provides preschool and childcare, but also meals and support services for qualifying families. It now serves more than 700,000 kids each year from birth to age 5.

    Since its launch in 1965, the $12 billion HHS program has, for the most part, enjoyed bipartisan support. Lawmakers often cite it as a success — including Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. during the call with reporters announcing these changes. But in recent years, some conservatives have criticized Head Start, saying it wastes money and fails to have a lasting impact on students.

    Aiming to cut costs

    The new proposal would limit the amount of money Head Start centers can spend on administrative overhead, from a 15% cap to 5%. This change should save the government $2.2 billion, Adams said, which it plans to reinvest in the program. The goal is to create 200,000 more spots for children, he said.

    To get those costs down, the administration said it proposes cutting regulations and "compliance-driven activities," according to a press release. Similarly, they are shifting decisions about several standards — such as student-teacher ratios, education requirements, background checks and transportation practices — back to states.

    Childcare providers are not sold on the proposal.

    "If we look at the previous actions of the administration, what they have done is not in favor of expanding the program," said Yvette Sanchez Fuentes, senior vice president with Start Early, an Illinois-based Head Start partner.

    "Is it enough to just bring kids in the door if we're not actually giving kids and families what they need?"

    Sanchez Fuentes said administrative costs are not only things like payroll and day-to-day operations, but also help fill gaps in care. "If you, for example, have children with disabilities you [can use] some of those funds to pay for additional special services or staff with specialties who could come in and support kids."

    The administration's proposal also says parents are children's primary teachers and seeks to bring in more parent opinions on "structure and curriculum" into the classrooms and emphasizes nutrition and exercise.

    Loosening the standards

    Head Start's current standards are laid out in a detailed 133-page guide. The manual is used not only by the program's centers, but also by many unaffiliated private childcare centers across the country.

    These standards include safety guidelines, spell out who is eligible for Head Start and provide detailed rules — such as the requirement that kids in the program brush their teeth once daily with fluoride toothpaste.

    Erica Phillips, the executive director for the National Association for Family Child Care, said about 10% of her members are Early Head Start childcare partners, while the rest are home-based providers around the country.

    "The Head Start performance standards were a consistent … evidence-based set of standards," she said. "It can be helpful to have a nationally recognized benchmark."

    Phillips said her organization will be on the lookout for variations across states. She said she worries "quality is now dependent on your ZIP code or on your geography."

    The Trump administration sees it differently.

    "Flexibility is permission. It's not a mandate," Adams said. "The opportunity for these programs to make a different decision does not necessarily mean they must make a different decision."

    The changes did not come as a complete surprise: The conservative Heritage Foundation has long criticized the program, saying it "doesn't work." In Project 2025, the foundation's policy blueprint that the Trump administration has taken many cues from, the message is clear — eliminate Head Start.

    Advocates see what they characterize as the erosion of quality and decrease in standards as the first step in dismantling the program.

    A long runway

    Thursday's announcement came in the form of a notice of proposed rulemaking, or NPRM. It kicks off a lengthy, formalized process of public comment and talks with stakeholders. It could be six months to a year before any new standards take effect.

    "I just really want folks to know Head Start is open," said Tommy Sheridan, deputy director at the National Head Start Association (NHSA), a nonprofit that advocates for the program. "The quality of Head Start children and families truly comes from the people that are running Head Start programs. Those folks are going to be the same. They're going to be able to do that."

    The administration says the NPRM will be published in the Federal Register on Friday and be open to public comment for 60 days.

    Edited by: Natalie Escobar
    Copyright 2026 NPR