The Brief

For the first time since the passage of the Affordable Care Act, undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children can purchase subsidized health plans through Covered California, the state’s insurance marketplace.

This move is expected to provide relief to thousands of so-called Dreamers, especially those who are freelancers, self-employed or have no other means of health coverage.

But the expansion is coming at an uncertain time both because of Donald Trump’s election as president and because of an ongoing lawsuit that contests the move to allow certain undocumented immigrants to buy health insurance through Affordable Care Act exchanges.

Trump in his first administration unsuccessfully tried to undo both the Affordable Care Act and the Obama-era policy known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) that protects certain undocumented immigrants.

Covered California officials and immigration attorneys say that while it is difficult to predict what will happen in the coming months, those eligible should take the opportunity and get health insurance as soon as possible.

“Coverage is here right now. So if you need to go to the doctor, if you’ve been putting off care that you need, if you’ve never had the opportunity to get your preventive care, you can do that right now,” said Jessica Altman, the executive director of Covered California. “Let’s not let fears about the future prevent what can happen in the here and now and what you can have access to.”

Altman and her team have been touring the state to spread awareness of the open enrollment period and this new access for DACA recipients.

Created in 2012, DACA does not grant recipients legal status, but it does protect them from deportation and allows them work authorization. Up until now, they’ve only been allowed to sign up for health coverage through an employer. In California low-income DACA grantees can also sign up for Medi-Cal.

The Biden administration announced a rule change in May that updated the definition of “lawfully present” for Affordable Care Act eligibility so that DACA recipients could buy insurance in the federal or state insurance marketplaces.

“The rule is correcting a long-standing mistake of exclusion,” said Nicholas Espíritu, a deputy legal director at the National Immigration Law Center.

For Trump’s Health and Human Services department to undo the rule, it would have to go through a similar administrative process, which includes a notice and public comment period, Espíritu explained. This route could take quite some time.

By some estimates more than half a million people are protected by DACA, but it’s unclear exactly how many of them are without health insurance. One survey from UC San Diego and the National Immigration Law Center estimates about 20% are uninsured. That’s because with permission to work, most have been able to obtain coverage through an employer.

Expanding coverage to DACA recipients is estimated to cost the federal government between $240 million to $300 million a year. However, because DACA recipients are young, with an average age of 30, they could potentially have a positive impact on the health insurance risk pool — younger and healthier individuals can help bring down the cost of premiums for everyone enrolled in marketplace plans.

Covered California estimates that about 40,000 DACA recipients residing in this state are eligible for marketplace coverage this enrollment season.

Open enrollment started Nov. 1 and runs through Jan. 31. People must sign up by Dec. 31 if they want their coverage to kick in Jan.1. DACA recipients can also get coverage for December 2024 if they sign up before the end of this month.

GOP states challenge Affordable Care Act expansion

The most immediate threat to Dreamers’ access to the Affordable Care Act is being fought in a North Dakota courtroom.

In August, a group of 19 Republican attorneys general — from Kansas, Alabama, Florida, Texas, Idaho and other states — filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the insurance marketplace expansion to DACA recipients.

They argue that allowing DACA grantees into the marketplace creates “additional administrative and resource burden” in states that run their own exchanges. They also argue that access to subsidized health care is likely to encourage undocumented immigrants to remain in the U.S., and may eventually lead to more illegal immigration.

California and 18 other states last month filed a brief in defense of the Biden benefit expansion.

“Dreamers pay billions of dollars in taxes each year to help fund programs like the Affordable Care Act. Yet until now, they’ve been unable to access these programs themselves,” California’s Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement. “As home to more Dreamers than any other state in the country, California is proud to stand up for their right to access affordable healthcare.”

DACA grantees in California pay an estimated $2.1 billion a year in federal taxes and another $1 billion in state and local taxes, according to figures from Center for American Progress.

Biden health subsidies could end under Trump

Arguably no other state has done more to expand health insurance coverage for its residents, including its immigrants, than California. The federal government’s move to open the insurance marketplaces to Dreamers complements California’s efforts.

The state already offers Medi-Cal coverage to low-income earners regardless of their immigration status. But thousands of workers who earn above the Medi-Cal income limit don’t have many options for affordable coverage. Undocumented people technically can purchase a health insurance plan directly from a broker in the private market, but that’s without any type of financial assistance, making it unaffordable for most.

Health policy experts say one way that Trump and the incoming Republican-led Congress could undermine the Affordable Care Act, not just for DACA recipients but for everyone, is by not renewing the “enhanced premium subsidies” afforded by the Inflation Reduction Act, which are set to expire at the end of 2025. The enhanced subsidies increased the amount of financial assistance available to those already receiving it and made aid available to others for the first time by capping what they pay for the premium of a standard plan to 8.5% of their income.

Increasing the cost of coverage likely would result in some people going without health insurance. The Congressional Budget Office estimates 4 million people nationwide would drop their coverage in 2026 if Congress does not act to extend the subsidies.

It’s unclear if Trump will once again go after the Affordable Care Act in its entirety. Republican efforts to repeal the health law in the past have failed, but during his first term, Trump was successful in eliminating or changing pieces of it.

California health leaders say that they are having conversations about how to prepare for potential federal decisions that could impact the gains in coverage that California has made.

“We’ve made such progress, and it’s been incredible and hard-fought,” said Altman at Covered California. “Even through the pandemic and the Medi-Cal redeterminations we’re at the lowest uninsured rate on record. We’ve lowered our uninsured rate more than any other state in the nation.

“And so really it’s just thinking about…how do we keep moving forward on our mission, whether we have headwinds or tailwinds,” she said.

Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

Irvine voters will have an important question at the ballot box in November: Do you want ranked-choice voting?

Late Tuesday, the City Council agreed to place a measure that would switch council and mayoral elections to the system in 2028, as long as the cost stays within certain parameters. Mayor Larry Agran and council members James Mai and Mike Carroll voted no.

If passed, Irvine would be one of two Orange County cities to have the system. It comes as a judge recently ordered Huntington Beach to use the method. Several California cities, like Redondo Beach in L.A. County, have implemented ranked-choice voting in recent years.

What Irvine’s vote does

Right now, Irvine uses the system voters recognize: You cast your vote for one candidate, and if they don’t reach a certain percentage, the race heads to a runoff where you vote again months later.

In November, Irvine voters will be asked about switching to ranked-choice voting. Councilmember Kathleen Treseder, who originally introduced the measure, says this will help stop special interests from using “spoiler candidates” to take votes away from someone they don’t want to win.

“I am confident that, if we have ranked-choice voting, it’s going to improve the voice of the voters and have better outcomes,” she said.

The Cal RCV Institute, a supporter of the measure, says it allows for fairer outcomes and more broadly-supported winners. Here's a visual guide to how it works:

Under the ordinance, ranked-choice voting could happen starting in 2028 — as long as Irvine can feasibly do it technically and financially. Money was a big concern in the council vote because the city’s growing deficit is projected to reach $47 million by the end of the decade.

If voters approve the measure, Irvine would have upfront costs, like redesigning its ballots, training staff and educating voters. (Some political organizations are expected to help with that.)

It’s not clear exactly how pricey switching could be, but the first time is expected to be more than what elections cost now. Council members ultimately compromised and put a hard cap into the measure.

If costs are estimated to go over 0.23% of the city’s general fund budget (that’s $710,000 today), ranked-choice voting would not be used at the next election. The estimated cost of each subsequent election would be checked until the cost is low enough for the city to switch.

Carroll, who voted no, called out the calculation method because it came from an advocacy group. He disagreed with basing the cap on a budget that hasn’t been decided yet.

“God bless them, they’re allowed to push it, but I want to be clear that this is lawyering that has no specificity,” he said.

The ballot measure would need a simple majority to pass — that’s 50% plus one vote — and it would be in effect until voters want to change it.

Irvine’s ballot would be designed to allow for at least five ranked choices, and you’d be able to rank write-in candidates as well.

Under the motion, preliminary vote tallies would still be released alongside results for other races.

As you make your way down Pioneer Boulevard, the first thing you notice is the signage.

On a single strip mall sign, Bollywood Dance is stacked above a European Tailor, above Tacos Birria, above Nilly’s Burgers, above a Nepali and Indian Grocery. Five businesses, five communities, one address.

These shopping plazas are a microcosm of a corridor that has been quietly reshaped by successive waves of immigration over the past 40 years — Filipino, Korean, Gujarati, Mumbaikar, all putting down roots in the same strip malls, the same blocks just off Pioneer Boulevard.

Long known as Southern California's Little India and quietly becoming something more, for $15, you can eat very well here.

This is Cheap Fast Eats: Artesia.

Jay Bharat

Jay Bharat at 18701 Pioneer Blvd. — one of the oldest South Asian restaurants in Southern California.

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One of the oldest businesses along the Artesia corridor, Jay Bharat was founded in a garage in 1985 before opening its brick-and-mortar location on Pioneer Boulevard in 1988. It was founded by Usha Master, driven by her passion for Gujarati home cooking reminiscent of her childhood in Kothamdi, Gujarat.

Just three years later, Jonathan Gold paid them a visit for the L.A. Times, putting both the restaurant and the corridor on the map. When he reviewed Jay Bharat in 1991, dinner for two ran between $5 and $10. More than three decades later, the prices have barely moved.

For this particular visit, I was there to try the Undhiyu Puri ($9.49), a Gujarati winter vegetable medley. Despite it being the middle of summer, I was craving its comforting flavors — raw banana, unripe plantain, purple yam, baby eggplant, pigeon peas, green mung beans, and flat green beans, seasoned with fenugreek leaves, coconut, green chilies, cumin and a touch of sugar. The name itself tells the story: "undhu" means "upside down" in Gujarati, a reference to the traditional method of slow-cooking the dish in an earthen pot buried underground. Even in July, it tastes like winter in the best possible way.

The Undhiyu Puri at Jay Bharat — a Gujarati winter vegetable medley served with five golden puffed puris.

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The beauty of the dish is its nuance — so many different flavors and textures hitting different parts of the palate with each bite: the sweetness of banana and yam, a hint of heat from the green chiles, the satisfying resistance of pigeon peas and mung beans keeping things interesting. The restaurant encourages you to eat with your hands, so grab a puri, tear it open, and drag it through the dark spiced base. Wash it down with a bottle of Parliament Jaljeera— a carbonated cumin-and-tamarind drink that cuts right through the richness of the curry.

Honest Restaurant

The Honest Special Bhaji Pav at Honest Restaurant — a Mumbai street food institution with roots in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, and the only SoCal location of an 18-state chain.

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Honest has the footprint of Denny's and the street-food soul of King Taco. What started as a family cart in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in 1975, now spans 18 U.S. states and four countries — and Artesia is currently the only SoCal location.

Step inside and the history is right there on the walls — black-and-white photos of men in plain '70s attire, a message from the founder, flat screens cycling through the day's specials.

Try the bhaji pav ($14.99) — specifically the Honest Special, which arrives loaded with cashews and raisins folded into a rich, spiced vegetable curry, served alongside two rounds of pav. Resembling a dinner roll, the soft, pillowy bread is as much a part of the dish as the bhaji itself — lightly toasted in Amul butter, the iconic Indian dairy brand, with a slight crisp on the outside that gives way immediately. Tear it, dip it, repeat.

The exterior of Honest Restaurant on Pioneer Boulevard.

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The savory depth of the curry builds with each bite, the raisins and cashews adding a sweetness and body that keep pulling you back in. What might read on a menu as simply "curry and bread" is anything but — a full meal and a journey through Mumbai street food culture, by way of Gujarat, all for under $15.

Nilly’s Burger 

The single burger and chili cheese fries at Nilly's Neighborhood Burger Shop — a Filipino-owned spot on Pioneer Boulevard doing classic L.A. diner food near the heart of Little India.

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Nilly's Neighborhood Burger Shop opened in 2020 as a Filipino-owned burger pop-up doing classic American diner burgers — and it delivers. It’s located in a strip mall on Pioneer Boulevard that also houses a pho restaurant, a coffee shop and an Indian restaurant.

Ranil Zalameda lost his job during the pandemic and started doing what he called "backyard burger runs" in Norwalk, selling them on Instagram's close friends feature, a couple dozen at a time. With the help of his parents, he opened a brick-and-mortar location in January 2022 and expanded in October 2025.

Growing up in Cerritos/Artesia, Zalameda attended Gahr High School and would travel with his mom to Culver City, where she worked as a bookkeeper. On the way home, they would stop at classic L.A. restaurants like Johnny's Pastrami and Dinah's Chicken. When he opened Nilly's, he wanted to bring that same spirit back to his hometown.

Nilly's Neighborhood Burger Shop on Pioneer Boulevard in Artesia.

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Start with the single burger ($9) — a four-ounce patty ground in-house by his wife's uncle, not a smash burger but a thicker-style, onions pressed in on the plancha, house-made bread-and-butter pickles, yellow mustard, American cheese, Martin's potato roll. No spread, no ketchup — a quiet act of conviction in In-N-Out country.

Then come the chili cheese fries ($9 small, $15 large). Order the small — it's easily enough for two — and it arrives topped with freshly shredded cheddar, sour cream, raw onion, and pickles. The secret is in the chili itself: pickle juice cooked in, a technique that quietly traces back to Filipino and Mexican cooking traditions.

"I think it's OK to be Filipino, but own an American burger shop. I don't think there's anything wrong with that," Zalameda said.

A new version of the American dream, in the town he grew up in, supported by his family, one burger at a time.

Gangnam Kimbob

The House Special at Gangnam Kimbob — marinated bulgogi beef, fried shrimp tempura, egg, and pickled vegetables, rolled tight and sliced into ten pieces.

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On Norwalk near South St. sits Gangnam Kimbob — a Korean kimbob counter that has quietly built one of the strongest reputations on the corridor. The name is a nod to the affluent Seoul district made globally famous by PSY's 2012 megahit — a wink of second-gen Korean American cultural confidence tucked into a strip mall in Artesia.

Kimbap, or kimbob as they spell it here, translates literally to "seaweed rice" — seasoned rice and various fillings wrapped in dried nori and sliced into bite-sized rounds. Unlike sushi, the rice is seasoned with sesame oil rather than vinegar, and the fillings are cooked, not raw. In Korean food culture, it’s what Korean moms make for school field trips and travel days, a labor of love that carries real emotional weight. That's exactly what Gangnam is tapping into with their tagline: "Fresh ingredients, homemade with love, just like Mom makes it."

Gangnam Kimbob on South St., just off Pioneer Boulevard, and worth the detour.

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The Korean community has been part of the Artesia/Cerritos corridor since the post-1965 immigration wave — drawn here, like so many others, by affordable housing, good schools and freeway access. They stayed because it became home.

The House Special ($12.99) comes with 10 pieces — marinated bulgogi beef, fried shrimp tempura, egg, and a mix of cooked and pickled vegetables — served at room temperature, the way kimbap is meant to be eaten. Each piece is its own small, complete thing: savory, slightly sweet, texturally satisfying. It's a full meal that tastes like a snack.

Kiko's Rotisserie Chicken 

A half chicken from Kiko's Lechon Manok — dark, lacquered skin from the rotisserie, pulled and ready to eat at the orange patio tables out front.

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Just over on the western edge of the corridor, on the corner of Norwalk Boulevard and South Street, sits a towering A-frame building known as Kiko's. On Google, they go by Kiko's Rotisserie Chicken, but their Instagram tells a different story: Kiko's Lechon Manok — lechon means "roasted," manok means "chicken" in Filipino. Same bird, two names, one for the search bar and one for the community.

Whatever you call it, at $13.95, it's one of the best deals around.

Parking is tight, and you order through a window — no frills, no fuss. That's exactly the point. Beyond the chicken, the menu runs deep into Filipino home cooking — dinuguan, kalderetang kambing, chicharrón, leche flan, cassava cake.

Kiko's Lechon Manok — order through the window, eat at the patio tables outside.

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After a quick five minutes, your order arrives — advertised as a half chicken, but by the amount you're presented with, you'd swear it was a whole. Large pieces fill a full-sized Styrofoam container, the skin dark brown and lacquered crispy from the rotisserie. Pick it up piece by piece and dip into their signature lechon manok sauce — a traditional Filipino sauce made from chicken liver, vinegar, brown sugar, and garlic, thinner than gravy but with a deep, savory punch that cuts right through the richness of the skin. A few bites in and you'll be strategizing about how to get the rest home.

This story is no longer being actively updated. For the latest information, check the following resources:

• CalFire incident page
• Latest evacuation map
• L.A. County incident page
• L.A. County Fire Department social media
• Santa Clarita Valley Sheriff's Station social media

The forward progress of a brush fire in Santa Clarita Wednesday afternoon was halted hours after it was first reported at 1:40 p.m., prompting an evacuation warning.

The Pointe Fire had burned approximately 58 acres as of around 4 p.m. since it sparked earlier in the afternoon, according to CalFire.

The evacuation warning applies to the area around Center Pointe Parkway, south of Soledad Canyon Road and Golden Valley Road. A reunification center has been opened at the Santa Clarita Aquatic Center, located at 20850 Centre Pointe Pkwy., Santa Clarita.

The fire at one point was burning close to a number of homes and other structures, including Bowman High School. At least two helicopters were assisting in firefighting efforts.

Metrolink trains were also temporarily shut down between Via Princessa and Newhall Avenue.

The basics

• Acreage: 58 acres as of 4 p.m. Wednesday
• Containment: 32%
• Structures destroyed: None reported
• Deaths: None
• Injuries: None

Evacuation map and orders

Up to date evacuation information for L.A. County can be found here

Evacuation warnings are in effect for the following zone:

• SCL-CARLBOYER

Authorities say those in the evacuation warning zone should be prepared to evacuate, and those who require additional time to evacuate should leave immediately.

Evacuation shelters

• Santa Clarita Aquatic Center, 20850 Centre Pointe Pkwy., Santa Clarita

Public transit closures

• Metrolink trains were shut down between Via Princessa and Newhall Avenue.

What we know so far

The Pointe Fire broke out Wednesday afternoon at about 1:40 p.m. in the city of Santa Clarita. It's currently 0% contained, but forward progress was halted at 4 p.m., according to L.A. County firefighters.

Listen to our Big Burn podcast

Fire resources and tips

Check out LAist's wildfire recovery guide

If you have to evacuate:

• Why fire officials don't want you to stay and defend your home
• How to get packed up
• How to leave your house
• What evacuation terms mean and how to sign up for alerts

Navigating fire conditions:

• How to drive in high winds and fire danger
• How to prep for power outages
• How to navigate poor air quality

How to help yourself and others:

• Resources for fire victims, evacuees and first responders
• If you want to help fire victims, resist the urge to volunteer
• How to help find lost pets

How to start the recovery process:

• What to do — and not do — when you get home after a wildfire
• How to make an insurance claim
• How to safely clean up wildfire ash

What to do for your kids:

• How to talk to children about wildfires and losing a home
• What parents should know about wildfire air quality

Prepare for the next disaster:

• Fire season is here. Make sure you're signed up for these alerts
• Every day is now fire season. Let's get you ready for the next wildfire
• Yes, wildfires are getting worse. The history that got us to this moment

The Trump administration has launched a national crackdown on how school districts handle accusations of sexual misconduct by teachers, following a KQED-ProPublica investigation into California’s teacher disciplinary system.

In guidance issued last week, Secretary of Education Linda McMahon cited the news outlets’ reporting in May that California’s teacher licensing agency has not revoked the professional credentials of at least 67 educators who school districts determined had sexually harassed students or committed other types of sexual misconduct. At least 14 of those educators were rehired by other schools.

McMahon threatened to withhold federal funding from public schools that fail to protect children from teacher sexual misconduct. She called on states and school districts to scrutinize their laws and regulations to prevent educators who have engaged in sexual misconduct involving students from obtaining new positions elsewhere. Citing previous reports by the Government Accountability Office and other studies, McMahon said the Department of Education has observed a “troubling and recurring pattern” of credible reports of sexual abuse and harassment by school employees going uninvestigated.

“Unfortunately, many administrators and State educational regulators have apparently preferred to sweep these incidents under the rug and have ‘pass[ed] the trash’ to another school,” McMahon wrote in an open letter to state schools chiefs on Friday, referring to teachers who go on to work in different schools after findings of sexual misconduct.

McMahon said the Department of Education intends to increase its monitoring of school systems to ensure that they comply with federal law. The Trump administration will also examine states’ laws and regulations to determine their effectiveness in protecting students, she said.

The department is investigating 20 school districts over their data collection practices and handling of allegations of staff sexual harassment of students, McMahon announced. Two of the districts — Tulare City and Wilsona — are in central and Southern California, according to a list the department provided to KQED and ProPublica. The Tulare City superintendent has not responded to a request for comment. Wilsona Superintendent Steve Doyle said the district will cooperate fully with the federal review and “is committed to providing a safe and inclusive learning environment for every student.”

The list, which the Trump administration said was built on 2023-24 civil rights data, also includes districts in Georgia, Michigan, Arizona, Connecticut, Kentucky, New Hampshire, Missouri, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and Washington.

A spokesperson for Tony Thurmond, California state superintendent of public instruction, said he was not available to comment on the Trump administration’s letter.

California law requires public school teachers who resign or are fired for misconduct to be reported to the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, the state’s educator licensing agency. That agency then decides whether teachers will be disciplined further, including by losing their professional credentials.

Our look at California’s teacher disciplinary process revealed a pattern of delays and inaction, combined with a lack of transparency, that has allowed educators to continue teaching after school districts reported them to the state for sexual harassment or other sexual misconduct.

That disciplinary process, which is hidden from public view, stands out compared with how California oversees other professionals. The fact that a teacher has been disciplined is noted — along with a red flag icon next to their name — on a state website of credentialed educators, but the database does not explain why. California law prohibits the teacher licensing agency from sharing that information publicly. In contrast, the licensing bodies governing dozens of other professions in California, including doctors, nurses, police officers and lawyers, make the reasons behind disciplinary actions easily accessible on their websites. And at least 12 states, including Oregon, Washington and Florida, do the same for teachers.

California’s system also makes it difficult for school districts to learn the details of prospective employees’ disciplinary histories. Only after the state licensing agency recommends educators be disciplined can prospective employers request a summary of the case and the agency’s findings — if the request is made within five years.

California law does require teaching candidates to provide prospective employers with their complete educational job history and mandates that school districts ask previous employers whether candidates have ever been reported to the state for egregious misconduct. But no state agency is enforcing whether teachers are sharing their full employment records, whether districts are checking for previous misconduct or whether schools are providing the records.

“Prospective employers have the tools at their disposal to assess whether an individual is fit to be in the classroom,” Anita Fitzhugh, a spokesperson for the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, previously told KQED and ProPublica. “However, the Commission has no legal authority to compel employers to use these tools.” 

Fitzhugh said Monday that state law prevents the agency from formally reviewing allegations of sexual misconduct that districts report to the state unless it also receives an affidavit from alleged victims. “The Commission stands ready to implement any additional public protections that the Legislature authorizes,” she said.

A new California law mandates the creation of a database by next summer that will allow employers to search the names of school support staff, such as bus drivers, custodians and teaching assistants, who are under investigation for or have substantiated complaints of egregious misconduct. But the law does not apply to public school teachers.

Some critics characterized McMahon’s latest guidance as political rhetoric and grandstanding, given the Trump administration’s gutting of the Education Department and routine dismissal of civil rights cases.

“Staff-on-student predation occurs less frequently than student-on-student harassment and assault. This letter is silent on that,” said Heidi Goldstein, a personnel commissioner of the Berkeley Unified School District and advisory board member of Stop Sexual Assault in Schools, a national nonprofit. “I look at something like this as a wedge issue you’re going to take to schools to weaken union power overall.”

In her letter, McMahon singled out teachers unions as obstructions to legislative reforms to protect children.

“This is yet another example of the Trump administration weaponizing and distorting an issue for political purposes while also systematically dismantling the very offices of the Department of Education that were established to protect the safety and civil rights of students across the nation,” said Maggie Sisco, a spokesperson for the California Teachers Association.

McMahon also noted that the Trump administration recently opened an investigation into the Los Angeles Unified School District for an agreement it made with the teachers union to reassign educators accused of sexual misconduct instead of removing them while district officials investigate. But Christy Hagen, a spokesperson for Los Angeles Unified, said “reassignment means an employee is assigned away from students and schools during an investigation.”

The district “takes all allegations of sexual misconduct and harassment with the utmost seriousness,” Hagen said, and reported allegations are reviewed promptly through a “thorough and impartial process.”

Los Angeles Unified, California’s largest school district, has yet to release public records requested by KQED reporter Holly McDede two years ago. The First Amendment Coalition, a California nonprofit that advocates for free speech and government transparency, filed a lawsuit on behalf of McDede in May. Hagen said Monday that the district “has responded to requests in accordance with the California Public Records Act.”

Steve Hilton, the Republican candidate for California governor, said if elected, he would “end the loopholes that let dangerous teachers move from one school district to another.”

“Agencies will share information, act quickly and put student safety first, not the system,” Hilton said. “If you abuse a child, your teaching career is over.”

Jonathan Underland, spokesperson for Xavier Becerra, the former U.S. health and human services secretary, former California attorney general and the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, said Becerra “will make sure this state has a system that acts swiftly and keeps educators who harm students out of the classroom.”

“Protecting students from predators demands real action — but this president is demanding it from the very office he’s spent years tearing down,” Underland said. “California won’t wait on Washington.”

Mollie Simon contributed research.