The Brief

This year Pasadena hosts its annual Cheeseburger Week, Jan. 21- 27. It's been a regular event for more than a decade, but this year is particularly notable — the city says it's 100 years since the national icon was born.

The week is hosted in honor of Lionel Sternberger, who, according to local lore, created the beloved cheeseburger at his roadside stand off Route 66 in Pasadena in the 1920s.

But did Sternberger really create the cheeseburger? And what year? And why? While the Pasadena Chamber of Commerce believes it occurred in 1924, other sources give different dates. Other states also claim the honor. It’s one of SoCal’s numerous unsolved mysteries.

Burger history

The course of food history is often murky at best. According to The Great American Burger Book, by George Motz, it is believed burger meat (originally raw mutton) originated in the 13th century Mongol empire, before Russian and German immigrants brought their chopped beef version to America in the 19th century. It was in the go-go U.S.A. that a sizzling burger was probably slapped between two slices of bread, with multiple people claiming the honor sometime between 1885-1900.

But there is no ambivalence about the fact that 20th century Southern California is the birthplace of fast food. Due to our early adoption of cars, freeways, commutes, and our love of a cheap, greasy meal, McDonalds, Taco Bell, Fatburger, and In-N-Out, among others, were all started by savvy, entrepreneurial Southern Californians. And Lionel Sternberger was a true forerunner to these revolutionary restaurateurs.

Sternberger’s road stand

The earliest known version of Sternberger’s creation of the cheeseburger was recently discovered by food historian Andrew Smith, author of Hamburger: A Global History. It is in an article in The Pasadena Post, a now defunct newspaper. Published July 23, 1931, it sheds light on Sternberger’s early life and innovative ideas.

Lionel Sternberger was born in New York City in 1907. Soon the Sternberger family was off to booming SoCal, and Lionel attended grade school in Eagle Rock before attending high school in Pasadena. A natural born entrepreneur, he started a cider stand at the age of 12 and was running a grocery store at the age of 15.

Lionel Sternberger in the Pasadena Post.

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Courtesy of the California Digital Newspaper Collection, Center for Bibliographic Studies and Research, University of California, Riverside

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According to the Pasadena Post, in 1927, an act of kindness led Sternberger to his most famous acquisition — 1500 West Colorado Boulevard (part of the legendary Route 66), just west of the Colorado Street Bridge:

The young man started on the present enterprise in 1927, as the result of an interesting incident. On the approach to Pasadena, he halted his automobile and gave a lift to a waysider who wanted to get off at the soft drink stand at the crown of Colorado Street near Annandale Golf Links. Sternberger knew this location well — he and his father, years before, sold fruit on the same spot.

The road was already lined with quick serve options for harried commuters.

“There was a row of food stands offering everything from burgers and fries to Chinese food,” says Paul Little, president of the Pasadena Chamber of Commerce and Civic Association in an interview over email. “They catered to drivers heading into Eagle Rock and other parts of L.A. and toward Glendale.”

Sternberger reached the little stand, which a 1937 issue of Western Restaurants claims was called Hinky Dink Barbecue Stand. The Post reported:

“On reaching the top of the hill, Sternberger drove his car to the doorstep so his passenger would not have to wade in the mud left by the rain the night before. Sternberger engaged the owner of the soft drink stand in conversation, with the result he swapped his car for the stand.”

He renamed the stand (little more than a cooking shack) the Boulevard Stop, before changing its name to The Rite Spot. But the going was rough, and Sternberger’s stand was only bringing in around $2 a day.

Adding the cheese

Stories diverge wildly over what prompted Sternberger to add a slice of cheese (kind unspecified) on the hamburger. According to The Pasadena Post, an unnamed friend suggested the struggling Sternberger try something new that would set his stand apart.

“Together the pair ‘invented’ a new hamburger sandwich,” the Post reported, “which included a slice of cheese, a food never before tried on such a sandwich. It was very tasty.”

Sternberger’s nephew Don heard another story from his father, Van, who would join Lionel in the family business.

“Lionel was a big eater,” he told the Los Angeles Times in 2012. “One day he just decided he wanted a hamburger with cheese on it and started doing it. That’s how my dad described it to me. My dad was proud of it. I tried once to get him to go to In-N-Out with me and he wouldn’t.”

(There are also other versions, like Sternberger putting “everything” on a burger as requested by an enthusiastic customer, including cheese, and Sternberger burning one side of a patty, which he covered up with a cheese slice.)

According to The Pasadena Post, Sternberger was initially wary of promoting this new burger with cheese, due to cheese costs at the time. However, he tried it out one day on two faithful customers — and they loved it.

“The next day,” The Pasadena Post reported, “an automobile with six passengers halted at the door. The driver asked: ‘Is this where hamburgers with cheese are served?’”

The customers loved the newfangled cheeseburger so much they ordered seconds. Soon The Rite Stop cheeseburgers were all the rage in Pasadena, and Sternberger was banking $400 a day.

“As a Muir Tech student in Pasadena in the late ‘20s and early ‘30s,” Pasadena native Jim Horbuckle recalled, per Smith, “the big treat was to take our dates to Lionel Sternberger’s Rite Spot — delicious hamburgers with cheese — 15 cents, a glass of cider, 10 cents. The total bill was $1.”

The menu of the Rite Spot showing Aristocratic Hamburger, the original hamburger with cheese, on the top left hand side.

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Courtesy of the Archives (EPH-RES 2.39)

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Pasadena Museum of History

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An undated menu for The Rite Spot shows just how important this new edition to the menu was. The first item on the menu, it was called the “Aristocratic Hamburger” and billed as “the original hamburger with cheese.” The rest of the menu was standard Americana fare — chili and beans, Steak Lover’s Delight, Baked Alaskan Shrimp, and Pie á la Mode.

One side of the menu from a Rite Spot restaurant.

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Courtesy of the Archives (EPH-RES 2.39)

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Pasadena Museum of History

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By 1931, Sternberger was prospering. The Rite Spot expanded to another brick-and-mortar eatery in Pasadena, and also opened locations in Glendale and Highland Park. With his newfound fortune, Sternberger reportedly built a large house in the Pasadena neighborhood of Annadale, which he shared with his mother.

The Sternberger family continued in the restaurant business for decades. When Sternberger died in 1964, Time Magazine credited him as the inventor of the cheeseburger (although it stated he had created it while working at a stand owned by his father).

Rivals to the crown

However, there are other claimants to the cheeseburger throne. According to George Motz, a 1928 menu from Odell’s Restaurant in South Los Angeles features a chili cheeseburger. Kaelin’s Restaurant in Louisville, Kentucky, has long asserted that their founder Carl Kaelin created the cheeseburger in 1934. And Louis Ballast of Humpty Dumpty Drive-In in Denver had the name “cheeseburger” trademarked in 1935.

“There has been some discussion back and forth in a friendly rivalry,” Little says of the competing claims. “Menus and other historical artifacts support the Rite Spot as being the originator of the hamburger with cheese. Sternberger did not call it a cheeseburger, which is what the others who claim to be originators use.”

Indeed, if the newly uncovered Pasadena Post article is accurate, it seems the main competition for “first cheeseburger” may only be the long-gone Odell’s. But Pasadena has embraced the legend of Lionel Sternberger and uses it today to celebrate the city’s thriving restaurant scene.

“In 2011, as part of California Restaurant Month, we started hosting Cheeseburger Week in January,” Little says. “We have done that every year since. It was a take-out version during the pandemic.”

A plaque commemorating cheeseburger's invention in Pasadena in the sidewalk outside the LA Financial Credit Union at 1520 W. Colorado Boulevard.

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Courtesy Pasadena Chamber of Commerce

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In 2017, a marker was placed at the site of the first The Rite Spot, into the sidewalk outside of the LA Financial Credit Union at 1520 W. Colorado Blvd. It tells yet another version of the story.

“On this site in 1924,” it reads, “sixteen-year-old Lionel Sternberger first put cheese on a hamburger and sold it to a customer, thereby inventing the cheeseburger. The “Aristocratic Burger” at the Rite Spot is the first instance of a hamburger with cheese being served to a customer.”

Whatever the case, we can all agree the end result was delicious — and well worth celebrating during Cheeseburger Week.

With tensions already high in Minnesota after an Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer killed Renee Macklin Good, the Trump administration is ramping up the pressure on cities and states to cooperate with its immigration crackdown.

The administration had already surged federal agents — sometimes accompanied by military troops — to Los Angeles, Portland, Chicago, Charlotte, Memphis, Washington D.C. and New Orleans.

Now the White House is threatening to cut funding for sanctuary cities. Here's a brief explanation of how local governments interact with federal immigration enforcement, and what the White House can and can't require from them.

A fight over federal money 

President Trump threatened this week to cut "significant" federal funding to sanctuary cities. He hasn't said exactly what money his administration wants to cut, though he gave a deadline of Feb. 1.

Nor has Trump said exactly which cities or states will be targeted, though the Department of Justice did publish a list of more than 30 cities, states and counties in August. (That list includes the state of Minnesota, though not Minneapolis or St. Paul or their respective counties).

In remarks on Tuesday at the Detroit Economic Club, Trump seemed to be focused on places that limit their cooperation with ICE.

"They do everything possible to protect criminals at the expense of American citizens. And it breeds fraud and crime and all of the other problems that come," Trump said. "So we're not making any payment to anybody that supports sanctuary cities."

This is not the first time President Trump has made a threat like this. During his first term, the president tried to withhold some federal funding from sanctuary cities. More recently, Trump signed an executive order nearly a year ago directing the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security to make a list of sanctuary cities and withhold money from them.

But courts have sided against the administration in nearly every case, saying that the federal government cannot use funding to coerce state and local governments into changing their policies on immigration.

"Here we are again," U.S. District Judge William Orrick in San Francisco wrote in April. Orrick granted (and later extended) a preliminary injunction blocking the Trump administration from withholding federal funds from 16 jurisdictions, including San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, Minneapolis, St. Paul and New Haven.

"The threat to withhold funding causes them irreparable injury in the form of budgetary uncertainty, deprivation of constitutional rights, and undermining trust between the Cities and Counties and the communities they serve," Orrick said.

No precise legal definition of 'sanctuary'

There's no exact legal definition of "sanctuary city." But broadly speaking, the term refers to any city, state or county that limits its cooperation with federal immigration authorities.

The legal questions here are nuanced. Local law enforcement cannot block federal agents from doing their work but courts have said that state and city officers can withhold some cooperation.

The legal arguments are rooted in the U.S. Constitution and the division of powers between the federal government, which is in charge of immigration enforcement, and state and local governments, which run their own police and sheriffs' departments.

Courts have backed states that don't want to share data on residents in their records, including information about driver's licenses. And in many places, state and local law enforcement will not honor what's known as a "detainer request" from ICE, which essentially asks police to hold someone in detention until immigration authorities can take custody.

Local officials push back 

Virtually all the cities and states the administration has focused on so far are led by Democrats, who don't seem to be backing down after Trump's threat to cut federal money.

"This is just a threat to intimidate states like New York into bowing into submission. And that is something we'll never do," New York Governor Kathy Hochul said earlier this week. "You touch any more money from the state of New York, we'll see you in court."

State and city leaders argue there is a fundamental public safety rationale for their sanctuary policies. They say that working with ICE would undermine trust and cooperation between local law enforcement and immigrant communities as they seek to prevent crime.

There's clearly a political aspect to this as well. In many sanctuary cities, voters are asking Democratic leaders not to give in to the White House and its immigration agenda, so local leaders may have a strong incentive to dig in their heels.

Why local cooperation matters 

In the past, ICE has found that it's faster and safer to arrest people who are already being held in local jails. And that's one reason ICE was able to make so many arrests during the administration of President Obama, for example, before sanctuary policies were as widespread as they are now.

The White House says a lack of local cooperation is hindering its efforts to build "the largest deportation operation in the history of our country," a pledge Trump made frequently during his reelection campaign.

"Minnesota's 'leaders' have chosen defiance over partnership," the White House said in a statement on Friday.

But Democrats say the administration is deliberately creating confrontations in cities and states that are led by political opponents, provoking chaotic scenes on purpose for reasons that go beyond simply enforcing immigration law.

Copyright 2026 NPR

On a recent Saturday, a group of teenage musicians took to a stage inside an unlikely place: an unassuming unit in a business park at the bottom of Lincoln Avenue in Pasadena.

This space has a stage sitting on its concrete floor with the words "Backyard Party" playfully scrawled across the bottom.

The members of a band called The Wendolls sound checked with Matt Chait at the mixing board.

Backyard Party, one of the area’s newest all-ages venues, is the brainchild of Chait and fellow organizer Sandra Denver.

“The fires crushed garages where kids would have been playing. It burnt backyards where they would have been playing. It burnt down the schools where they would have been playing. So this is the communal backyard party. That’s specifically what we built and why we built it,” Chait said just outside the makeshift venue. The only thing that sets it apart from the nondescript units around it is a handwritten sign that says ‘No Ins and Outs.’

Chait, who was evacuated from his residence during the Eaton Fire, teamed up with Denver to manage the volunteer-run Backyard Party a few months ago. Her daughter sung lead vocals in a band called Sly, one of four bands on the lineup.

“We wanted to provide a space for all of the teen bands all around to come and play and help them create a kind of scene,” Denver said.

It’s the type of spot Denver said she wishes she had growing up in Phoenix, Arizona.

The tip box at Backyard Party

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Robert Garrova / LAist

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And she’s just one of several supportive parents here who are helping load in amps and guitars and bass drums.

Sixteen-year-old Jett Bizon is the drummer for Saints of Sinners, one of the bands on the bill. He said there’s another reason there are so many parents in the crowd.

“Well, nobody drives. Everybody needs a ride,” Bizon said with a chuckle.

With his long dark hair, Bizon explained that he’s already played some legendary local venues like The Whiskey a Go Go. But he said it feels like Backyard Party is becoming a much needed space for younger musicians in the area.

“We need to let out some type of energy and everybody’s putting it into music,” Bizon said. “I think it’s a great thing. Finally a scene again, it’s fun.”

As Bizon and his bandmates played their set of hard rock songs, the only people on their phones in the crowd were parents filming.

Some of the young folks taking the stage were affected by the Eaton Fire in one way or another. Some of them were evacuated. Others lost homes or saw their friends displaced.

Payton Owen was part of the crew running the door, taking tickets and dolling out snacks. She too is a musician and writes reviews of some of the concerts here.

“I think it’s amazing. I think it’s really like a point of community,” she said from behind a glass case filled with bags of popcorn and candy. “It’s a really nice opportunity for kids to really have somewhere where they can go.”

Teenager Elise Lamond agreed. She’d been following Chait around all night, learning how to set levels for the musicians, run the house lights and more.

“Most people at this age don’t have those kinds of opportunities,” she said, adding that, as a musician herself, she appreciated having free access to the venue’s music equipment, too.

Chait, who had a hand in running the now closed AAA Electra 99 venue in Anaheim and has been a musician since he was 12, said Pasadena and Altadena have a noteworthy music pedigree.

“I mean, Van Halen started in quite literal ‘backyard parties’ over on Allen. I think it lives here,” he said.

And Chait said he’s blown away by the new talent that’s come to this stage. For his part, he thinks it’s the start of a new scene that will balloon beyond Altadena and Pasadena.

Matt Chait going over the sound setup with Elise Lamond at Backyard Party.

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Robert Garrova / LAist

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“The fact that these kids who are now, let's say, 15-20 all lived through COVID and were very separated from each other. And now, in this particular neighborhood, are also separated again because of the fires. And they have supportive parents and now they have the physical place to be... All of the pieces of the puzzle are here,” Chait said.

For now, Chait said this is a labor of love. The space here is provided by Altadena Musicians, a non-profit that’s working to get instruments back in the hands of people who lost their gear in the fires. And as for ticket sales?

“It is the best part of running the venue: the end of the night, when we hand cash to these kids for playing,” Chait said.

Tonight’s bounty from a full-house? $320.

“There’s a couple of these kids, if they play one or two more times, we’re going to have to give them 1099s,” he said.

How to catch a BYP show

Backyard Party
1260 Lincoln Ave. #1300
Pasadena

For a calendar of upcoming shows, check out BYP’s website and Instagram.

On Friday, Southern California Edison filed lawsuits against Los Angeles County and several other agencies over their alleged roles in the Eaton Fire.

Two lawsuits were filed.

In one suit, the utility company alleges Southern California Gas delayed shutting off gas in the burn area for several days after the fire, making the blaze worse.

“SoCalGas’ design and actions caused gas leaks, gas fires, reignition of fires, gas explosions and secondary ignitions during the critical early stages of the Eaton Fire,” according to the suit.

The claim goes on to say this contributed to the spread of the fire and made firefighting and evacuation efforts more difficult.

In the second suit, the utility company alleges the Eaton Fire was made worse by the local government response, “including due to the failures of LASD, LACoFD, OEM and GENASYS in issuing timely evacuation alerts and notifications,” the claim reads.

The same filing says L.A. County was to blame for vegetation and overgrown brush in the Eaton Canyon area that fueled the blaze.

It also named the city of Pasadena and its utility system, Pasadena Water and Power, the city of Sierra Madre, Kinneloa Irrigation District, Rubio Cañon Land & Water Association, Las Flores Water Company and Lincoln Avenue Water Company as parties responsible for water systems running dry in Altadena as the fire broke out.

Edison says hydrants running dry compounded the extent of the disaster.

Those claims will be heard in the L.A. County Superior Court, which is also handling L.A. County’s lawsuit against SoCal Edison.

Edison itself is the subject of hundreds of lawsuits from survivors of the Eaton Fire, which could cost the company billions of dollars in settlements.

Edison has said its equipment likely sparked the Eaton Fire and filed these suits, in part, because it believes these various entities should share some of the blame for the disaster, which resulted in the destruction of thousands of buildings and the deaths of 19 people.

A compensation program Edison established for fire survivors who forgo suing the company has made settlement offers to more than 80 of those who applied.

A new organization is taking over production of the MLK Day Parade, almost 40 years after the first parade was held in South L.A. to commemorate the civil rights leader.

Bakewell Media, publisher of the Los Angeles Sentinel newspaper (a partner of The LA Local), was granted the permit in September to organize the parade for the first time by the Los Angeles Board of Police Commissioners. Formerly called the Kingdom Day Parade, the parade has been rebranded as the Los Angeles Official Martin Luther King Day Parade. The parade was previously produced and organized by Adrian Dove and the L.A. chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality California (CORE-CA).

With less than a week before the parade kicks off, LA Local reporter LaMonica Peters sat down with Danny Bakewell Jr., president and executive editor of the LA Sentinel, to discuss the details and what attendees should expect.

This Jan. 12 interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.

Why did you decide to produce the MLK Day Parade this year?

Bakewell: It all started because Adrian Dove, who was the previous promoter, had announced that he was retiring. When he announced he was retiring, LAPD, city council offices and other people said, “Hey, we still want to do the MLK Day parade. Would you guys be interested? You have the infrastructure to put it together.” And we said yes.

What’s different about this year’s production?

We’re going to start the parade with a singer performing “Lift Every Voice.” We’re going to play the message from Bernice King at the start of the show. Obviously, we have Cedric the Entertainer as our grand marshal to add the entertainment value, but the community has always been and will continue to be a major part of this parade.

Is ABC 7 covering the parade this year? 

It’s still going to be televised by ABC. We’re working diligently on how the show is going to be, but ABC has been a great partner.

What was the preparation for this parade?

Thanks to our corporate sponsors, we have a number of bands. The truth is, particularly in LAUSD at this time, and other school districts, they don’t have the funding to just get a bus and get here. I can’t say enough about Airbnb to Bank of America, all of our corporate sponsors, who are supporting all of the youth organizations.

Were there any unexpected challenges while preparing for this parade? 

This [The LA Sentinel office on Crenshaw Blvd.] is usually our command center during The Taste of Soul. It dawned on me last week that we’re going to be a mile away [from the parade route]. So, we made the decision to bring in a trailer to be our office at the corner of King and Crenshaw boulevards.

Any special guests this year besides the grand marshal?

I’m working on a surprise guest to be the singer for the national anthem. No matter what, we will give tribute to the Black national anthem “Lift Every Voice” as loud as we can next Monday.

What’s the long-term vision for this parade, if Bakewell Media continues to produce it?

We see the MLK Day Parade, and we want the world to see and expect to see this parade, the same way they see the Macy’s Parade, the Hollywood Parade or the Rose Parade. BET has come in this year as a partner. So there’s an opportunity to possibly do a national broadcast on BET. Not that we would lose our local television, but we see this as a major parade in this community and in the national African American community, celebrating the great work of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. So, we are very excited.