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The most important stories for you to know today
  • Are these mashups from different menus any good?
    A piece of fried chicken sits inside an open burger bun, complete with tomatoes and lettuce. Off to the side are crinkle-cut fries and even more pieces of chicken.
    An order of Dave's Hot Chicken with fries and a cheeseburger with no meat from In-N-Out. This is about to become a sandwich.

    Topline:

    Ordering off the menu at fast food chains can still give an illicit thrill (unless it’s animal-style at In-N-Out, which is not-so-secret anymore and is usually a way to cover up the not-so-great fries). But how about creating your own combo hack from multiple off-menu items or chains? We’ve got a rundown of options, carefully broken down and rated.

    Why does it matter? Hell, humans are built to explore — yes, we could return to the moon, but how about a inventing a crazy Flying Dutchman Patty Melt concoction in the meantime?

    Why now? In an age of hyper-consumption and quick Instagram food reviews with clickbait taglines, (think "In-N-Out chili cheeseburger?") we are living our best lives.

    It seems like only yesterday that hacking fast food meant ordering off the menu. The most famous in recent years was the Starbucks pink drink, where customers would order a strawberry acai refresher and substitute the water for coconut milk.

    The drink went so viral on social media that Starbucks eventually added it to its permanent menu… making you pay more in the process.

    (Let us also not forget The McGangBang (actual name, apparently), which combined a McChicken and a McDouble into one ridiculous sandwich in the 2010s.)

    Now, with food influencers trying to outdo each other, menu hacking has gone even further.

    Instead of ordering from just one menu and modifying it, now you can order two items and combine them, or even order items from two different fast food chains and mash them up into one meal.

    (Driving from one place to another means the result is anything but fast, but hey, this is creativity).

    While I’m a little concerned about where this amalgamation could end — Three restaurants? Four? — I figured I’d pull together some hacks that caught my eye, show you how to make them, and then rate them. Call it public service. You’re welcome.

    The In-N-Out Patty Melt

    A light skin hand hold a cheeseburger in a paper wrapper.
    The In-N-Out patty melt made with their Flying Dutchman burger and two toasted buns.
    (
    Sean Vukan
    /
    For LAist
    )

    What to order

    • One Flying Dutchman 
    • Two buns on the side, toasted

    The assembly

    For the uninitiated, the In-N-Out Flying Dutchman is not a pirate ship but rather two beef patties with a slice of cheese between the patties and on top of them.

    It also comes with grilled onions. (It’s my personal favorite of the In-N-Out off-menu items. It's just a great combination of gooey melted cheese and classic In-N-Out hamburger patties.)

    Order one of those, and two toasted buns. Now invert the buns — what’s facing the inside on a traditional burger will now be facing outward. (It’s what makes it a patty melt). Finally, carefully peel off the Flying Dutchman from the paper it’s sitting on and place it in between the toasted inverted hamburger buns. Get ready to enjoy a drive-thru version of a diner classic.

    Does it work?

    A patty melt is at its best when the bread, hamburger patty, onions, and cheese are all griddled together in perfect harmony. Unfortunately, the bun lets this version down.

    When I tried it, the bread was dry, whereas on an actual patty melt, all the juices from the onions and meat have had a chance to seep through to the rye or sourdough. This version was fine, though, and if it came cooked as one, it might have yielded a different result.

    Score: 6.5/10 There are better versions of this diner classic throughout Los Angeles, but it’s a fun, newer In-N-Out hack that doesn’t involve using grilled onions as a substitute bun for your burger. Oh, and it does double the trash you’d normally produce, but that kind of goes with all these mash ups.

    The Baja Blast Float

    A McDonald's soft serve cone dipped into a signature Taco Bell soft drink, Baja Blast
    A McDonald's soft serve cone dipped into the signature Taco Bell soft drink, Baja Blast. Things are about to get messy.
    (
    Sean Vukan
    /
    For LAist
    )

    What to order

    • A large Baja Blast from Taco Bell
    • A soft serve cone from McDonald's

    The assembly

    Because you’re dealing with ice cream, it’s best to get the Taco Bell exclusive soda first, so there’s a small amount of time between dunkage of ice cream and soda.

    This also allows time to drink some of the soda to somewhere about the halfway to three-quarters point. Why? Because sticking an ice cream cone into a full cup of soda will cause it to overflow. Once the soda is at an acceptable level, scoop the soft serve from the McDonald's cone into the soda and swirl it around at the same time, allowing the ice cream to mix in partly with the soda.

    Does it work?

    Yes. But a Baja Blast from Taco Bell has been my personal go to drink from The Bell since it was launched in 2004, so I may be a bit biased. The ice cream combination mixed with the citrusy, tropical lime flavor of the soda was really good and comes off as sort of like a millennial version of an orange soda float.

    Score: 8/10 Was I questioning my journalistic choices in the parking lot of a Walmart on a Sunday morning as I was slowly dunking and drinking while balancing the Baja Blast to keep it from spilling everywhere? Absolutely. But the end result made me glad that I followed through with it. This would be a great treat just in time for summer.

    The In-N-Out/Dave's Hot Chicken Sandwich

    In a black Styrofoam container, there are two pieces of fried chicken on top of a slice of white bread, alongside an order of fries and a burger bun wrapped in a white paper sleeve. The burger bun contains lettuce, tomato, and American cheese. In the background, there are two bags, one from In-N-Out and the other from Dave's Hot Chicken.
    A collection of Dave's Hot Chicken, fries and a burger bun with no meat from In-N-Out. This is about to become a sandwich.
    (
    Sean Vukan
    /
    For LAist
    )

    What to order:

    • Cheeseburger w/no meat from In-N-Out
    • The Two Tender Combo from Dave’s Hot Chicken, OR ask for one tender a la carte if you don’t want the fries and extra tender. The spice level varies depending on preference.
    • Honey packets, spread, Dave’s sauce (optional).

    The assembly

    Ordering the cheeseburger with no meat saves you the question from the attendant at In-N-Out asking if you want the grilled cheese plain or with the veggies, which you absolutely still want, and in some cases, they may not ask you, so better to be on the safe side and order the cheeseburger with no meat. For the Dave’s portion, the first time I asked for one tender they obliged, but looked at me kind of weird (journalism, folks) so the second time I just ordered the #1 combo, which is the two tenders.

    Place a tender between the meatless burger and congrats; there’s now an In-N-Out chicken sandwich.

    Does it work?

    Look, Dave’s Hot Chicken already has a chicken sandwich so there’s absolutely no need for this to happen unless you’re aching for tomato, grilled onions, and Thousand Island dressing to be a part of it. But welcome to the world of fast food influencers, folks. A world where putting a clickbaity title like “In-N-Out Chicken Sandwich?” on a title card in an attempt to rack up views because you think something new has been launched, but in reality, it’s all a ruse.

    Score: 7/10 The original concoction of this called for a Chick-fil-A cutlet to be used, but since I don’t eat at Chick-fil-A and prefer a hotter chicken anyway, I opted for a tender from Dave’s. This was fine. Not mind-blowing in any way. Would it have been different if Chick-fil-A chicken were used instead? Probably not. But to each their own. Order the In-N-Out first because the line will probably be long, and it is probably best to be in an area where a place that serves crispy chicken cutlet sandwiches or tenders is somewhat nearby an In-N-Out.

    Del Taco Birria Nacho Fries

    A portion of French fries topped with braised beef, gooey cheddar cheese, sour cream, and sliced jalapeños in a disposable fast food container.
    The contents of a birria quesadilla placed upon an order of Del Taco nacho fries.
    (
    Sean Vukan
    /
    For LAist
    )

    What to order

    • Birria quesadilla or birria combo burrito
    • Plain crinkle-cut fries or the special nacho cheese fries
    • Hot sauce
    • Ask for sides of sour cream and jalapeños

    The assembly

    Scoop the contents out of the quesadilla or burrito onto the fries. The nacho fries are currently a special that Del Taco is running, which is their crinkle-cut fries topped with nacho cheese.

    Depending on your preference, the birria quesadilla is just the Del Taco birria and that classic orange shredded cheese they put on, like, 90% of the items at Del Taco. The birria combo burrito comes with birria and refried beans, but I found the chunks of birria in the quesadilla to be more hearty and meaty than the ones in the burrito.

    Once the fillings have been placed atop the fries, top with the sour cream, jalapeños, and drizzle the hot sauce of your choosing atop it.

    Does it work?

    Yes. I got the idea for this from my friend and fellow food writer, Sarah Mosqueda of the L.A. Times. I texted her prior to the assignment to ask if she knew of any under-the-radar menu hacks or mashups that people wouldn’t know about.

    She said that while working at an old restaurant of hers, she would bring in Del Taco fries and pour braised lamb over them for a staff meal. While braised lamb from fast food isn’t necessarily a possibility, it got me thinking that Del Taco could be a possibility for a menu hack whereas initially it wasn’t, and specifically their fries or nachos.

    Del Taco currently has their recently added birria in tacos, a burrito, in a cup with consomme, and atop nachos. However, they missed an opportunity to place it on their crinkle-cut fries, even though they already offer the fries with ground beef, chicken, and steak.

    Score: 7.9/10 The tender beef birria was a great addition to the fries, allowing just enough of the juices to soak up into the crinkle-cut potatoes. Granted, these are light on diced tomatoes or guac, and I did get the smaller, cheaper version of the fries because I was told the larger option with more toppings couldn’t be modified with the birria. Still, it was really good. The pickled jalapeños and sour cream add acidity to help cut through the hearty beef and potatoes.

    A pizza with a square-cut crust topped with a cooked smashed burger patty, red pepperonis, giant sliced pickles, and drizzled with yellow sauce.
    Behold the Hammer Boi pizza featuring flatty beef patties, pickles, ‘Hammer sauce’ from Hammer Burger, atop a Focaccia Boi pepperoni pizza.
    (
    Sean Vukan
    /
    For LAist
    )

    Mashups for the soul

    When all is said and done, the best mash-ups you can support are those your local small businesses create. Post-pandemic, more and more pop-ups and small restaurants are joining forces for special releases and the results are usually home runs. Here are some of my recent favorites:

    • The recent Paradise Dynasty/Pho-Holic mash-up, where OC beef pho restaurant Phoholic had a pho xiao long bao at South Coast Plaza’s Paradise Dynasty — an absolutely genius combination that tasted as good as it reads.
    • The ongoing A’s BBQ/Quarantine Pizza collab at Smorgasburg Los Angeles on Sundays, where East LA pitmaster and sausage king Alan Cruz of A’s BBQ provides his famous al pastor sausages to Quarantine Pizza for an al pastor sausage pizza.
    • Daniel Castillo of Heritage Barbecue in San Juan Capistrano has been using Burritos La Palma tortillas for his brisket tacos for the past few years.
    • The recent collaboration between Orange County purveyors, Hammer Burger and Focaccia Boi. Usually in Anaheim, Derek Bracho and his Focaccia Boi pizza has been taking over the kitchen every Wednesday at Loosie’s Pizza in Downtown Santa Ana. Loosie’s also happens to be a stone’s throw from Orange County’s first smash burger truck, now turned restaurant, Hammer Burger.

      The result of this team up? A limited number of slices of The Hammer Boi pizza: flatty beef patties, pickles, ‘Hammer sauce’ from Hammer Burger, atop a Focaccia Boi pepperoni pizza.

    The overall verdict

    Save the corporate mashups for the influencers just looking for clicks. They’re not struggling. Follow your favorite pop-up, food truck, or small restaurant on social media and be on the lookout for their next collab or mash-up with another local favorite.

    Because a pizza burger just might end up being delicious.

  • Does the blue wave mean lower gas prices soon?

    Topline:

    Now that the midterm results are in, could drivers see lower gasoline and diesel prices anytime soon? Not so fast, experts say. Here's why.

    The backstory: Democrats are now poised to take control of Congress by wide margins — and a critical driver of their success has been voter fury about how the war in Iran has driven up the cost of fuel. Before the war, about one fifth of the world's oil passed through the Strait of Hormuz. As the war throttled that waterway, the price of oil rose: A barrel of Brent crude cost about $70 in late February, spent months hovering around the $110 mark, and is now close to $95.

    What could Democrats do? The new Congressional Democrats will have the power to push the president to end the war in Iran, in part by making it harder to authorize new war spending. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D.-NY) told reporters on Wednesday that Democrats are intent on ending the war and bringing down the cost of living, saying that "relief is on the way."

    Read on... for more on what the blue wave means for gas and diesel prices.

    Democrats are now poised to take control of Congress by wide margins — and a critical driver of their success has been voter fury about how the war in Iran has driven up the cost of fuel.

    Before the war, about one fifth of the world's oil passed through the Strait of Hormuz. As the war throttled that waterway, the price of oil rose: A barrel of Brent crude cost about $70 in late February, spent months hovering around the $110 mark, and is now close to $95.

    That's driven up the price of everything that's refined from crude. A gallon of gas costs $4.12 on average — about $1 higher than a year ago. The price of diesel hit a record high in September at $6.52, and while it's fallen a bit since then, a gallon remains about $2.50 higher than this time last year, according to AAA.

    These soaring prices helped major oil companies rake in huge profits over the past two quarters, while making the cost of fuel at the pump uncomfortably high for drivers, and boosting the price of nearly everything in a nation that is heavily reliant on trucking.

    So now that the midterm results are in, could drivers see lower gasoline and diesel prices anytime soon?

    Not so fast, experts say. Here's why.

    What could Democrats do?

    Nothing yet — members of the new Congress won't be sworn in until January.

    And once they are seated, U.S. legislators have limited powers to directly affect the price of oil, which is dictated by a complex global market.

    In the run-up to the election, most of the actions taken by the federal government to lower fuel prices came through the White House, not Congress. Hoping to stave off losses for his party, President Trump tried to ease the cost of diesel by loosening federal rules on dyed diesel, which is normally used for farming. He also announced a deal that would bring more Russian diesel to global markets, including the U.S., by temporarily lifting sanctions. Neither of these did much to move the needle.

    But the new Congressional Democrats will have the power to push the president to end the war in Iran, in part by making it harder to authorize new war spending. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D.-NY) told reporters on Wednesday that Democrats are intent on ending the war and bringing down the cost of living, saying that "relief is on the way."

    "What a unified Democratic Congress can do is make escalation considerably more costly: both chambers can pass resolutions, attach conditions to war spending and hold back confirmations of key officials," Claudio Galimberti, chief economist of Rystad Energy, wrote in a market note to the media.

    Still, the president has veto power over legislation, as well as executive powers. " President Trump still retains full discretionary authority over military strikes, over blockades and sanctions, licenses, and so on," said Jorge León,  head of geopolitical analysis at Rystad Energy, in an interview with NPR.

    Trump has sent mixed messages about whether he wants to end or escalate the war. In the past few weeks, he warned Gulf Arab countries to prepare for a new military campaign after the midterms. The U.S. struck Qeshm, an island in the Strait of Hormuz that Iran uses to launch its own strikes, on Nov. 2.

    But on election night, Trump told The New York Times that he knew voters were unhappy about gas prices. And the next day, as the extent of the election rout became clear, Vice President JD Vance posted on social media: "The reason we lost is the war."

    If the war ends, when would prices fall?

    Jaime Brito, executive director of refining and oil markets for Dow Jones Energy, says if there's a deal to end the war, traders could be very excited. Brito said they might look for formal announcements from both Iran and the U.S. that the strait is reopening, and that both sides are pulling back their military presence in the area.

    If market traders are convinced the peace will last? "If that scenario happens, then I personally see crude prices dropping, you know, $15, $20 [a barrel] immediately, in the next two, three days from the announcement," he said.

    But for gasoline and diesel prices to fall, too, oil would have to start moving again. Ships that have been running long, alternative routes to avoid passing through the Strait of Hormuz would have to return to their points of origin, and then resume their former routes through the strait. León pointed out, that could lead to traffic jams.

    From there, that crude will still need to be refined and make its way onto the market.

    In the most optimistic scenario, Brito said, it could take three months after a ceasefire or deal is announced for gasoline and diesel prices to hit their prewar levels.

    León thinks it would take more like six months for the price of crude to hit its prewar level, and then another month or two for gasoline and diesel to follow. But that's assuming all goes well. And, both of them said, there could be hiccups along the way that stretch the recovery timeline out for up to a year after a deal is announced.

    " I don't want to say this, but, you know, expensive gasoline prices could be a new normal," Brito said.

    The X factors

    The first big X factor: the war in Ukraine.

    If Ukraine continues attacking Russian refineries, the price of diesel may not drop as precipitously as gasoline might. That's because Russia's refineries normally bring much of the world's diesel to global markets. Resuming traffic through the Strait of Hormuz will help lower the price of diesel — but it may take longer to reach its prewar level, León said.

    Other scenarios could make for a less rosy picture, León said. U.S. refineries have been running above 90% capacity — what if they need emergency maintenance just at the moment when there's more oil ready to bring to market? Or, what if hostilities restart again, despite a deal?

    Brito agreed. Before the end of the year, there could theoretically be new attacks in the strait, he wrote, "if the current administration sees it as a 'window' to complete unfinished tasks before the new Congressional layout takes their seat in January."

    And there's also one more factor at play: The war has raised the price of moving oil itself around the world.

    Since the Strait of Hormuz has been blocked off for so long, freight costs have gone up; ships carrying oil have had to skirt around the strait, take longer routes and use more fuel in the process. Plus, the price of insuring those ships has gone up, since transit around the strait has gotten so much riskier.

    That means that even the oil industry is paying more to be in the oil business. And if hostilities persist and those freight costs remain high, that could keep the price of Brent crude elevated for longer.

    "Bottom line," Brito wrote, for any hope of a return to normal prices, "you need to see a definitive end of the conflict."
    Copyright 2026 NPR

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  • Leon Black sues over Epstein-related comments
    Leon Black, a man with light skin tone, wearing tinted sunglasses and a navy suit, stands near a metal detector as a uniformed officer looks on.
    Billionaire Leon Black arrives for a closed-door interview with the House Oversight Committee at the Capitol in Washington on June 26, 2026

    Topline:

    Billionaire Leon Black on Wednesday filed a federal defamation lawsuit against California Rep. Robert Garcia for public comments the Democratic congressman made tying him to disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein.

    The backstory: The court filing comes less than two months after the House approved a resolution holding Black in contempt of Congress for defying the Oversight Committee’s subpoenas in its investigation into Epstein. In June, Black appeared for a voluntary interview at the committee during which he denied any knowledge of Epstein’s sex trafficking network. Weeks later, Garcia said during a TV interview that “Leon Black is at the center of Jeffrey Epstein’s crimes” and that Black “was one of the last people to actually interact” with Epstein before he committed suicide in prison. In addition, Garcia said that he had “talked to survivors that have credibly named Leon Black as someone that was involved in direct abuse of women and was directly involved” with Epstein.

    What's next: Those statements were false and were made maliciously, Black asserts through his lawyers. The defamation lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York seeks a jury trial and $7.25 million in compensatory and punitive damages. “Congressman Garcia’s knowing lies have caused real and significant ongoing harm to Mr. Black. His physical safety has been threatened, he has received a barrage of hateful calls, emails, and social media posts, and his business and philanthropic endeavors have suffered,” the filing states. Garcia’s office didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment on the lawsuit.

    Billionaire Leon Black on Wednesday filed a federal defamation lawsuit against California Rep. Robert Garcia for public comments the Democratic congressman made tying him to disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein.

    The court filing comes less than two months after the House approved a resolution holding Black in contempt of Congress for defying the Oversight Committee’s subpoenas in its investigation into Epstein.

    In June, Black appeared for a voluntary interview at the committee during which he denied any knowledge of Epstein’s sex trafficking network.

    Weeks later, Garcia said during a TV interview that “Leon Black is at the center of Jeffrey Epstein’s crimes” and that Black “was one of the last people to actually interact” with Epstein before he committed suicide in prison.

    In addition, Garcia said that he had “talked to survivors that have credibly named Leon Black as someone that was involved in direct abuse of women and was directly involved” with Epstein.

    Those statements were false and were made maliciously, Black asserts through his lawyers. The defamation lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York seeks a jury trial and $7.25 million in compensatory and punitive damages.

    “Congressman Garcia’s knowing lies have caused real and significant ongoing harm to Mr. Black. His physical safety has been threatened, he has received a barrage of hateful calls, emails, and social media posts, and his business and philanthropic endeavors have suffered,” the filing states.

    Garcia’s office didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment on the lawsuit.

    In September, Garcia called the contempt resolution against Black “an important step toward justice and accountability.”

    Black had refused to respond to subpoenas asking him to appear and to turn over any potential nondisclosure agreements involving the investigation into Epstein.

    Black’s lawyers have repeatedly denounced the Oversight Committee’s pursuit of the former head of a private equity firm as an abuse of congressional power. They have maintained he had no knowledge of any of Epstein’s criminal conduct.

    Black was among several prominent figures, including Bill Clinton and Bill Gates, who had been asked to appear as part of the Oversight Committee’s long-running probe of Epstein. Survivors of Epstein’s alleged sexual abuse have told personal stories of being young women in a trafficking enterprise organized by Epstein and his colleague Ghislaine Maxwell.

    Black co-founded the private equity firm Apollo Global Management and stepped down in 2021 during the fallout over his ties to Epstein.

    Lawmakers have alleged that Black paid Epstein $180 million during their yearslong relationship.

    A 2021 review commissioned by Apollo found that Black paid Epstein $158 million from 2012 to 2017, after Epstein pleaded guilty in 2008 to soliciting prostitution from a minor. The review said the payments were for “bona fide tax, estate planning and other related services.”

  • The company agrees to a $7 billion settlement
    Red “3M” logo on a white sign atop a gray building, beside a modern white-trimmed glass office facade.
    The 3M chemical manufacturer’s building in a suburb of Sydney on May 28, 2026

    Topline:

    Chemical manufacturer 3M will pay up to $7.35 billion to settle lawsuits by people who say they were sickened by groundwater contamination from compounds used in firefighting foam and other consumer products.

    What the settlement is about: The St. Paul, Minnesota-based company announced the settlement Tuesday. It will pay the money over nine years to as many as 120,000 people who say they were harmed by exposure to per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, known collectively as PFAS. The chemicals contaminated groundwater near military bases, airports and other locations where the foam was used to extinguish fires. 3M did not admit liability for the contamination under the agreement.

    The backstory: Called “forever chemicals” because they don’t degrade naturally in the environment, PFAS have been linked to health problems including liver and immune system damage and some cancers. The chemicals are also used in nonstick, water- and grease-resistant products, including clothing and cookware.

    Chemical manufacturer 3M will pay up to $7.35 billion to settle lawsuits by people who say they were sickened by groundwater contamination from compounds used in firefighting foam and other consumer products.

    The St. Paul, Minnesota-based company announced the settlement Tuesday. It will pay the money over nine years to as many as 120,000 people who say they were harmed by exposure to per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, known collectively as PFAS. The chemicals contaminated groundwater near military bases, airports and other locations where the foam was used to extinguish fires.

    3M did not admit liability for the contamination under the agreement.

    Called “forever chemicals” because they don’t degrade naturally in the environment, PFAS have been linked to health problems including liver and immune system damage and some cancers. The chemicals are also used in nonstick, water- and grease-resistant products, including clothing and cookware.

    3M chairman William Brown called the settlement a “significant milestone” that substantially reduces uncertainty from the litigation. The company previously reached settlements in other PFAS-related lawsuits, including a $450 million agreement with the state of New Jersey to settle claims of natural resource contamination and a deal to pay more than $10 billion to many U.S. public drinking water systems.

    Other manufacturers, including DuPont de Nemours Inc. and spinoffs Chemours Co. and Corteva Inc., have agreed to settlements totaling more than $1 billion to resolve PFAS claims.

    Fred Thompson, an attorney with the Motley Rice law firm that helped negotiate the 3M settlement for the plaintiffs, called it welcome news for “the thousands of victims who have sought answers and accountability for nearly a decade.”

    He said in a news release that the plaintiffs urgently need help covering mounting medical bills and other costs.

    Under the terms of the settlement, the payouts will begin with $50 million this year, followed by yearly payments of more than $1 billion each year from 2028 to 2033.

    3M could make additional payments if enough plaintiffs participate. If too few sign on, 3M has the option to cancel the settlement and continue fighting the lawsuit.

    Environmental activists say PFAS manufacturers knew about the chemicals’ health risks long before they became public. They noted that the same attributes that make the chemicals so valuable in many uses — resistance to breakdown — also make them hazardous to people.

    The Environmental Protection Agency has set strict limits on PFAS in drinking water from public utilities and requires testing, but those rules do not apply to private wells.

    A study that would help federal regulators understand which industries dump the forever chemicals with their wastewater has been stalled for two years, awaiting review by the White House Office of Management and Budget.

  • Other groups also moved to the left

    Topline:

    Democrats' big wins in these midterm elections couldn't have happened without some massive voter shifts. Young voters, Latinos and Asian Americans, urban and suburban voters, men and independents all moved heavily to the left.

    What else to know: Women were the fuel for Democrats' wins in these elections. They broke by 19 points for Democrats, 13 points wider than in 2024 and the best mark for the party since Trump's first midterm.

    The backstory: In 2024, President Trump won a record share of Latino votes for a Republican presidential candidate. But they took a sharp left turn in this election after Trump's promises of lower prices never came to fruition and his administration's harsh deportation tactics backfired. Latinos swung 21 points toward Democratic House candidates, compared to two years ago.

    Democrats' big wins in these midterm elections couldn't have happened without some massive voter shifts.

    Young voters, Latinos and Asian Americans, urban and suburban voters, men and independents all moved heavily to the left.

    One of the sharpest turns in this election was by Latinos. And Democrats had their best performance with white voters in years

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    In 2024, President Trump won a record share of Latino votes for a Republican presidential candidate. But they took a sharp left turn in this election after Trump's promises of lower prices never came to fruition and his administration's harsh deportation tactics backfired.

    Latinos swung 21 points toward Democratic House candidates, compared to two years ago.

    Asian Americans also sharply diverged from 2024, also going 21 points more in Democrats' favor, from a 22-point advantage to a whopping 43.

    Democrats even tied with white voters. To put that in perspective, Democrats haven't won white voters in a presidential election since 1964. Since then, they came closest in 1992 and 1996 when former President Bill Clinton lost them by 2 points both times and then in the 2006 midterms when Republicans won them by just 4.

    By age, it was a sharp boomerang, particularly with voters 18 to 29

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    Democrats won this group of young voters by 48 points, a 34-point swing from two years ago.

    To put in context just how dramatic of a margin that is — it's wider than for former President Barack Obama in 2008 when he won the youngest voters by 34 points. The difference in 2008 is they were 18% of the electorate, compared to 11% in this midterm.

    Young voters traditionally have the biggest turnout drop from presidential to midterm elections of any group, so there are likely many Republican-leaning 18- to 29-year-olds who simply stayed home.

    Democrats also won by huge margins with urban and suburban voters

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    Urban voters swung by 25 points in their favor, while voters in the suburbs, who had voted narrowly for Trump in 2024, went for Democrats by 19 points.

    But Democrats can't win in red states without minimizing losses in small towns and rural areas. Democrats lost them by 16 points this year, a 16-point shift in their favor, compared with 2024, when they lost them by 32.

    Democrats won men for the first time since 2008

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    Women were the fuel for Democrats' wins in these elections. They broke by 19 points for Democrats, 13 points wider than in 2024 and the best mark for the party since Trump's first midterm.

    But the shift with men was notable. Democrats won men by 2 points, a 16-point shift from 2024 and the first time the party has won men since 2008. It's only the third time in 34 years that Democrats have won men.

    The other time was in 1992 when Bill Clinton won them by 3 points, and that was with a third-party candidate in the race, Ross Perot, who won 19% of the national popular vote.

    Republicans saw their worst performance with independents since at least 1998

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    The number to watch heading into Tuesday night for Republicans was 46%. That was the mark they needed with independents in order to do well. When they have hit that threshold in the Trump era, they have done well, winning the presidency in 2016 and 2024 and making gains in the House in 2022.

    But when they were below it, they didn't do well, losing more than 40 seats in the House in 2018 and the presidency in 2020.

    In these midterms, they didn't even get close. They only won 38% of independents, their worst mark since at least 1998 when independents viewed the impeachment investigation against Clinton as politically motivated and an overreach.

    The only other time that comes close was in 2006 when they only won 39% of independents, and Democrats, like this year, won both the House and Senate.

    More graphics from the voter poll

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    Methodology

    2026 data comes from a poll of tens of thousands of voters, conducted by the firm SSRS for a number of news outlets, including the Associated Press. The full sample has a margin of error of plus or minus 0.6 percentage points. Data may shift as votes and exit poll analysis are finalized.

    2018-2024 data comes from exit polls conducted by Edison Research (now Edison Research at SSRS) for a number of news outlets. NPR accessed all data via results posted by CNN and ABC News.

    2026 data combines results from in-person exit poll responses and a pre-election survey of voters, while 2018-2024 data combines results from in-person exit poll responses and responses from early and absentee voters.
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