The Brief

California schools will soon have a template for special education programs translated into 10 languages in addition to English.

Advocates and parents of children with disabilities who speak languages other than English say it is a tiny step forward, but there is still work to be done to fix long waits and faulty translations experienced by many families statewide.

“Ultimately, if parents can’t receive translated documents, they can’t meaningfully engage in their child’s education,” said Joanna French, senior director of research and policy strategies at Innovate Public Schools, an organization that works with parents to advocate for high-quality education. “They can’t provide informed consent. They can’t ask questions or push back on the services that are being proposed.”

How we got here

A bill introduced last year by state Sen. Anthony Portantino, D-Burbank, would have required school districts, charter schools and county offices of education to translate individualized education program (IEP) documents within 30 days. But the bill stalled in the Senate Appropriations Committee, where lawmakers decide whether the state has enough money to pay for legislation. This spring, the bill was revived, and Portantino revised it to require the California Department of Education (CDE) to create guidelines suggesting, rather than mandating, timelines for translation and how to identify quality translators and interpreters. But that version, too, was eventually scrapped.

The new requirement

The version of the bill that finally did pass the Legislature and was signed by the governor requires a template for IEPs to be translated into the 10 languages most commonly spoken in California other than English. The translated template must be made available online by Jan. 1, 2027. The template, which can be found in this document, includes categories of services, but also has blank space for language adapted to each student.

“Obviously, whenever you get a partial victory, you take it and you celebrate,” said Portantino. “This is an incremental improvement. Having the template is a good thing. But obviously, these are individualized plans, so my hope is that someone takes up the mantle to get individual plans translated in a more timely manner.”

Why it matters

Aurora Flores said she has had to wait sometimes six or seven months for special education documents to be translated into Spanish. Her 10-year-old son has Down syndrome and autism and attends school in the Long Beach Unified School District.

“It’s really sad for us Spanish-speaking parents because the points that you want to clarify, you can’t understand. They just summarize really fast, with an interpreter, but sometimes it’s not a certified person,” said Flores in Spanish.

Individualized education programs are required for students with disabilities who qualify for special education, and are updated each year or when needs change. Before schools can implement these programs, parents must agree.

The person most affected by long waits for translations is her son, Flores said, because it takes longer for her to sign off on new services that he needs.

“When you least expect it, you realize the next IEP meeting is coming up, and you have just received the documents from the last one,” Flores said.

The challenges

A spokesperson for Long Beach Unified, Elvia Cano, wrote in an email that the district “is dedicated to ensuring that all families, regardless of their primary language, have timely access to critical educational information, including Individualized Education Programs (IEPs).”

However, she said getting high-quality translations of special education documents can be challenging.

“Translating IEPs requires specialized linguistic and technical expertise. Translators must be fluent in the target language and possess a strong understanding of educational terminology. Finding professionals with these qualifications can be challenging, especially for less commonly spoken languages. Additionally, the complexity of IEPs and the volume of translation requests may extend the timeframe for completion,” Cano wrote.

Portantino said that some felt the previous version of the bill requiring the California Department of Education to create guidelines for translation “was too onerous, too much pressure.”

“I think the education community didn’t want to be forced to do things. I think there were districts who felt they don’t have the personnel, and I think CDE felt the overall structure was not in place,” Portantino said.

Holly Minear, executive director of student services at the Ventura County Office of Education, said she thinks most school districts and county offices understand the importance of giving families a written translation of IEP documents in a timely manner, but it is sometimes a challenge, especially when the translation is for a language that is not common.

“I think a lot of districts use internal translators, and if you have someone out sick or on leave, or if districts work with contract agencies, sometimes the timeline is more than 30 days,” Minear said.

Minear said the Ventura County Office of Education has two Spanish-English translators on staff, but they use outside agencies for other languages like Farsi and Mixteco, an indigenous language from southern Mexico. She said she thinks the template will help districts and translators do a better job.

“Although our IEPs differ … I think we use a lot of the same terms, a lot of the same language,” she said. “I’m really looking forward to having it on the template, because if there’s ever a word or phrase you need, it’s there for you, and it’s free.”

Sara Gomez, who has a 4-year-old with autism who attends preschool in Santa Clara County, said she thinks the law is a good step forward.

“I think the law is positive, in that it gives a sense of alarm that translations need to be done urgently,” Gomez said. “But we still don’t have a required timeline.”

Gomez said she has had to wait three or four months for her son’s individualized education program to be translated into Spanish. Gomez, who is from Venezuela, speaks English, but her husband speaks only Spanish.

She said she has heard of other parents waiting up to a year for translations, leaving them unable to make informed decisions about their children’s education.

“Even four months for a young child make a big difference,” Gomez said in Spanish. “When they are the youngest is when they need the most help.”

What's next

Advocates and families said they will keep pushing the state for guidelines about how to access qualified translators and a time limit for translations.

“We understand that districts experience challenges in finding qualified translators, especially for less common languages, and turning around documents quickly,” said French, from Innovate Public Schools.

However, she said, different districts have very different timelines for translations.

“We don’t believe it should be that inconsistent, if a parent lives in one district versus another,” French said. “There should be equity across the state about what a parent should expect in terms of translated documents.”

Allegra Cira Fischer, senior policy attorney for the nonprofit organization Disability Rights California, agreed. She said she was dismayed to see that the 30-day timeframe was removed from the bill.

“Parents tell us that sometimes their student will have a better teacher or a better case manager and they’ll get things in a more timely manner. But parents shouldn’t have to rely on an especially committed teacher or case manager,” Fischer said. “This is a situation that is really untenable and ultimately is harmful to children with disabilities.”

Get your dreidels out and potato pancakes on the table — it's time to celebrate the festival of lights in the city of angels. We've got a rundown of menorah lightings, community gatherings, and of course, festive meals (including restaurants which have a selection of to-go offerings). The fun starts this Sunday evening, December 14, and goes on for eight days.

AKASHA (Culver City)

AKASHA, from Chef Akasha Richmond, has been a beacon of light on the Hanukkah scene, burning bright for almost two decades. This year’s menu includes a slow-braised brisket made with an “old school recipe” ($115), Yukon Gold potato latkes ($15), house-made local apple sauce ($15), and an apple crisp ($32) or hanukkah cookies ($20) for dessert. All dishes come reheat-ready with instructions.

Runway at Playa Vista is holding its celebration

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Courtesy Runway Playa Vista

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RUNWAY (Playa Vista)

Kick the festivities off with a menorah Lighting at RUNWAY in Playa Vista before beginning your holiday feast. The event is free to attend and is done in collaboration with Rabbi Joseph Greisman of the Playa Vista Jewish Community.

Gelson's (Various)

Gelson’s mingles tradition with endless possibilities, offering five different Hanukkah dinner options with everything from brisket to no-salt free-range organic BBQ chicken for between $90 and $95. Most menus also include matzo balls in chicken broth, potato latkes, tzimmes, chopped beef liver with egg, and noodle kugel. Each Hanukkah dinner is designed to feed a group of four. Sides are also available a la carte if you need a little extra. The Holiday Assorted Rugelach Platter is a must, and showcases chocolate and cinnamon flavors with fresh berries ($30 for 12).

If you’re entertaining a large group, consider one of the Hanukkah Catering Platters with choices like seasonal fruit ($90 for 20 servings) and a jaw-dropping holiday side of poached salmon garnished with cucumber slices and aspic ($165 for 10 servings). Chef Julia Child would be proud.

Beverly Gardens Park Lily Pond (Beverly Hills)

Monday, December 15 is the Menorah Lighting Celebration for the city of Beverly Hills. The iconic menorah is already on display and Instagram-ready.

The Milky Way (Pico-Robertson)

The Milky Way's Hanukkah kits

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Courtesy Milky Way

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This restaurant, famously owned by Steven Spielberg's late mother, is where you can “phone home” for Hanukkah. Specials include Latke Kits ($48) and Mensch Bakery sufganiyot boxes ($28). The latke kits include a dozen latkes with all the trimmings, while the sufganiyot Boxes include six jelly doughnuts. It’s all served in those gorgeous tulip boxes.

If you’d prefer to dine in, they're hosting a Lights and Latkes Dinner on December 14 at 5 p.m. Expect latkes, jelly doughnuts, Israeli wine, and gelt and dreidel festivities. 

The Skirball Cultural Center (West Los Angeles)

The Skirball Cultural Center's Hanukkah Festival is on Sunday, December 14, and the event runs from noon to 5:00 p.m. It features performances, latke tastings, and live music. You can also explore the museum as early as 11 a.m.

Nate ‘n Al’s (Beverly Hills)

Nate ‘n Al’s is a Beverly Hills classic, known for serving traditional Jewish delicacies, dating back to 1945. This is a great non-committal spot for your Hanukkah holiday because you can just walk in and enjoy a bowl of matzo ball soup ($12.95) or a rbrisket with sides ($31.95).

Hanukkah Catering is also available for large-scale orders like latkes ($25.95), blintzes ($27.95), matzo ball soups ($16.95), and holiday whole roast chicken for four ($45.95).

Whole Foods (various)

Enjoy a Hanukkah at home thanks to Whole Foods. The Burgundy braised brisket meal has everything you need to feed a family of eight, including a brisket braised in red wine, roasted green beans with peppers, olives, and capers, honey-roasted carrots, potato latkes, applesauce, and matzo ball soup. Complete the meal with an order of chocolate rugelach ($7.99). All of these items are also available à la carte, and everything is packaged with reheating instructions.

Third Street Promenade (Santa Monica)

Light the menorah every night of the week at the Third Street Promenade. Beginning December 14 at 5 p.m., different community groups will host a lighting each night. Pair that with a Winter Skate at the special Ice at Santa Monica Pop-up, and you’ve got yourself an illuminating night out.

The Original Farmer’s Market (Mid-City)

Bringing light to the Farmers Market

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Meredith Torvik

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Courtesy Farmers Market

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The Original Farmer’s Market is holding its Hanukkah Celebration December 14 including youth performances, kid crafts, holiday bites, and a menorah lighting.

Genghis Cohen (Fairfax)

Genghis Cohen, known for their NYC-style Chinese food and December 25 festivities are kicking things off a little early this year with something sweet for your Hanukkah table.

Run DMC Ice Cream stands for Delicious Morsels of Challah and features rum raisin challah bread pudding ice cream made with challah from Challadad ($15 per pint or $8 a scoop when dining in).

Huckleberry (Santa Monica)

Huckleberry has everything for your classic Hanukkah celebration. Choose from a Creekstone Farms Brisket ($175) or oven-roasted Scottish salmon ($200) for five for your main event, and encircle it with dazzling delights like matzo ball soup ($30), crisp potato pancakes with apple sauce and sour cream ($55), as well as a sweet noodle kugel ($39).

Add on a Dreidel Cookie Decorating Kit for even more family fun ($18).

The Federal Reserve is again expected to lower its benchmark interest rate by a quarter percentage point Wednesday, in an effort to support a weakening job market. But stubborn inflation and delayed economic data could complicate the Fed's decision, leading to more-than-usual disagreement within the rate-setting committee.

A rate cut could make it slightly cheaper to borrow money to buy a car, expand a business or carry a balance on a credit card. The Fed also lowered rates at its last two meetings, but the decisions were not unanimous, highlighting the competing pressures that the central bank is facing.

Inflation is still well above the Fed's target, which would ordinarily call for keeping interest rates elevated. But unemployment has also been creeping up, which would typically point toward lower rates. Fed policymakers are divided on which of those problems is more urgent.

The decision is also clouded by a lack of timely data as a result of the six-week government shutdown. Furloughed federal workers were unable to gather inflation and unemployment numbers in October. And November's readings have been delayed until next week — too late to sway the Fed's decision.

For now, policymakers have to rely on somewhat stale economic data from September, when annual inflation was clocked at 2.8%, according to the Fed's preferred measure, while unemployment stood at 4.4%. Both figures were slightly higher than in the previous month.

People shop in a discount supermarket in Union, N.J., on Sept. 22.

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Charly Triballeau

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AFP via Getty Images

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Investors are betting that a majority of Fed policymakers will vote for a quarter-point cut at the conclusion of this week's meeting. Policymakers will also update their predictions about where they think rates are going next year.

At September's meeting, Fed officials projected an average of just one additional interest rate cut in 2026.

President Trump has been demanding that the central bank cut rates more aggressively, even though the Fed is designed to be insulated from political pressure. In September, Trump installed White House economic adviser Stephen Miran to fill a short-term vacancy on the Fed board. Miran has cast the lone vote for larger, half-point rate cuts at each of the last two meetings.

Trump has also tried to replace Fed Governor Lisa Cook over unproven allegations of mortgage fraud. So far, that effort has been blocked by the Supreme Court. The high court will hear arguments in Cook's case next month.

Trump has been outspoken in his criticism of Fed Chair Jerome Powell, saying Powell has been "too late" in cutting interest rates. Powell's term as Fed chair expires in May, and Trump is expected to nominate a new leader for the central bank soon.
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The fight over how much new housing should be allowed in neighborhoods rebuilding from the Palisades and Eaton fires is headed to court.

Advocates for increased housing construction filed a lawsuit Wednesday against Gov. Gavin Newsom and Los Angeles-area politicians over their orders banning duplexes in burn zones.

The group YIMBY Law alleges Newsom, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and others acted illegally when they issued orders to suspend the state law SB 9 in certain neighborhoods now rebuilding from the Palisades and Eaton fires.

SB 9 allows single-family homeowners to split their lots and build duplexes, in some cases creating four units where one house previously stood.

In July, Newsom signed an order granting local governments the ability to block the law in high fire risk zones. Bass quickly took up the offer, banning SB 9 projects in the Pacific Palisades.

Other local governments, including the city of Pasadena, Malibu and L.A. County followed suit.

The lawsuit seeks an injunction ordering local governments to begin processing SB 9 applications again, as well as a declaration that Newsom’s order was illegal.

YIMBYs say bans raise barriers to rebuilding 

YIMBY Law Executive Director Sonja Trauss said the bans will make rebuilding harder for some families. She said some may only be able to return by selling pieces of their land, pooling finances with family members to live multi-generationally, or earning extra income from new rental units.

“Making it harder for families to use the single most impactful tool they have left — their land — doesn’t make recovery safer,” Trauss said in a statement. “It raises the barrier of who gets to come back at all.”

Newsom spokesperson Tara Gallegos said in an email to LAist that the Governor's Office was holding firm on the order.

“We will not allow outside groups — even longstanding allies — to attack the Palisades, and communities in the highest fire risk areas throughout L.A. County, or undermine local flexibility to rebuild after the horror of these fires,” Gallegos said.

Newsom’s office had been in discussions with YIMBY Law earlier this week on possible changes to the order to stave off a lawsuit. But Gallegos said Newsom would not “negotiate away” protections for burn zones.

“Our obligation is to survivors, full stop,” Gallegos said. “If defending them requires drawing firm lines, we will draw them."

The lawsuit alleges Newsom’s order violated the California Emergency Services Act, as well as the state Constitution’s separation of powers by overriding the legislature’s decision to apply SB 9 in high-fire-risk zones.

Because the governor’s order was illegal, the lawsuit claims, the local orders banning SB 9 projects in specific neighborhoods were also unlawful.

The complaint says the moves to ban duplexes and lot splits were spurred by “the lobbying influence of a small, highly-connected, wealthy community, and their ability to stop a type of housing they dislike, even in the midst of a generational housing crisis.”

What led to the bans

Some Pacific Palisades residents erupted with anger over news in the summer that seven SB 9 project applications had been filed with the city of L.A. They contended that increased housing density would harm the neighborhood’s character, and would clog evacuations in future emergencies.

L.A. City Councilmember Traci Park, who represents the Palisades, blamed the situation on “opportunistic developers” whom she said were using SB 9 to “exploit a devastating disaster for their economic advantage.”

But as the complaint from YIMBY Law notes, SB 9 contains owner-occupancy requirements that bar outside developers from building the densest projects allowed under the law. Applicants must state that they intend to live on the site for at least three years before they can split a lot.

Bass’s office did not comment on the lawsuit, but provided a statement that said she “will continue to work with Governor Newsom and state leaders to advocate for the Palisades community as rebuilding continues."

Officials with the city of Pasadena, which enacted a ban on SB 9 projects in high fire risk zones in September, declined to comment on pending litigation. Officials in the city of Malibu, which was also named as a defendant in the lawsuit, did not respond to requests for comment.

How did L.A. County end up banning SB 9?

Soon after Newsom’s order, L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger — who represents Altadena — told LAist she did not intend to ban SB 9 projects in unincorporated parts of the county. At the time, she said, “I don't want to disenfranchise anyone from the ability to rebuild.”

However, a memo on the county’s Planning Department website now says SB 9 projects located in the zones outlined in Newsom’s order are “not eligible” for faster approval under the state law. County officials confirmed that Planning Director Amy Bodek made the decision. They said the ban did not require a vote from the Board of Supervisors.

Most of Altadena is not categorized as a “very high” fire hazard severity zone. But about 23% of Altadena’s single-family lots are in high fire risk zones. County planning officials told LAist they have stopped processing SB 9 applications in those areas.

In a statement, Barger said. “The County is applying lawful SB 9 restrictions in Very High Fire Hazard Areas to prioritize public safety in areas where critical infrastructure is constrained or limited — which I support. But I also believe SB 9 empowers Eaton Fire survivors to rebuild homes that meet multigenerational needs and add lasting value to their communities.”

The Trump administration is transforming the agency known for processing green cards and citizenship requests into one of its strongest anti-immigration policing arms.

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, or USCIS, is one of the three branches of the Homeland Security Department that deals with migration.

Traditionally, its more than 20,000 employees have focused on the various ways people can lawfully immigrate and stay in the U.S. — be that applying for asylum, a green card, citizenship, work visa, or another legal pathway.

Since January, administration officials have taken an axe to that traditional mission by encouraging early retirements, shuttering collective bargaining agreements and drastically cutting back on programs that facilitate legal migration. New job postings lean into the rhetoric of hiring "homeland defenders" and tackling fraud.

During his Senate confirmation, USCIS director Joseph Edlow proclaimed that "at its core, USCIS must be an immigration enforcement agency."

The efforts come as President Trump seeks to curb illegal immigration but also reduce legal ways to get to the U.S. and stay here, especially for certain nationalities.

It's rocking the agency from the inside, crushing morale and prompting resignations, according to current and former agency employees.

With the recent changes, at least 1,300 people took the "Fork in the Road" resignation offer for federal employees, while others have left on their own. (Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection employees were not allowed to take the offer.)

And it's catching immigrants and their families, lawyers and advocates off guard.

"'Am I going to get arrested?' … That's a question, regardless of their past," said Eric Welsh, an immigration attorney in California who helps his clients apply for various USCIS programs.

"There really is a lot more fear and there is a lot more concern about, should we do it at all?," Welsh said, about people applying for legal status.

Rapid changes after deadly shooting

The changes have been rapid. In recent weeks, the White House said it would re-review all approved refugee claims under the Biden administration.

After an Afghan national was charged for shooting two National Guard members in late November, the administration also halted processing green card and citizenship applications from nationals of 19 countries, including Afghanistan, and ordered retroactive reviews of already-approved applications.

"I will permanently pause migration from all Third World Countries to allow the U.S. system to fully recover," Trump wrote on social media after the shooting. "Only REVERSE MIGRATION can fully cure this situation."

USCIS stopped processing many immigration applications entirely, including for asylum.

"USCIS' role in the nation's immigration system has never been more critical," Edlow, its director, said in a statement last week announcing a new vetting center that will conduct interviews and re-review already approved immigration applications.

"Under President Trump, we are building more protective measures that ensure fraud, deception, and threats do not breach the integrity of our immigration system."

Recent policies come after a swath of other changes this year. Policy memos have emphasized that the priority for refugees is admitting those who can easily assimilate into the country, with the target demographic being white Afrikaners from South Africa.

The White House also capped refugee admissions for this fiscal year at 7,500, the lowest since the modern refugee program started in the 1980s.

The agency has unveiled a longer, tougher citizenship test. It has also moved forward with a rule that would allow officers to consider an immigrant's legal use of public benefits, such as food stamps and healthcare, as a reason to deny status.

Reports of arrests and detention following routine USCIS interviews and appointments have increased fear among immigrants.

"They're reaching deeper into the weeds of immigration policy, and they may be more successful in slowing legal immigration, which at least some members of the Trump administration have stated is their goal," said Julia Gelatt, associate director of the U.S. Immigration Policy Program at the Migration Policy Institute. "That's a pretty different stance towards immigration than we've seen over recent decades."

In Trump's first term, the changes did not significantly curb legal migration, but that may be changing.

"Some people, if they have a green card, might just wait to naturalize and see if they can wait for a new administration," Gelatt said.

USCIS leans into enforcement and policing tactics

The new administration has prioritized the agency's law enforcement work.

For example, USCIS has promoted a new role: "homeland defenders."

It is unclear exactly what these positions are responsible for. USCIS said they will be "interviewing aliens, reviewing applications, and identifying criminal or ineligible aliens."

The posting also specifies this position is expected to provide direct support to CBP and ICE, two agencies leading the effort to arrest, detain and deport immigrants.

The roles also seem to cater to those with backgrounds in traditional law enforcement, contrary to a background in immigration law and administrative government work that is more typical for USCIS.

USCIS said it received some 35,000 applications for the role of "homeland defender" and has made "hundreds" of job offers, including to former law enforcement officials and veterans, according to a November USCIS press release.

"USCIS is cutting bureaucratic red tape to hire fiercely dedicated, America-first patriots to serve on the frontlines and hold the line against terrorists, criminal aliens, and bad actors intent on infiltrating our nation," the release stated.

It also created USCIS special agents, who have law enforcement authority to carry firearms, and investigate, arrest and prosecute immigration cases. In the past, much of this would be the work of ICE or CBP, according to the release announcing the new workforce.

"Certainly the immigration enforcement side of things that are happening has sent a message that anybody who isn't a citizen in the United States could be arrested and put into ICE detention and potentially deported," Gelatt said. "That has a real chilling effect on people's willingness to interact with the government generally, and with USCIS as well."

USCIS workers defend past enforcement

The changes are having an impact inside the agency, as workers feel out of the loop about the direction and pace of changes.

Michael Knowles was an asylum officer for 34 years and currently serves as the executive vice president of the union that represents 15,000 USCIS employees. He says morale is some of the lowest he's seen in his tenure, thanks to the termination of the union contract, a haphazard back-to-office mandate that has employees working in makeshift desks, and a lack of communication from agency leadership.

"There are questions about what will be our mission, what will be our focus? And to that extent, we are alarmed by rhetoric," Knowles said. He said the agency has always enforced the nation's immigration laws when it processes applications.

One USCIS refugee officer who recently departed the agency after nearly a decade said the speed of the changes "overwhelmed" employees, and recent changes were the last straw. The person spoke to NPR on the condition of anonymity out of concern of retaliation from the agency they hope to return to.

USCIS staffers say they have always worked hard to ensure people don't get benefits they do not qualify for, and also look for people who may be breaking the law.

So employees were upset by the administration's implication that they hadn't been doing their jobs properly for the last five years, after the White House announced all refugees admitted under in the Biden era must be reinterviewed.

"It's going to cause a lot of confusion. It's going to cause a lot of chaos. It's going to cost a lot of money," the employee said. "It seems impossible."

USCIS said it has paused the approvals while it "works to ensure that all aliens from these countries are vetted and screened to the maximum degree possible," the agency said in an emailed statement.

Not "an adversarial office"

Beyond policy and rhetoric changes, there's been subtler signs of transformation.

Signs inside USCIS offices urge people to leave the country, mirroring the tone of a detention center, rather than that of an immigration office, according to Welsh and other lawyers.

"USCIS is not designed to be an adversarial office," he said. "They're not the enforcers. They're not looking to reduce."

Now, he said, his clients are concerned with needing to have proof of a good moral character by providing church attendance or charitable donation history, for example.

"It's now certainly not the kind of friendly atmosphere that we used to experience with the agency," Welsh said.

Lawyers fear all the changes would further curb legal migration of the kind the U.S. had previously welcomed.

"We have borders and we have benefits. So for people who deserve them or people who have earned them for various reasons, we provide them," Welsh said. "If we just go into a pure enforcement mindset, then there's no happy place to be."

The agency did not respond to a question about whether immigrants will be deterred from pursuing legal pathways to permanent status.

"The safety of the American people always come [sic] first," the agency said in its statement.

Copyright 2025 NPR