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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Report: It costs more than college in California
    In this image, a teacher is shown feeding a child in the classroom.
    A new report finds that the cost of child care is more than in-state college tuition in California.

    Topline:

    When a child is born, parents are told to start saving for college, if they can. But child care costs even more in California than in-state tuition, according to new data from the Economic Policy Institute.

    How much? Child care for an infant costs just under $22,000 a year, according to the report, compared with average in-state tuition of $8,786 annually. Care for a 4-year-old is $13,020 on average, which is less than a year of University of California tuition but more than it costs to attend a Cal State University school.

    How does California compare? We rank fourth for most expensive child care in the country, behind Washington, D.C., Massachusetts and Minnesota. Still, most of the country faces similarly steep costs. EPI data finds that child care is more expensive than in-state tuition in 38 states.

    This problem isn't new. These numbers are in line with a long-standing reality for parents across the United States: Child care is often unaffordable. State subsidies for care are meant to address the issue, but in California, just 14% of eligible children were enrolled in subsidized care in 2023, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.

    Read on ... to learn about subsidies and what more can be done about child care costs.

    When a child is born, parents are told to start saving for college, if they can. But child care costs even more in California than in-state tuition, according to a new report from the Economic Policy Institute.

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    Child care costs more than college in California, report says

    Child care for an infant costs just under $22,000 a year, according to the analysis, compared with average in-state tuition of $8,786 annually for a four-year public college.

    Care for a 4-year-old is $13,020 on average, which is less than a year of University of California tuition but more than a California State University school.

    While those numbers may not surprise parents, the report reinforces a long-standing reality across the United States: Child care is often unaffordable, even though providers themselves make low wages.

    How to find child care in Southern California

    Infant and toddler care is the most expensive kind of child care and often the most difficult to find. The reality is that there are not enough spaces in Los Angeles for every kid that needs care. That's why LAist's child care guide can help you understand the wide variety of options, when to start your search, and one of the best-kept secrets.

    Read more: How to find child care for your baby (and get help to pay for it)

    How California compares to other states

    California ranks fourth for most expensive child care in the country, behind only Washington D.C., Massachusetts and Minnesota.

    Still, most of the country faces similarly steep costs. Economic Policy Institute’s analysis finds child care is more expensive than in-state tuition in 38 states. The report relies on state data obtained through the U.S. Department of Labor and the advocacy group Child Care Aware of America.

    "One of the hallmarks of a middle-class lifestyle is the ability to invest in one’s children and send them to college. Families often save for years to afford public in-state tuition," reads a blog post on the data from the Economic Policy Institute. Yet child care can be an even larger burden, the authors write.

    Why does it cost so much?

    According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, high costs stem from a "fundamentally broken child care market":

    There are not enough child care programs to serve families who need care and many programs do not offer care during the hours or days families require. More than half of families in the United States live in communities where potential demand for child care outstrips supply by at least three to one.

    That's especially true for infant care, which has higher associated costs than care for older children.

    The department also benchmarks "affordable" child care costs at no more than 7% of a family's income.

    Many families don't use subsidized child care

    State subsidies for care are meant to address the issue, but in California, just 14% of eligible children were enrolled in subsidized care in 2023, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.

    " We have thousands of families that are making what's considered low income to moderate income wages that are expected to pay market price for child care, and it's just exorbitant," said Laura Pryor with the Budget Center. "It forces families to have to make impossible choices between finding care for their children, maintaining their employment, paying for rent, paying for food."

    Elise Gould with the Economic Policy Institute said that reaching those levels will require more government intervention.

    "There is not a market solution to this problem," Gould said. "And that's why we need public investments. We need better programs that we need the government to step in and help solve this affordability crisis."

    Child care resources

    Finding child care

    MyChildCarePlan— A child care directory created by the state of California and local resource and referral agencies.

    Child Care Alliance of Los Angeles— A partnership of 10 partner agencies that help Southern California families find child care and support providers.

    Los Angeles Office for the Advancement of Early Care and Education — This division of the Department of Public Health created an online hub for resources that includes information for pregnant and parenting teens, and families with children at risk of developmental disabilities.

    Early Head Start— a federally funded child development program for low-income families with infants and toddlers.The Los Angeles County Office of Education Head Start and Early Learning Division provides referrals based on your location.

    Emergency child care for foster children— A statewide program intended to provide immediate child care access to families caring for children in foster care. Learn more about how to access the Emergency Child Care Bridge Program for Foster Children in Los Angeles.

    Evaluating quality

    A fill-in handout to take when you talk to providers and/or visit their facilities. The Child Care Resource Center defines the “keys to quality child care” as qualifications, cost, availability, learning, playing, health, safety, communication, COVID-19 precautions and caregiver/child interactions.

    California child care facility search: Look up inspection reports and licensing history from the state Department of Social Services.

    TrustLine Registry: A database of caregivers, including nannies and other un-licensed providers, who’ve passed background check that found with no substantiated child abuse reports or certain criminal convictions including murder and kidnapping.

    National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC): This group of educators has published guides for finding a high-quality child care program for your infant, toddler and older children.

    California Department of Social Services guide to choosing child care: Answers to frequently asked questions and helpful checklist to take with you to child care facility visits.

    Know your rights

    Child Care Law Center— A California non-profit legal organization that advocates for families and providers. They’ve created an overview of affordable child care programs,

    For families of children with disabilities

    Special Needs Network— A Los-Angeles based non-profit that helps identify and get resources to “children of color ages five years old and younger who are at risk for developmental disabilities,” among other initiatives.

    Regional Centers— Community-based centers overseen by the state where families can get developmental disability assessments, case management support and learn about eligibility for therapeutic services.

    These resources were recommended by the people interviewed for this guide. Have a suggestion? Email mdale@scpr.org.

    Senior editor Ross Brenneman contributed to this story.

  • Says Trump admin violated free speech protections

    Topline:

    The developer of ICEBlock, an iPhone app that anonymously tracks the presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, has sued the Trump administration for free speech violations after Apple removed the service from its app store under demands from the White House.

    What they want: The suit, filed today in federal court in Washington, asks a judge to declare that the administration violated the First Amendment when it threatened to criminally prosecute the app's developer and pressured Apple to make the app unavailable for download, which the tech company did in October.

    Why it matters: To First Amendment advocates, the White House's pressure campaign targeting ICEBlock is the latest example of what's known as "jawboning," when government officials wield state power to suppress speech. The Cato Institute calls the practice "censorship by proxy."

    The developer of ICEBlock, an iPhone app that anonymously tracks the presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, has sued the Trump administration for free speech violations after Apple removed the service from its app store under demands from the White House.

    The suit, filed on Monday in federal court in Washington, asks a judge to declare that the administration violated the First Amendment when it threatened to criminally prosecute the app's developer and pressured Apple to make the app unavailable for download, which the tech company did in October.

    Following Apple ejecting ICEBlock, Attorney General Pam Bondi said in a statement that "we reached out to Apple today demanding they remove the ICEBlock app from their App Store — and Apple did so."

    Lawyer Noam Biale, who filed the suit against the administration, said Bondi's remarks show the government illegally pressuring a private company to suppress free speech.

    "We view that as an admission that she engaged in coercion in her official role as a government official to get Apple to remove this app," Biale said in an interview with NPR.

    The Justice Department did not return a request for comment, but Trump administration officials have said the app puts the lives of ICE agents in danger.

    When reached for comment, Apple also did not respond. The lawsuit, which does not name Apple, says the tech giant bowed in the face of political pressure.

    "For what appears to be the first time in Apple's nearly fifty-year history, Apple removed a U.S.-based app in response to the U.S. government's demands," according to the suit.

    Developer calls immigration crackdown 'abhorrent'

    Joshua Aaron, the Austin, Texas-based developer of ICEBlock, said he launched the app as a way to empower those opposed to Trump's immigration crackdown.

    "It was just the best idea I had to do everything I could to fight back against what was going on," Aaron said in an interview, describing Trump's immigration enforcement blitz as "abhorrent."

    The app allows people to report an ICE agent sighting within a 5 mile radius, similar to how map apps, like Waze and Google and Apple Maps and others, alert drivers to police setting up speed traps. The ICE sighting alerts do not include photographs or videos and expire in four hours.

    Yet the Trump administration has portrayed the app as being used to incite violence against ICE agents, something Aaron denies. An analysis of federal court records does not back up the administration's claim that violence against ICE agents has spiked.

    Aaron's lawsuit says Bondi is mischaracterizing the purpose of the app.

    "Fundamentally, ICEBlock neither enables nor encourages confrontation — it simply delivers time-limited location information to help users stay aware of their surroundings in a responsible and nonviolent way," according to the lawsuit.

    Attorney General Bondi, in a July interview with Fox News, suggested Aaron was under investigation and had committed a crime. "We are looking at it, we are looking at him, and he better watch out, because that's not protected speech," Bondi said.

    To legal experts, ICEBlock is latest "jawboning" example

    To First Amendment advocates, the White House's pressure campaign targeting ICEBlock is the latest example of what's known as "jawboning," when government officials wield state power to suppress speech. The Cato Institute calls the practice "censorship by proxy."

    ABC's suspension of Jimmy Kimmel after FCC Chair Brendan Carr threatened regulatory action and Bondi promising a crackdown on hate speech following the killing of conservative activist Charlie Kirk are two other prominent instances.

    "The use of a high-level government threat to force a private platform to suppress speech fundamentally undermines the public's right to access information about government activities," said Spence Purnell, a resident senior fellow at R Street, a center-right think tank. "If high-level officials can successfully silence political opposition, it sets a dangerous precedent for the future of free expression in this country."

    Genevieve Lakier, a First Amendment scholar at the University of Chicago Law School, said the White House's campaign against ICEBlock shows the administration using what has become a familiar playbook: "To use threats of adverse legal and financial consequences, sometimes vague sometimes not so vague, to pressure universities, media companies, law firms, you name it, into not speaking in the ways they like," she said.

    One potential weak spot for the lawsuit, however, is a lack of direct evidence that Attorney General Bondi, or other administration officials, made threats against Apple to have the app removed, rather than merely convinced the tech company to do so.

    "And government officials do not violate the First Amendment when they persuade private speech platforms to suppress speech because that speech poses a national security risk or is harmful in some other way," Lakier said. "They only violate the First Amendment when they coerce or attempt to coerce the private platform to suppress the speech."

    Since Apple kicked ICEBlock out of its app store, it cannot be downloaded now, but those who had it on their phones before the ban can still use it. Being removed from the app store prevents Aaron from sending the app software updates, which could eventually make it glitchy.

    Aaron said he hopes the suit will lead to ICEBlock being restored to the iPhone app stores and for a clear message to be sent to the Trump administration that prosecuting him for his role in developing the app would be illegal.

    Aaron said he and his legal team "have been preparing for this fight," adding that "we will take it as far as it needs to go to ensure this never happens again."
    Copyright 2025 NPR

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  • Agents were ousted this summer over taking a knee

    Topline:

    Twelve FBI agents who were fired this year for taking a knee during racial justice protests in the heated summer of 2020 are suing the Bureau and its director, alleging unlawful retaliation.

    About the suit: Court papers said they kneeled not to reflect a left-wing political point of view, but rather to de-escalate a situation that threatened to spin out of control. The lawsuit, filed in federal court in Washington today, described the small group of FBI agents as vastly outnumbered and literally backed against the wall of the National Archives building as unrest swept the country over the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer.

    What's next: The case alleges violations of the agents' First Amendment rights to free association and their Fifth Amendment right to due process. They're asking to be reinstated to their jobs and for back pay.

    Twelve FBI agents who were fired this year for taking a knee during racial justice protests in the heated summer of 2020 are suing the Bureau and its director, alleging unlawful retaliation.

    The former special agents—who together have nearly 200 years of experience—once received awards for helping disrupt mass shootings, expose foreign spies and thwart cyber attacks.

    But they say as elite federal law enforcement agents, they never received training on crowd control, nor did they have riot shields, gas masks, or helmets when they faced down volatile crowds in the streets of Washington, D.C., in June 2020.

    The lawsuit, filed in federal court in Washington on Monday, described the small group of FBI agents as vastly outnumbered and literally backed against the wall of the National Archives building as unrest swept the country over the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. Court papers said they kneeled not to reflect a left-wing political point of view, but rather to de-escalate a situation that threatened to spin out of control.

    "Mindful of the potentially catastrophic consequences, Plaintiffs knew that a split-second misjudgment by any of them could ignite an already-charged national climate and trigger further violence and unrest," said the lawsuit, filed by former Justice Department prosecutor Mary Dohrmann of the Washington Litigation Group.

    Accused of 'lack of impartiality'

    The Justice Department inspector general reviewed the incident in 2024 and found no misconduct. But the episode went viral on social media, attracting critics who cast the kneeling as a political act. Before he returned to the White House, President Trump also posted a negative story about the matter.

    Soon after new FBI Director Kash Patel joined the Bureau this year, the lawsuit said he began targeting the agents involved in the episode for retaliation. Several of plaintiffs were yanked from supervisory roles at the FBI. Officials launched a new investigation. The matter was still pending when they were all fired in September, shortcutting typical procedures for FBI misconduct probes.

    In their dismissal letters, Patel wrote: "You have demonstrated unprofessional conduct and a lack of impartiality in carrying out duties, leading to the political weaponization of government."

    During his confirmation hearing, Patel told senators he would honor the internal review process. But the lawsuit accuses him of breaking that pledge for his own political purposes.

    The abrupt departure of the fired agents disrupted important work, including evidence collection in Utah following the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk and efforts to support the Trump administration's executive order on "Making the District of Columbia Safe and Beautiful," court papers said.

    The case alleges violations of the agents' First Amendment rights to free association and their Fifth Amendment right to due process. They're asking to be reinstated to their jobs and for back pay.

    The FBI declined to comment on pending litigation.

    Copyright 2025 NPR

  • Brea man marks Disneyland milestone
    Disneyland California Adventure patrons raise their hands in excitement as they ride in a maroon car on the park's Radiator Springs Racers ride.
    The new Radiator Springs Racers ride in Cars Land debuts to the public at the Disney California Adventure Park June 15, 2012. (Photo by Mark Boster/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

    Topline:

    Jon Alan Hale of Brea marked his 15,000th ride on Radiator Springs Racers at Disneyland California Adventure on Monday. He's been going since the ride opened in 2012.

    By the numbers: Hale, who has been tracking his rides in a notebook since he started going on it, told the Associated Press he's visited the park more than 1,100 times and averaged 13 trips on the ride per visit. He takes the single-rider line to get on quicker.

    The backstory: Hale said he was intrigued by the ride, inspired by Disney Pixar's 2006 movie Cars, after having gastric bypass and knee replacement surgeries in 2010 and 2011. He said on social media he was hooked after his first go and started keeping track of how many times he rode, which color car he was in and which car won.

    What's next: That's not exactly clear. According to Hale, there's no formal record for riding the attraction, and Guinness World Records have said they don't track it either. But Hale said he doesn't tire of the ride because you never know who's going to win, so it feels like a good bet that what's next for Hale is the start of a journey to 30,000 rides...and beyond.

  • Motion filed to postpone pay raises to 2030
    A small crowd of people holding white, purple and red signs reading "Tourism Workers Rising" stand on the steps of a gray building.
    Tourism workers and their supporters rally outside L.A. City Hall.

    Topline:

    L.A. City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson, who himself previously voted to raise airport and hotel worker hourly pay to $30 by 2028, has moved to delay that wage increase to 2030.

    Why it matters: A drawn out battle over a city law boosting the minimum wage for tourism workers in Los Angeles seemed like it was finally over this fall, when a referendum to overturn it failed to gather enough signatures. The motion now throws another twist in the road for wage increases.

    What happened: Harris-Dawson filed the motion Friday, sparking outcry from hotel workers union Unite Here Local 11 and other labor advocates.

    What are advocates saying: “These workers fought for more than two years to improve their working conditions, only to have the very people who should defend them try to take it all away," Yvonne Wheeler, president of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, said in a statement. "It’s heartless, it’s callous, and it deepens the crisis of working poverty that is gripping our city.”

    Read on... for what happens next to the motion.

    A drawn out battle over a city law boosting the minimum wage for tourism workers in Los Angeles seemed like it was finally over this fall when a referendum to overturn it failed to gather enough signatures.

    Now there's another twist in the road. City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson previously voted to raise airport and hotel worker pay from $22.50 to $30 an hour by 2028, when L.A. will host the Olympics. But in a motion filed Friday, he's proposing that the increase take effect more slowly, instead reaching $30 an hour in 2030.

    Harris-Dawson's proposal sparked outcry from hotel workers union Unite Here Local 11 and other labor advocates.

    “These workers fought for more than two years to improve their working conditions, only to have the very people who should defend them try to take it all away," Yvonne Wheeler, president of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, said in a statement. "It’s heartless, it’s callous, and it deepens the crisis of working poverty that is gripping our city.”

    Labor advocates say Harris-Dawson is succumbing to pressure from corporate interests.

    Over the summer, a coalition of business leaders filed a ballot proposition to repeal the city business tax, which brings in hundreds of millions of dollars to the city. The L.A. Area Chamber of Commerce told LAist the proposition was partly in response to the City Council boosting the minimum wage for tourism workers.

    Unite Here Local 11 filed its own raft of proposals, including raising the minimum wage citywide and requiring Angelenos to vote on building new hotels and event center developments. This war via ballot proposition led city leaders to encourage both sides to come to a compromise.

    A spokesperson for Harris-Dawson said the city is currently in talks with business and labor interests, and declined to comment further on his recent motion. Mayor Karen Bass's office did not respond to a request for comment.

    The motion now goes to council committees on tourism and jobs.