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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Challenges persist 5 years after pandemic
    A classroom at Carson Street Elementary. There are 15 visible third grade students sitting at desks. The walls are a cream color. There is a corkboard with letters that spell out "Mindset Matters" and depictions of cursive letters lining the wall.
    A classroom at Carson Street Elementary.

    Topline:

    According to calculations by researchers at Stanford and Harvard universities, most California school districts remain below pre-pandemic levels in standardized test scores — 31% of a grade equivalent below in math and 40% of a grade equivalent in reading. These averages understate the widening gaps in living conditions as well as test scores between the lowest-income and least-impoverished districts and schools.

    Why it matters: Five years after the pandemic, despite unprecedented funding from the state and federal governments, most districts continue to struggle to recover the ground they lost amid multiple challenges: more disgruntled parents and emotionally fragile students, a decline in enrollment, and uncertain finances. High chronic absentee rates, student depression, and other challenges.

    State funding: Starting with the 2021-22 state budget, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature invested more than $10 billion in TK-12 in the post-Covid years. The bulk of it went to transitional kindergarten (TK) and extended learning programs. Newsom had proposed $2.6 billion for “high-dosage” in-school tutoring; it vanished in the final budget. What did survive was a $6 billion Learning Loss Emergency Block Grant program that directs most money to heavily low-income districts through 2026-27.

    In March 2020, the Covid pandemic shut down schools, creating havoc, particularly among California’s most vulnerable children. Five years later, despite unprecedented funding from the state and federal governments, most districts continue to struggle to recover the ground they lost amid multiple challenges: more disgruntled parents and emotionally fragile students, a decline in enrollment, and uncertain finances.

    According to calculations by researchers at Stanford and Harvard universities, most California school districts remain below pre-pandemic levels in standardized test scores — 31% of a grade equivalent below in math and 40% of a grade equivalent in reading. These averages understate the widening gaps in living conditions as well as test scores between the lowest-income and least-impoverished districts and schools.

    The drop in the average scores in California and the nation on the National Assessment of Educational Progress in 2024 “masks a pernicious inequality,” said Sean Reardon, faculty director of the Educational Opportunity Project at Stanford.

    Scores are a shorthand measurement of learning, and they do not address the deeper, latent impact of the pandemic.

    “We tend to overlook the longer-term effects of the delay in socialization and self-discipline — things that schools nurtured in young people,” said Vito Chiala, principal of William C. Overfelt High, whose 1,400 primarily low-income Hispanic and Vietnamese American students live in East San Jose. “Young people becoming adults at the high school level seem to be maybe two or three years behind where it used to be.”

    In the first year of returning from remote learning, the focus was on school-related behaviors and self-management, Chiala said. “Students who had spent over a year saying whatever they wanted on social media had to face people in person, and that was super-uncomfortable sometimes. Now it’s much more about endurance, being willing and able to do hard academic work for longer periods of time.”

    Overfelt High is far from unique. The National Center for Education Statistics reported that in 2021-22, 87% of public schools said the pandemic harmed student socioemotional development, and 56% reported increased incidents of classroom disruptions from student misconduct.

    Educators, in turn, have taken a more holistic approach to building students’ mindsets and meeting families’ basic needs, said Bruce Fuller, a professor of education and public policy at the University of California Berkeley, who is studying nine California districts’ post-Covid responses.

    Recognizing that Covid amplified the harsh conditions of living in poverty, Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislators put $4 billion into creating community schools in low-income neighborhoods to strengthen ties to parents and open health clinics at schools. The state began to fund free universal school breakfasts and lunches.

    With state grants, Rocketship Public Schools hired care coordinators in all of its charter schools, most in East San Jose, to cope with the aftermath of Covid.

    Fabiola Zamora, a mother of four children from ages 2 to 10, described the support from the care corps coordinator for her school when she became homeless. “We received blankets, diapers, warm clothes. Mrs. Martinez guided me to a shelter and helped get my daughter to school,” she said. “It was hard. I was scared; it made me feel I wasn’t alone.”

    Mental health responses

    The proportion of students experiencing mental health issues had been rising before Covid. It accelerated during remote learning and coincided with an explosion of social media and cell phone use. The Journal of the American Medical Association reported that the incidence and prevalence of depression among 1.7 million 5- to 22-year-olds served by Kaiser Permanente in Southern California rose by about 60%, and the incidence of anxiety increased 31% from 2017 to 2021.

    School districts in turn hired more counselors and psychologists using mental health funding and $13.4 billion the state received from the federal American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, the last and biggest installment of the $23.4 billion in Covid aid from Congress. Savvy districts have tapped Medi-Cal, the California version of Medicaid, to reimburse school mental health services, although Republican plans for massive cuts to Medicaid could jeopardize the funding.

    Addressing the whole child makes sense. Disengaged and depressed students can’t focus; chronically absent students fall behind, complicating efforts to catch them up while moving others ahead.

    But have these added responsibilities overburdened and preoccupied districts? In a fifth-year Covid reassessment, Robin Lake, director of the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University, and Paul Hill, the center’s founder, raised that issue. “By easing up on graduation requirements” (which the California Legislature did), “making it easier for students to earn good grades, excusing frequent absences, and prioritizing social-emotional learning curricula over core academics,” they wrote, “the pendulum has swung too far away from the core business of schooling.”

    Stubbornly high chronic absenteeism

    The persistently high rates of chronic absences in California since Covid underscore complex challenges. In the first full year back from remote learning, chronic absenteeism nearly tripled statewide from 12% in 2018-19 to 30%, mirroring that of other states.

    Just as with test scores, the averages masked yawning differences between ethnic and racial groups and levels of poverty: 35% for Hispanics, 42.5% for Black students, and 46% for homeless and foster youths, compared with 11% for Asian and 23% for white students. Students are chronically absent when they miss 10% or more days of school.

    By 2023-24, the statewide rate declined, first to 25% in 2022-23 and then to 20% — still two-thirds higher than pre-Covid. An analysis by researchers Heather Hough of Policy Analysis for California Education and Hedy Chang of Attendance Works helps explain why learning recovery has been slow in impoverished schools. Only 2% of schools with the fewest low-income students had high or extreme levels of chronic absences, compared with 72% of schools in which three-quarters or more of students were low-income. The disparity isn’t new; the dimensions of the divide are.

    “If you want to reduce chronic absence, you need to solve the root causes that result in kids not showing up to school in the first place,” said Attendance Works founder Chang. “The barriers — poor transportation, homelessness and food insecurity — are huge, and these issues are hard to solve.”

    Schools also had a messaging problem. “During the pandemic, we said, ‘You should stay home for any reason for illness, any symptom.’ I don’t think we had counter-messaging when we wanted kids to come back.”

    “The imperception was maybe missing school doesn’t matter so much if I think my kid might be sick,” Chang said.

    Some high school students reached the same conclusion, added Overfelt principal Chiala. “We always said school is mandatory, school is important. And then we said for a year and a half (during remote learning) it wasn’t,” he said. “I think psychologically, a lot of young people are like, ‘”If it was really important, you would’ve made me keep coming.’”

    Computers for all students

    There is an unmistakable positive legacy of Covid: the equitable spread of technology after initial chaos.

    Covid caught the state flat-footed, without a plan or the capacity to switch on a dime to remote learning; in many districts, this did not go well, as kids with home computers but spotty internet drove to fast-food parking lots to download the week’s homework assignments and to upload their answers.

    In June 2020, the California Department of Education estimated that 700,000 students lacked a home computer — which soon rose to 1 million, or about 17% of students — and that there were 322,000 hot spots for internet service.

    State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond created the Bridge the Divide Fund. With $18.4 million in donations, it distributed 45,000 Chromebooks, plus 100,725 hot spots.

    The difference-maker arrived in 2021 with $7 billion as California’s share of the Biden administration’s Emergency Connectivity Fund. Federal funds have enabled more than 75% of schools nationwide to provide a computer for every student, and more than 80% of schools have high-speed broadband service, said Evan Marwell, the founder of the San Francisco-based nonprofit EducationSuperhighway.

    Soon, it will be time to recycle personal computers. The good news, Marwell said, is a Chromebook can now be bought for $200.

    Low return on federal investment?

    On the 2021-22 Smarter Balanced tests, low-income students fell back after years of slow improvement. The overall 35% proficiency in English language arts was 4 percentage points lower than in pre-pandemic 2018-19. The 21% proficiency in math was a drop of 6 percentage points. Two years later, low-income students had regained half of what they had lost on both tests.

    During these three years, per-student spending in California mushroomed by about 50% per student because of federal Covid relief and one-time state funding due to record-setting revenues, according to data assembled by Edunomics Lab, an education finance organization. The combination of high spending and lower test scores earned California one of the nation’s worst “returns on investments.”

    However, a newly released deeper analysis of district-by-district Smarter Balanced results by researchers at UC San Diego, American Institutes of Research, UC Berkeley and Public Policy Institute of California showed that two years of federal Covid spending had a statistically significant effect in 2021-22. It was equivalent to a gain in math and English language arts of about 10 days of learning, said economics professor Julian Betts of UC San Diego.

    Schools that reopened a year earlier from remote learning than most schools in California showed a bigger gain: about 20 days of learning.

    However, those positive factors were not big enough to offset the effects of poverty — a loss of a quarter year of learning for schools with a high percentage of low-income students.

    Researchers also looked at the results of the California Healthy Kids Survey that students fill out annually to see if there was a correlation between widespread bullying and student harassment with test scores. The effect was large: the equivalent of a half-year of lost learning in math and a third of a year in English language arts in 2021-22. The data document what socio-emotional learning advocates have preached for years: School climate matters in recovering academically from Covid declines.

    A box of text.
    (
    EdSource
    )

    One last source of funding

    Starting with the 2021-22 state budget, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature invested more than $10 billion in TK-12 in the post-Covid years. The bulk of it went to transitional kindergarten (TK) and extended learning programs. What Newsom didn’t direct funding to were comprehensive, statewide, early reading and numeracy programs and high-intensive tutoring — two strategies that other states like Louisiana funded to respond Covid-era declines in test scores. Newsom had proposed $2.6 billion for “high-dosage” in-school tutoring; it vanished in the final budget.

    What did survive was a $6 billion Learning Loss Emergency Block Grant program. Apparently unique among states in providing substantial money beyond the expiration of the $23.4 billion federal Covid funding, it directs most money to heavily low-income districts through 2026-27. In settling the Cayla J. lawsuit filed by Oakland and Los Angeles families over the state’s failure to meet their children’s education needs during remote learning, the state agreed to require that districts use the block grant for evidence-based strategies, like high-dosage tutoring. Districts must also conduct a needs assessment study, create a plan for the money, and present it to the public.

    The learning recovery block grant provides an opportunity to ask questions raised by the Center for Reinventing Public Education in its five-year reassessment:

    • What worked and didn’t work over the last five years?
    • How are the students most in need going to get extra time and attention?
    • What skills and new work habits are required of teachers?

    Authors Robin Lake and Paul Hill concluded that the needed systemic changes would be “a heavy lift.” The necessary changes “probably can’t be done unless state officials seriously consider major waivers of regulation and teacher unions allow experimentation with new teacher roles and school staffing rules.”

    Bruce Fuller, the UC Berkeley professor who is analyzing the learning recovery plans of 700 California districts, agrees. “It’s hard to sustain anything that’s seriously innovative,” he said.

    Vito Chiala at Overfelt High in San Jose, however, said Overfelt is becoming a different place. “When we came back (from remote learning), we really spent a lot of time radically dreaming about how will we treat our kids? How will we grade work? How, what will we be teaching them? How will we embrace our students’ humanity?”

    The result: “We don’t grade the same way we used to. Classes aren’t rushing through curriculum like they used to. Teachers aren’t feeling they have to move on, even though half the class hasn’t learned. We’re really trying to motivate students to feel the intrinsic need to learn and get better.”

    “We’re still finding our footing in sort of this post-pandemic world,” he said.

    EdSource is an independent nonprofit organization that provides analysis on key education issues facing California and the nation. LAist republishes articles from EdSource with permission.

  • Enter a laundry truck
    A woman with black hair and wearing a pink shirt and striped black and white leggings has her back turned to the camera as she stands in front of vehicle painted with the words "The Laundry Truck LA."
    A Chinatown resident waits for a fresh load of laundry.

    Topline:

    Chinatown has no laundromats, leaving many working-class residents without a basic service. A mobile laundry truck, paid for by the local council district, is offering free washes twice a week as a temporary solution.

    Why it matters: Without laundromat options, some residents are forced to wash clothes by hand or spend time and money traveling outside the neighborhood.

    Why now: Council member Eunisses Hernandez is using $250,000 in district funds for a year-long contract with LA Laundry Truck. She said constituents and neighborhood advocates have long told her about the need for greater laundry access for residents.

    The backstory: Newer housing developments are bringing in higher-income residents with amenities like in-unit laundry. Meanwhile, advocates say, many older buildings don't have laundry rooms or have aging machines often in disrepair.

    What's next: Hernandez say the mobile service will serve as a stopgap until a more permanent solution is found, like a community-run laundromat.

    In Los Angeles, the soundtrack is familiar. Car horns, the whine of leaf blowers.

    But in the middle of Chinatown, another sound cuts through the din: the rhythmic hum of washers and dryers from a trailer parked outside the Alpine Recreation Center.

    Chinatown hasn’t had a laundromat for as long as anyone around can remember. This mobile setup – run by the nonprofit The Laundry Truck LA – has become the neighborhood’s de facto laundromat, offering the service for free to locals, twice a week.

    For 70-year-old Sam Ma, it’s been a relief.

    Ma, a retired construction worker, picked up freshly-laundered items — two pairs of pants, a hat, and some socks, bundled in a white garbage bag for the bus ride home.

    He usually washes his clothes by hand. But about two weeks ago, he was hit by a car. Bruises and cuts cover his hands, making it difficult to scrub heavier items.

    “The things I can wash, I wash,” he said in Mandarin. “But these are too thick. It’s too hard.”

    A white woman with braids holds up a garbage bag filled with clean clothes as an older Asian man in a blue baseball cap holds a clipboard.
    Rebel Fox of The Laundry Truck L.A. hands a garbage bag filled with newly-laundered sheets to a local.
    (
    Josie Huang
    /
    LAist
    )

    Nearby, Laundry Truck employee Rebel Fox checked him out with a clipboard after handing him his load.

    “We help a lot of seniors out here,” Fox said. “And we offer folding services, too. It really helps people who don’t have the dexterity in their hands.”

    The Laundry Truck started out in 2019 providing laundry services to people experiencing homelessness across Los Angeles and has expanded to high-need communities, like Eaton Fire survivors.

    In February, the nonprofit started operating in Chinatown under a year-long contract with Council District 1, showing up every Wednesday and Thursday at 9 a.m.

    A sink or bathtub

    Chinatown advocates say the lack of a laundromat is especially hard on low-income tenants living in older, neglected buildings.

    “These landlords aren’t doing much to keep it updated,” said Sissy Trinh, executive director of the Southeast Asian Community Alliance.

    Maintaining laundry rooms may require major plumbing upgrades and hookups that many landlords avoid.

    A five-story building is being constructed on a city street flanked on both sides by lower-slung, older buildings.
    Newly-constructed residential buildings are typically being constructed with in-unit laundry.
    (
    Josie Huang
    /
    LAist
    )

    Advocates say in buildings that do have shared coin-operated machines, they may be broken or in constant use. Many residents decide to launder clothes by hand — in sinks or bathtubs.

    “In one building, the sinks were so small, people had to cut their sheets in half just to wash them,” Trinh said. “They’d wash one half, then the other.”

    A reversal of access

    Those who could benefit from a laundromat include seniors on fixed incomes, and workers living paycheck to paycheck, including garment workers and home health aides.

    “You’re talking about low-income, financially-stressed households,” Paul Ong said.

    Ong, who studies urban inequality at UCLA, says Chinatown reflects a broader pattern: as neighborhoods change, basic services can disappear.

    Piles of laundry sit by the door of a mobile laundry truck service.
    Each pile of dirty clothes is labeled with customers' names.
    (
    Josie Huang
    /
    LAist
    )

    The neighborhood’s last full-service grocery store closed in 2019 after the property was sold to a developer. Meanwhile, new market-rate housing has gone up, catering to higher-income residents with amenities like parking and in-unit laundry.

    “The irony is that historically, laundry was bread and butter for the Chinese community,” Ong said.

    In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Chinese immigrants built livelihoods around laundry work — one of the few industries open to them at the time.

    Nowadays, laundry options have become hard to come by.

    Seeking a lasting fix

    Residents without access to machines have to leave the neighborhood entirely to find a laundromat in Lincoln Heights or Echo Park, which has seen its own laundromats disappear.

    A two-story building where laundry is being dried on a rack on the second floor. The first floor is a restaurant with the sign in English and Chinese.
    Laundry can be spotted drying on balconies across Chinatown.
    (
    Josie Huang
    /
    LAist
    )

    “The long-term, permanent solution is that a laundry service opens up,” in the neighborhood, said Council member Eunisses Hernandez, who represents Chinatown.

    Hernandez says constituents have asked for a laundromat from the time she was knocking on doors as a City Council candidate.

    Hernandez, who is up for re-election this year, says the neighborhood could benefit from a community-run laundromat offering affordable services.

    “If private industry is not making that investment in Chinatown then perhaps it’s up to the city – and the people of that neighborhood – to build something for them,” she said.

    In the meantime, Hernandez has directed about $250,000 from her district — using TFAR payments from developers building larger projects — to cover a year of mobile laundry services.

    The contract with the Laundry Truck runs through next February.

    After that?

    “We’ll keep filling the gap until we get to a permanent solution,” Hernandez said.

    Could that solution be combined with housing?

    Some community advisors to a new affordable housing project being developed on the northwestern edge of Chinatown have been pushing for a self-service laundry that would be open to other neighborhood residents, says Eugene Moy who sits on the advisory board of New High Village.

    But any fix will take time. That project, Moy said, could be two years out from even breaking ground.

    Taking a load off 

    Back at the truck, the machines continue to spin. By mid-afternoon, nearly 18 loads of laundry are done.

    A blue trailer that reads "LA Laundry Truck" on the sides is parked along the sidewalk of a street shared with a two-story school
    The trailer for the LA Laundry Truck is set up outside the Alpine Recreation Center, across from Castelar Elementary School.
    (
    Josie Huang
    /
    LAist
    )

    Two months in, there are kinks to work out. How to get more residents to take advantage of the unit's capacity? Its machines can churn out 40 loads per shift.

    There is also the question of whether some seniors are physically able to transport their laundry even a few blocks.

    But the service is starting to get regulars. One woman on her second visit stood by the trailer, cradling just-washed clothes in her arms while clutching her daughter's teddy bear, now a sparkling white.

    "If it keeps going, I'll keep coming," said the woman who gave her last name as Mo. "It's very convenient."

    Her apartment building doesn’t have a laundry room. Sometimes she asks a friend next door if she can use theirs. With three children, the cost adds up quickly.

    Thinking aloud, she calculated how much she saved that day.

    About $8, she estimated — money she said could now spend on her kids.

  • Sponsored message
  • Free, dry, viral dance party happening Sunday
    A group of people dancing in the concrete bed of the Los Angeles River is depicted. Speakers are seen on either side of the picture and a large tree is seen in the background.
    People dance along to music at one of the L.A. River Dance parties.

    Topline:

    The Los Angeles River isn’t just for walking and biking, you can join other Angelenos and dance in the middle of it.

    Why: Local club the Gratitude Group has been helping Angelenos unplug and connect with one another by throwing dry dance parties in unexpected places around L.A.

    What's next: The next L.A. River dance party is happening tomorrow, Sunday. Read on to learn more.

    There’s a fair amount of recreational activities Angelenos can do in and around the Los Angeles River like biking, walking, even kayaking, but did you know you can also dance in the dry river bed of a Los Angeles icon?

    A man stands at a makeshift DJ stand in the middle of a concrete bed of the Los Angeles River. Green grass can be seen behind him. There is a rock with graffiti on it to his left.
    Adam Weiss, founder of the Gratitude Group leans over and DJs a set at his Los Angeles River dance party.
    (
    Michael Marshall
    /
    Michael Marshall
    )

    Dancing in the sun

    Adam Weiss is the founder of the Gratitude Group, a club that hosts various events across Los Angeles like dance parties at the River, a screen-free reading club at the Central Library and meditative sound baths at Elysian Park. That’s just this weekend alone.

    Weiss has been hosting the free dance parties for about two years now. The locations vary. Previously he’s held them at the Elysian Park helipad.

    “Everybody wants to dance, they're just waiting to be invited to dance, and then if you're a good DJ, you just keep the floor packed,” said Weiss, who also deejays these events. Lately it's been a lot of disco, funk and soul. Weiss also likes to keep the gatherings dry, meaning no drugs or alcohol. He thinks it makes people engage with each other more.

    “So the focus really is on connection and dancing,” Weiss said.

    A group of people dance in the Los Angeles River. A speaker is seen on the left side of the picture. The flowing river is seen in the background of the picture. A couple dancers are blowing bubbles.
    Attendees of the Los Angeles River dance party move to the music.
    (
    Michael Marshall
    /
    Michael Marshall
    )

    Ariana Valencia lives in Burbank and attended last month's dance party, also at the L.A. River. She says dancing in the middle of the concrete riverbed made the city feel like a playground that she could explore.

    “I’d never been to the L.A. River prior to that. You think it’s just a little swampy little pond, but it was actually really full,” said Valencia. “I would have never thought that was in the middle of the city.”

    Uniquely Los Angeles

    Weiss says part of the appeal is not just getting people outside but to get them to experience Los Angeles differently.

    At the last event, people walking or biking along the river path joined on a whim — some even brought their kids. Weiss says that’s exactly the kind of reaction he hopes for.

    “ I want it to be family friendly. I want it to feel welcoming. I want it to be inclusive,” Weiss said. “My main thing is I just want people to actually dance. I think it feels good to dance.”

    A woman and two children walk down the concrete banks of the Los Angeles river to join the party. Onlookers can be seen in the background watching the crowd.
    A woman and two children join in on the dance party.
    (
    Michael Marshall
    /
    Michael Marshall
    )

    For Valencia that inclusiveness is part of the draw. She says she’ll be joining again this Sunday.

    “Even though it wasn’t advertised as a dry event I think the fact that it was a family friendly kind of thing was appealing to me,” said Valencia.

    Join the party

    After the last dance party went viral, Weiss says more than 1,500 people have RSVP-ed for tomorrow's event. This compelled him to close reservations.

    Weiss plans to hold the event every other week this Spring and Summer — taking place either at the River or the Elysian Field Helipad with its amazing view of the city.

    Weiss wants to start branching out too, and is eyeing the Culver City Stairs as a possible location.

    “ I just wanna bring people to cool interesting places to dance,” Weiss said.

  • Altering art to reflect a tarnished legacy
    Two people wearing hats stand in front of a mural painted in blue.
    Pomona Mayor Tim Sandoval (left) and painter Paul Botello look at one of five murals in a park in Pomona, that depict the life and activism of Cesar Chavez.

    Topline:

    Artist Paul Botello painted five Chavez murals in this Pomona park decades ago. Now, with allegations of sexual assault agains the labor leader, he, along with the city's mayor, is assessing what changes should be made to honor the movement's activism while reflecting the icon's tarnished reputation.

    Why it matters: Communities across Southern California and the country are grappling with how to remove the images and name of Cesar Chavez from public places while upholding the legacy of this civil rights movement.

    Why now: Southern California has a large concentration of murals, plaques, street names, and statues of Cesar Chavez. The dialogue in Pomona which is happening between an artist, a city elected official, and an ethnic studies scholar signals a more nuanced approach to the reevaluation of Chavez’s legacy.

    The backstory: Pomona’s Cesar Chavez Park was the result of activism by neighborhood leaders who wanted to create a safe space for families amid escalating gang warfare between Black and Latino youth in the early 2000s

    What's next: Pomona’s mayor plans to bring up changes to the Cesar Chavez murals at Monday’s City Council meeting.

    Go deeper: Cesar Chavez’s legacy now looms dark in LA.

    At Cesar Chavez Park in Pomona, a mural depicts the now-disgraced farm worker leader from the waist-up, in a serene, almost Buddha-like pose. To his left, a lady justice figure holds the scales of justice and on the right, there are images of farm workers toiling in a field. Chavez looks like a saint.

    A painting shows a male presenting person holding a grape sapling.
    One of five murals at Cesar Chavez Park in Pomona, painted by Paul Botello.
    (
    Adolfo Guzman-Lopez/LAist
    )

    “And that's what people thought he was,” said Pomona Mayor Tim Sandoval as he stood in front of the mural.

    But after several women stepped forward accusing the late labor icon of sexual assault, that view has radically changed. Now there are calls to remove his image from public spaces, widely impacting Southern California, which has a large concentration of murals, plaques, street names, and statues dedicated to him.

    But do the entire murals have to be removed, or can there be a more nuanced approach to the re-evaluation of Chavez’s legacy — a re-evaluation that doesn’t throw the baby out with the bathwater?

    This week, the artist Paul Botello, Pomona Mayor Sandoval, and Pitzer College Emeritus Professor José Calderón, a former activist who was involved in getting the murals painted, met up at the park, in the shadow of the busy 57 freeway, to discuss how to go forward.

    The story behind the murals

    In the early 2000s violence between Black and Latino gang members gripped Pomona.

    “When a young Latino was killed, we actually did a march all the way from City Hall to what is now this park,” said Calderón.

    Calderon helped organize that march. He said activists were inspired by something Chavez liked to say, that when you get angry, don’t take it out on others — organize.

    So they lobbied for the park, which was filled with trash and syringes, to be cleaned up and made family friendly. And because they used his quote, it was named Cesar Chavez Park.

    A bronze plaque next to plants and trees says, "Cesar Chavez Park"
    Cesar Chavez Park in Pomona was dedicated after activists lobbied the City of Pomona to help curb gang violence.
    (
    Adolfo Guzman-Lopez/LAist
    )

    Muralist Paul Botello was chosen to create five murals at the park that depicted Chavez from youth, through his service in the U.S. Navy during World War Two, to key moments during his farm worker activism.

    Today, while he feels betrayed by Chavez, he’s also keen to preserve parts of the murals which tell the bigger story of the exploitation of farm workers and the fight to improve their conditions.

    While California state law says an artist must be consulted if there are any proposed changes to a mural, the ultimate decision will be made by Pomona City Council.

    Sandoval said he has not received calls or emails at City Hall. But people in his various social and civic circles have told him, he says, that Chavez’s images should be removed.

    A male presenting person wears glasses and a hat. He holds sheets of paper.
    Paul Botello holds mock-ups of changes he'd like to make to his murals of Cesar Chavez at a park in Pomona.
    (
    Adolfo Guzman-Lopez/LAist
    )

    Botello had brought mock-ups of the alterations he’d like to make to each mural. For the mural which depicts Chavez in a Buddha-like pose, for example, he wants to replace his face with the face of a farmworker wearing a hat.

    He also wants to keep much of another mural, which depicts Chavez as a teenager in a suit surrounded by boys and girls sitting on rows of tilled soil. His one change is to turn the image of Chavez into a Zoot Suiter, a rebellious Mexican American youth from the mid 20th century.

    A painting depicts children of various ages on a farm.
    A mural by Paul Botello depicts Cesar Chavez and children on a farm.
    (
    Adolfo Guzman-Lopez/LAist
    )

    “ 95 percent is going to be there because it just represents all the youth who also toil in the field to help their parents,” he said.

    Calderon agrees with these more targeted changes. He fears painting over the murals entirely would erase the neighborhood activism that led to the creation of this park.

    The right and the white supremacists are already using it to say, ‘see this is what we told you about Cesar being anti-immigrant, but now they're going a little bit further and they want to wipe out ethnic studies.
    — José Calderón, emeritus professor, Pitzer College

    He’s also concerned their removal would give fuel to people who oppose Latino activism and the growing movement in public education to require the teaching of Latino history.

    “The right and the white supremacists are already using it to say, ‘see this is what we told you about Cesar being anti-immigrant’”, he said. “But now they're going a little bit further and they want to wipe out ethnic studies”.

    A mural depicsts two young adults holding books.
    A mural at Cesar Chavez Park in Pomona.
    (
    Adolfo Guzman-Lopez/LAist
    )

    While Botello wants to keep the mural of Chavez serving in the U.S. Navy, because he believes it's important to show that Latinos have contributed to this country's military, he’s keen to make a change in the fifth mural.

    It depicts a young man and woman above the phrase “Sí se puede,” the famous farmworker slogan, “yes, we can.”

    The young man is clearly Chavez. Botello says he wants to replace it with the face of Dolores Huerta, the woman who led the United Farm Workers with Chavez and has accused Chavez of rape.

    Mayor Sandoval says he plans to bring up Botello’s proposals at the next city council meeting.

  • Data shows staggering solitary confinement numbers
    A crowd of people march down a sidewalk holding signs that say "ICE OUT!" to the left is a sparse, grassy field and concrete divider in that field. In the left corner, there's a one-story white building and telephone poles in the distance.
    Demonstrators recently marched around the Adelanto ICE Processing Center to demand the release of people detained there.
    Topline:
    An LAist analysis shows that the Adelanto ICE Processing Center — the immigration detention center closest to Los Angeles — is among the top 10 facilities across the U.S. placing people in solitary confinement.

    Why it matters: About 1,800 people are held at Adelanto today. In court filings, detainees there have said that isolation is used to punish them for speaking out against inhumane and unsanitary conditions at the facility.

    Who’s responsible? The GEO Group Inc., a private company that operates the Adelanto ICE Processing Center, has not responded to requests for comment. In multiple statements to the media, ICE has said that the agency “is committed to ensuring that all those in custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments.”

    The backstory: In May 2025, the Adelanto ICE Processing Center had 14 people in isolation. When the Trump administration’s mass deportation effort revved up last June, the number of detainees in solitary confinement there more than tripled and has climbed since.

    What's next: Earlier this year, a coalition of immigrant rights groups filed a federal lawsuit on behalf of detainees, calling for conditions at Adelanto to be improved. The coalition has since requested an emergency court order to prevent further harm. A hearing is scheduled for April 10.

    Go deeper: Lawsuit alleges inhumane conditions at Adelanto ICE facility

    Read on … for details about the use of solitary confinement at Adelanto.

    The immigration detention center closest to Los Angeles has placed dozens of people in solitary confinement each month since June, according to the most recent data from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

    In May 2025, the Adelanto ICE Processing Center had 14 people in isolation. When the Trump administration’s mass deportation effort revved up in June 2025, the number of detainees in solitary confinement there more than tripled. By July, it was 73; by August, 105.

    The most recent data available shows that number went down slightly in January, to 74 people.

    Ranked by percentage of the detainee population in “segregation,” as it is called at immigrant detention centers, Adelanto is among the U.S.’s top 10 facilities as of January, according to an LAist analysis of the most recent ICE data.

    The data shows that of 229 ICE facilities that reported holding people since October 2024, between 50 and 60 usually reported putting at least one person in segregation in a given month. Out of the facilities that did place people in solitary confinement, Adelanto tended to do so less often than others until June 2025. (The facility held just a few people from October 2024 into January 2025.) When ICE’s presence increased in L.A. in June, the number of people sent to isolation in the facility also shot up — three to five times as many people have been isolated in Adelanto compared to the average facility that used any solitary confinement.

    Since June, only two facilities have sent people to solitary confinement more times than Adelanto: one southwest of San Antonio, the other in central Pennsylvania.

    Both of those facilities held twice the number of detainees as Adelanto on average from October 2024 through September 2025; but the number of people held in Adelanto since then has tripled, growing larger than either of the other facilities to hold an average of 1,800 people a day since October.

    How we reported this

    LAist used official, publicly available data from ICE about its detentions nationwide and at specific facilities.

    To calculate percentages of people held in isolation as of January 2026, LAist also used official ICE data as recorded by both TRAC Immigration and the Internet Archive that was no longer available on ICE's public website.

    Records of “special and vulnerable populations” for the fourth quarter of the 2025 fiscal year and records of monthly segregation placements by facility from September 2025 were missing from ICE's data and are not reflected in LAist's analysis.

    More on solitary confinement  

    According to ICE, detainees may be placed in segregation for “disciplinary reasons,” or because of:

    • “Serious mental or medical illness.”
    • Conducting a hunger strike.
    • Suicide watch.

    The agency also says it might place detainees “who may be susceptible to harm [if left among the] general population due in part to how others interpret or assume their sexual orientation, or sexual presentation or expression.”

    Not only is ICE holding more people in solitary confinement, but the agency's data also shows that detainees across the country are being isolated for longer periods of time. Detainees ICE considers part of the "vulnerable & special population" spent an average of about two weeks in solitary confinement each time they were isolated in 2022, when ICE first made the data available. By the end of 2025, the average stay in isolation had risen to more than seven weeks straight.

    The GEO Group Inc., a private company that operates the Adelanto ICE Processing Center, has not responded to requests for comment.

    How isolation can affect immigrant detainees  

    UN human rights experts consider solitary confinement placements that last 15 days or more to be torture, though the U.S. Supreme Court has held that isolation doesn’t violate the Constitution.

    The UN also maintains that solitary confinement should be prohibited for people “with mental or physical disabilities when their conditions would be exacerbated by such measures.”

    In January, a coalition of immigrant rights groups filed a federal lawsuit on behalf of current detainees, calling for conditions at Adelanto to be improved. In addition to an unsanitary environment and a lack of healthy food and clean drinking water, detainees say solitary confinement is frequently used to punish those who speak out about conditions at the facility.

    People held in immigrant detention centers are technically in “civil detention,” meaning that they are being detained to ensure their presence at hearings and compliance with immigration orders — not to serve criminal sentences.

    According to the immigrant rights groups’ complaint, one detainee was placed in solitary confinement after complaining about the showers being broken. Another detainee said that, after asking a guard to “use more respectful language toward him, he was ridiculed, written up and given the middle finger by a guard who shouted, ‘Who the f--- do you think you are?’” Then, the detainee was placed in solitary confinement for 25 days.

    Alvaro Huerta, the director of litigation and advocacy at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center who is representing detainees at Adelanto, told LAist that when people are placed in isolation at the facility, they’re typically in the same cell for 23 hours per day, unable to receive visits from their families.

    For clients who are experiencing mental health challenges — especially those with suicidal thoughts — being placed in solitary confinement “can really exacerbate their condition,” he added.

    In multiple statements to the media, ICE has said that the agency “is committed to ensuring that all those in custody reside in safe, secure and humane environments.” The agency has also said that detainees receive “comprehensive medical care” and that all detainees “receive medical, dental, and mental health intake screenings within 12 hours of arriving at each detention facility.”

    Huerta called that “laughable.”

    “We have countless examples of people who have said that this is not true, that they're not getting the medication that they're requesting, that they're not being seen for chronic conditions and emergency conditions,” he added. “And we know it's not true because 14 people have died in ICE custody this year alone.”