The Brief

The Trump administration is shifting its tone on how it handles immigrants brought to the U.S. as children under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. Also known as DACA, the program was created in 2012 to protect children who arrived in the country illegally prior to 2007 from deportation.

In recent months, the administration has tried to strip 525,000 DACA recipients, also known as Dreamers, of benefits, although no regulatory changes have been made to end the program.

For example, the Health and Human Services Department said it would make DACA recipients ineligible for the federal healthcare marketplace in June. Then last week, the Education Department said it was looking into five universities that offer financial help for DACA recipients. Also, immigration enforcement officers have arrested and detained DACA recipients throughout the country, which immigrant advocates said weakens protections of this group.

"Illegal aliens who claim to be recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) are not automatically protected from deportations," DHS assistant press secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in a statement to NPR. "DACA does not confer any form of legal status in this country."

McLaughlin added that any DACA recipient may be subject to arrest and deportation for a number of reasons, including if they've committed a crime. McLaughlin then urged recipients to self-deport.

"We encourage every person here illegally to take advantage of this offer and reserve the chance to come back to the U.S. the right legal way," McLaughlin said.

The call for self-deportation of DACA recipients sends another mixed message in the administration's immigration enforcement policy. At the start of the 2024 presidential campaign, now-White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller said President Trump would end the program. After winning the election, Trump said he wanted DACA recipients to stay.

"We've known that DACA remains a program that has been temporary. We've sounded the alarms over that," said Anabel Mendoza, communications director for United We Dream, an immigrant youth organization. "What we are seeing now is that DACA is being chipped away at."

What are DACA's protections?

DACA offers temporary protection from deportation but is not an immediate path to citizenship or a green card. Participants in the program have to renew their protection every two years.

It provides a work permit and can be adjusted if a person leaves the U.S. and comes back with a visa or marries a U.S. citizen, among other options.

When it was created under the Obama administration, the program took eligible children "out of the immigration enforcement system," said Claire McNulty, a former DHS Immigration and Customs Enforcement official who worked at the department when DACA was created. McNulty was later politically appointed by former President Joe Biden to a senior counselor position in the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

"If somebody was eligible for DACA, that might mean that they would be released from detention or their case in the immigration court system would be administratively closed so that they could then pursue that sort of administrative relief," McNulty said.

The roughly 500,000 DACA recipients — counted as of the second quarter of this year — are from more than 150 countries. The majority are from Mexico, El Salvador and Guatemala, according to the USCIS. Most recipients are 35 years old or younger, but some are in their late 30s and early 40s.

So far there has been no effort by this second Trump administration to rescind the program, as Trump tried in his first term. A lawsuit filed by Texas is challenging the program's protections from deportations and work permits for participants in the state.

"The notion that it does not provide protection is simply false," said Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, adding that there are reasons DACA protections can be revoked from an individual, including being charged with a crime, which would make them vulnerable to deportation.

Other lawyers point to infractions like driving under the influence of alcohol as a reason DACA and its protections can be revoked.

Saenz said DACA should provide protection from being caught up in a raid by immigration agents or indiscriminately targeted for arrest on the street.

If the administration wanted to take steps to change that, it would need to submit a proposed rule change with the Federal Register, or at least publicly state that position, neither of which has been done, he said. But the administration, he said, appears to have a broader approach to immigration enforcement that's sweeping in DACA recipients.

"Reported arrests of DACA recipients has other DACA recipients very concerned and we've heard it from them," Saenz said.

Enforcement incidents lead to fear

In March, officials deported Evenezer Cortez Martinez, a DACA recipient in Missouri, to Mexico.

He was allowed to return after two weeks. In California, DACA recipients have been detained after a worksite raid and an accidental wrong turn off the freeway. In Florida, a DACA recipient was among the first held at the newly opened Everglades detention center.

"This administration is very strict on how they're applying all of the law and how they're interpreting all of the law. DACA at least used to be a topic that was much more sympathetic in politics," Mendoza said. "And that sympathy is now less and less."

Polls conducted over the last five years have shown most Americans support the creation of a legal pathway for DACA recipients. With respect to polling on Trump's immigration policies overall, 43% approve of his handling of the issue so far, according to the most recent NPR/PBS News/Marist poll published earlier this month.

Reyna Montoya is the founder of Aliento, a nonprofit that supports DACA recipients and other immigrants, and is a DACA recipient herself. She has been involved with advocating for DACA since 2010. Now 34, she said she has spent most of her young adult life advocating for the program.

"It's been a roller coaster between the three branches of government," Montoya said, adding that the mixed messaging from the administration is adding to the fear. "My livelihood and the livelihood of so many Dreamers is at stake and that we could potentially be subject to being deported to countries that we don't really know or we don't call home."

Copyright 2025 NPR

It can be hard to know what to focus on in midterm elections. There are so many races, from elections for governor and senator to the House and state legislatures. For a better idea of how the night might go to see which party might control Congress, here are six things to watch:

1. The early bellwethers for Republican turnout and the Latino vote

There are two states, Indiana and Kentucky, that will see results in the 6 p.m. ET hour. And then there's Florida, which is split between the Eastern and Central time zones. But most of the state is on Eastern time. So lots of House race results will be coming in during the 7 p.m. ET hour, even if statewide contests like the Senate and governors races won't be called at the earliest until 8 p.m. ET.

Some races to watch for early indicators of what might come later in the evening — Indiana's 5th Congressional District, Kentucky's 6th and Florida's 22nd and 27th. Indiana's 5th and Kentucky's 6th are seats held by Republicans that are more competitive now than at the beginning of the cycle. If these are close or tipping to Democrats, it could be a sign of low Republican turnout and a bigger Democratic wave.

Florida's 22nd is held by a Democrat but redrawn to tip in Republicans' favor. Trump won Florida's 27th by double-digits so this heavily Latino district could be an indicator of how this key subgroup votes.

2. Do Republicans get 46% with independents?

Independents are a key swing group, but they are also a lower-propensity voting group in midterms.

It used to be that Republicans had to win a bigger share of independents before the Trump era. Mitt Romney, for example, won 55% of independents in 2012 but lost the presidential election. But there's been a political realignment in this country with blue-collar white voters trending toward Trump, fewer people identifying as Democrats and better-educated white voters shifting toward Democrats.

So in the decade since Trump has been on the political scene, Republicans have done well when they win at least 46% of independents. When they haven't, they've lost.

3. Black voter turnout in key states

The Michigan Senate race is important for control of the Senate. If Republicans flip it, the magic number for Democrats goes from four to five, meaning Democrats would have to win five seats held by Republicans to win control of the Senate.

For Abdul El-Sayed (D) to win in Michigan, a key is going to be Black voters in Wayne County. If he runs up the score in and around Detroit, he has a path to victory, but if he doesn't, it becomes that much harder — and it's been an area of vulnerability for him.

During the Trump era, Democrats have needed 68% or more in Wayne County to win Michigan unless, like Sen. Elissa Slotkin in 2024, they can overperform in the suburbs.

Wayne County Democratic margins
2024 Slotkin 63% Win (11% share)
2024 Harris 62% Loss
2020 Biden 68% Win (12%)
2020 Peters 68% Win
2018 Stabenow 69% Win (15%)
2016 Clinton 66% Loss (13%)

4. The margin with young voters

Voters 18 to 29 see a drastic drop off in turnout between presidential and midterm elections. During presidential races since 1992, 43% of registered young voters cast ballots. But in midterms, that falls to 21%, just 1 in 5 who show up at the polls.

But they are crucial to Democratic success. In the last 20 years, when Democrats won this group by more than 20 points, they have done well, winning presidencies or making gains in midterms. The only exception was 2022, but arguably, the strong margin Democrats won with young voters that year, helped them stem what could have been a much larger Republican tide. That year, Democrats lost nine House seats, but gained a Senate seat.

Democratic margin with voters 18-29, election result
2024 +11, Trump wins presidency
2022 +28, Republicans win House, Democrats gain Senate seat
2020 +25, Biden wins presidency
2018 +35, Democrats win House
2016 +19, Trump wins presidency
2014 +11, Republicans expand House majority, win Senate
2012 +23, Obama wins re-election
2010 +17, Republicans win House
2008 +34, Obama wins presidency
2006 +22, Democrats win House

5. In Texas, the keys will be the difference between Gov. Greg Abbott (R) and Ken Paxton's (R) vote totals – and the Latino vote in South Texas

Given past polling errors in Texas that underestimated the Republican vote, there's a healthy skepticism that Democrat James Talarico's margin of error lead in polling averages is enough to win.

There was lots of enthusiasm in 2018 for Beto O'Rourke's (D) 2018 bid against an unpopular Republican senator in Ted Cruz, but Cruz still won, although by less than 3 percentage points. No Democrat has won statewide in Texas since 1994, and no Democrat has been elected to the Senate from Texas in 38 years.

For it to actually happen in this state Trump won by 14 points in 2024, two groups are key – Republicans and Latinos. Ken Paxton (R) is unpopular. Republican Gov. Greg Abbot is also facing a tight race, but he's thought to be in better shape than Paxton. In 2018, Cruz won about 400,000 fewer votes than Abbott, but Cruz still won by more than 200,000 votes. So watch if the difference between Abbott and Paxton is more than 400,000 for Talarico.

Voters cast their ballots in Anchorage, Alaska on Nov. 1, 2026.

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The second part of Talarico's path to victory runs through South Texas. Statewide, O'Rourke won 64% of Latinos in 2018, and they were 26% of the electorate, according to exit polls. If Talarico is north of both of those, that's how he wins the seat. Talarico would need to improve on O'Rourke's totals in these Latino-heavy counties: Cameron 63%, Hidalgo 69%, Webb 71%, Nueces 51%. As a bonus, watch the fast-growing and heavily populated Dallas suburbs – Collin 47%, Denton 46%, Tarrant 51%.

6. Party identification

Because of the political realignment that's taken place in the Trump era, watch how people identify in exit polls.

The percentage of those saying they were Democrats hit a low in 2024 at 31%. That trend is happening as the base of the Democratic Party has become more liberal and more disaffected with their own leadership. This year, though, Democrats were among the highest in enthusiasm levels, according to the latest NPR poll, but they are likely going to have to be far higher than 31% as a share of the electorate to do well.

Democrats as a share of the electorate
2024 31%
2022 33%
2020 37%
2018 37%
2016 37%
2014 35%
2012 38%
2010 39%
2008 39%

That's quite possible given the opposition to Trump in this election is sky high – 53% of likely voters in the latest NPR poll said they strongly disapproved of the job he's doing. That is very likely to be a unifying force for the left in this election. As the saying goes, the enemy of my enemy is my friend.

Along these lines, it's going to be important to watch races like the Michigan Senate race and the contest for Michigan's 7th Congressional District, both of which have very progressive Democratic candidates trying to win in purple places. Democratic unity – and the party's ideological future – is going to be a key storyline of the 2028 presidential primary and could define the American left for years to come.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Vote counting will start Tuesday night but could go on for days or even weeks.

While control of the House could become clear sooner because of bigger margins, control of the Senate could take much longer — the margins are tighter, seven states are especially competitive and two states use ranked choice voting which can prolong count time. Control of the House likely won't come down to one seat, but control of the Senate very well could.

As results are being tallied, here is a guide to watch election night as polls close across the country (all times in Eastern Time and organized by latest poll close time).

To jump to a specific poll closing time, use the links below:
7 p.m. ET | 7:30 p.m. ET | 8 p.m. ET | 8:30 p.m. ET | 9 p.m. ET | 10 p.m. ET | 11 p.m. ET | 12 a.m. ET | 1 a.m. ET

7 p.m. ET: Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, South Carolina, Virginia, Vermont

To get things started, all eyes are on the senate and gubernatorial races in Georgia and Florida.

Georgia: Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff is likely to defeat Republican Rep. Mike Collins in the race for Senate. The governor's race is tighter, one of the most competitive in the south between Republican nominee, billionaire businessman Rick Jackson and Democratic candidate, former Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms. Despite delays in elections past, Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger has told local news that new laws require counties to report results within an hour of polls closing.

South Carolina: This is an unexpectedly tight Senate race between Sen. Darline Graham, who was appointed to the seat after her brother Linsdey Graham died, and Democratic nominee Annie Andrews. Many national polls say the race in this heavily Republican state is a toss up, while the Cook Political Report says Republicans have the advantage.

7:30 p.m. ET: North Carolina, Ohio, West Virginia

North Carolina and Ohio have Senate and governor's races to watch.

North Carolina: Polls and pundits show North Carolina's Republican-held Senate seat is the most likely flip for the Democrats. The contest is between former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper and Michael Whatley, the former Republican National Committee chairman and close Trump ally. The last time Democrats won a Senate race in the state was in 2008, and the path to a Democratic majority becomes much less likely if the party loses this one.

Ohio: This is the first of the seven tight Senate races on Tuesday night that could define control of the Senate. Republican Sen. Jon Husted and former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown are deadlocked. Ohio used to be thought of as a swing state but in the last decade, it's become solidly Republican, so the close races have attracted attention. For governor, former state health director, Democrat Amy Acton is leading in the polls against venture capitalist, Republican Vivek Ramaswamy, who recently launched an attack ad against Acton featuring her estranged mother. The blowback to the ad was so significant, it could hurt Husted as well as Ramaswamy.

8 p.m.: Alabama, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Washington, D.C.

Polls would now be closed in more than half the country. There is potential for calls at poll-close in governor's races in favor of Republicans in Alabama, South Dakota and Tennessee and in favor of Democrats in Connecticut, Illinois, Massachusetts, Maine, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island.

Maine: Despite the late entry by the Democratic candidate, Troy Jackson, the race is tough for incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins. But Collins has remained resilient in face of challenges in the past. This is another seat targeted by Democrats to pick up, in the only place a Republican holds a Senate seat in a state won by Kamala Harris in 2024.

Florida: Another former swing state that has become solidly red in recent elections, the governor's race between Republican Rep. Byron Donalds and his Democratic opponent David Jolly favors Republicans. But for Donalds to hold only a slight poll advantage follows the national trend of Republicans lagging behind in traditional strongholds. The Senate race is slightly less competitive. Incumbent Sen. Ashley Moody is poised to win over Democratic state Rep. Angie Nixon. Where Florida has a lot of political consequence on election night is in its competitive House races. Florida is a state that redrew its congressional maps ahead of this election and this will be the first test. According to the Cook Political Report, seven House seats are competitive with two toss-ups.

Pennsylvania: For a significant portion of this election cycle, Pennsylvania has been the state with the most competitive House races — four, including three toss-ups. But as the map has solidified in the last month, all three toss-ups now lean toward Democrats. The last is a toss-up. Democrats could have a big night here.

New Hampshire: At one point, this race was quite close but the gap between Democratic Rep. Chris Pappas and former Republican Sen. John Sununu has widened, giving Pappas the edge. Still, New Hampshire is a state with a popular Republican governor expected to win in the same election and Republicans see this as a potential long-shot pick up opportunity.

8:30 p.m.: Arkansas

Arkansas: The Senate race is not very competitive but if Republicans' margin is smaller than usual, that could show that Democrats got more votes than usual in places that they haven't traditionally won. Plus, there's a House race here that Republicans have poured money into in the final days. Not a state to watch closely but could give insight into the larger electorate.

9 p.m.: Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, North Dakota, South Dakota, Texas, Wisconsin and Wyoming

Another major hour for poll closures. At this point, polls are closed in more than 80% of the states. Eyes and energy will begin shifting to initial results out of Iowa, Kansas, Michigan and Texas, where competitive senate races are at play that could decide control of the chamber.

Arizona: One of the most competitive gubernatorial contests is happening in this swing state. Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs is hoping to fend off MAGA-aligned Republican Rep. Andy Biggs. This has tilted toward Hobbs at the end but Arizona is known for an independent streak in politics.

There are major Senate races in Iowa, Kansas, Michigan and Texas. Three of those states are reliably Republican and Democrats' ability to be neck-and-neck in those states shows the frustration voters feel about the economy and the Trump presidency.

In Texas, a Democrat hasn't won statewide since the early 1990s. Democratic nominee state Rep. James Talarico faces off against Republican nominee Ken Paxton, who has had to grapple with a scandal-riddled past. Talarico could take an early lead as early voting data and mail in ballots are counted but Paxton will probably start to gain ground as counties will start reporting their totals. While the governor's race between Republican Gov. Greg Abbott and state Rep. Gina Hinojosa is also close, Abbott is still favored.

Kansas Republicans are trying to keep Sen. Roger Marshall in the Senate. This seemed like a safe seat for Republicans until Democrat Adam Hamilton entered with his moderate message. Add to that, the Trump brand is not having the same impact in Kansas as it once did and we have another race that's become too close to call.

Republicans are nervous about Iowa because the open Senate race is a little too close for comfort. Republican Rep. Ashley Hinson is up against Democratic moderate state Rep. Josh Turek. Plus, three of the state's four Republican-held congressional seats are competitive, with two leaning toward Democrats. Democrats have their strongest chance for a pick up at governor in Iowa with state auditor Rob Sand. He's favored after running a very strong campaign, deemphasizing partisan politics.

A lot of media oxygen this election cycle focused on Michigan as the race between Democrat Abdul El-Sayed and Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers unfolded. Republicans spent money running Islamophobic ads against El-Sayed who responded by leaning deeper into his personal story. Tuesday night will reveal which struck a chord with Michiganders. If El-Sayed wins, it will be a massive victory for the progressive wing of the party but this race remains a toss-up, even as the swing state's governor contest favors the Democrat, secretary of state Jocelyn Benson over Republican Rep. John James.

Then there's Minnesota, which, like New Hampshire, is a long-shot pick up target for Republicans. What's different here is that Democrats nominated progressive Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan who has had to answer questions about fraud in state agencies that happened under her watch. Plus, Republican candidate, former NFL sportscaster Michelle Tafoya has run a solid race and been able to toe the line between distancing from Trump and backing Republican policies. Tafoya isn't expected to win but Minnesota could be too close for comfort for Democrats.

There are many competitive House races in this time block, including toss up races in Arizona, Colorado, Michigan and New York. With such a narrow majority for Republicans in the chamber, each of these races will be closely watched to see which seats Democrats are able to flip.

10 p.m. Montana, Nevada, Utah

Polls in three more mountain west states are closed. Eyes are on Montana, another reliably Republican state, that could surprise the country by sending a Democrat to Congress.

Montana: The state's closest race is the toss-up House race in the 1st Congressional District where Sam Forstag, the Democratic nominee and former smokejumper, and Republican Aaron Flint, a combat veteran, are in a competitive race. Another interesting race in Montana is the Senate contest. The independent candidate, Seth Bodnar, feels like he has a shot at winning the race against a Republican incumbent and a Democrat who is on the ballot but Republicans are favored.

Nevada: Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo is fighting to keep his seat in a state that has been hit hard by economic conditions. Nevada Attorney General Aaron Ford is the Democratic nominee and the race is considered a toss-up.

11 p.m.: California, Idaho, Oregon, Washington

At this point, voters in the Pacific Northwest, California and Idaho are done casting ballots. It could feel like a whole new election night has begun.

California: The state has a new congressional map affecting the state of some House races. In 2025, voters opted to redraw the boundaries in the state in response to President Trump's redistricting battle to secure more safe Republican seats. The decision made the state less competitive for Republicans and the close races have mostly tilted toward Democrats in the final weeks. But in California's Central Valley, there is a true toss-up race. There are also tax-related propositions on California's ballot, including a billionaire tax. California is a slow counting state so races may not be called quickly.

Oregon: Despite Oregon being a solidly blue state, voters are unhappy with the Democratic Gov. Tina Kotek. She faces a closer than expected race against Republican state Sen. Christine Drazan.

12 a.m. ET: Hawaii 

1 a.m. ET: Alaska 

Alaska: The final state to finish voting on Election Day and by this point in the night (early Wednesday morning on the East Coast), people will be eagerly awaiting the first drop of results for the toss-up Senate race. Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan is in a race against Democratic nominee, former Rep. Mary Peltola. But there's been some drama in the contest. There are two Dan Sullivans in the ballet. A recent investigation by the New York Times alleges the Democratic party may have recruited the other Dan Sullivan to run in order to siphon votes from the incumbent Dan Sullivan. Peltola denies any involvement in the alleged scheme.

The governor's race is also competitive, with three Republican candidates on the ballot and one Democrat. That Democrat, Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins, picked up a key endorsement from Alaska's other Republican senator, Lisa Murkowski. The other statewide race, Alaska's at-large congressional seat, is leaning toward Republicans but still less competitive than in past years. A note of caution: Alaska uses ranked choice voting and the results could take weeks — yes, weeks — to be finalized.

Copyright 2026 NPR

Californians are choosing a new insurance commissioner after almost a decade of deadly wildfires that threw the state’s property insurance market into a crisis from which it is still trying to recover.

Two Democrats are competing for the position for the first time. Jane Kim, the former San Francisco supervisor, wants to create a public disaster insurance program. State Sen. Ben Allen says a comprehensive wildfire-mitigation plan is the way to fix what ails insurance in California: availability, especially in areas of high fire risk; and affordability, as insurers raise premiums, citing increasing disaster risk and rising replacement costs.

Almost half of the state’s residents report paying more for home or renters’ insurance than last year, according to a new poll by the Insurance Fairness Project, a national insurance information hub, and Data for Progress.

The commissioner also regulates auto, life, pet and some types of health insurance, as well as workers’ compensation. It’s a wide-ranging position that some experts say requires a “brutal” balancing act.

Allen, whose constituents include Palisades Fire survivors, would bring recent legislative experience in insurance and other related topics, such as utility liability for wildfires.

Kim last held office in 2019, with experience that includes passing the state’s first $15 minimum wage and free community college for San Francisco residents.

An Allen victory would also be a win for the California Democratic Party, which endorsed him, and the varied labor and business advocacy groups that supported him. Business interests also spent millions of dollars supporting him and opposing Kim, including outside political action committees funded by investor-owned utility companies such as Pacific Gas & Electric and Southern California Edison, as well as tech companies and billionaires.

Kim said at a debate last month between the two candidates that she is running “against the status quo.”

A win by Kim would be the latest triumph in the progressive wave and proof of the enduring popularity of the populist message of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, her most famous endorser. Her top direct donors are labor unions. The California Labor Federation endorsed her, and the Working Families Party, the group she used to lead, provided the bulk of outside funding to her campaign.

Kim has acknowledged that launching public disaster insurance would be hard, and could take years. Her plan involves diverting insurance premiums homeowners pay to their insurance companies to a public program that guarantees wildfire coverage. The idea has many critics, including not only the insurance industry but also consumer groups with insurance expertise, which warn of tremendous risk to the state.

Allen said at the debate that Kim’s public insurance plan would not work in California, calling it “unmoored and unresearched.” Kim called his plans more of the same.

Whoever voters choose to replace Commissioner Ricardo Lara will face plenty of challenges in dealing with past disasters as well as preparing for future ones.

The new commissioner will have to hold insurers accountable for paying claims quickly and fairly, as survivors of last year’s Los Angeles County fires continue to deal with insurance delays and denials. Lara’s department has pending actions against State Farm, the biggest individual insurer in the state, and the last-resort FAIR Plan over their handling of claims from the Eaton and Palisades fires.

As California braces for El Niño, insurance will play an important role. The current commissioner, the insurance industry and other experts are urging the state’s residents to protect their properties against flooding and wind damage, and to consider flood insurance.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

To prepare for this year’s election, young people on L.A.’s Eastside have been working with local nonprofit InnerCity Struggle to encourage their neighbors to make their voices heard, educate them about their rights and push for stronger civic participation — at a time when some community members are facing the consequences of immigration enforcement, housing insecurity and other issues. 

The nonprofit, which was founded in 1994, is aiming to restore faith in democracy by hosting voter registration drives at high schools and voter protection workshops, as well as educating local residents on their rights and where and when to cast their ballots. Local teens told Boyle Heights Beat that it’s important to them that Eastsiders get a chance to weigh in on issues affecting their lives.  

“I am tired of seeing our communities get attacked,” said Aholiabama Beltran, a senior at Lincoln High School, who also volunteers for the organization through its youth program. 

She expressed frustration at the immigration enforcement raids happening in Los Angeles in addition to the rising costs of living and the gentrification of her community. “We are living in a time where young people worry about their parents not coming back home after work,” Beltran said. 

Beltran, who is voting for the first time in this election, said voting is one way community members can push back against these challenges and advocate for change.

“My parents always encouraged me to go out and vote, especially since I have a brother who’s unable to go vote due to having a disability. I am not just voting for myself, but for my family, my brother, and the people who might not be able to vote due to their immigration status,” Beltran said.

For InnerCity Struggle, encouraging voter participation is a way to rebuild trust in the political process among residents who feel their communities and concerns have been overlooked by elected officials.

Steven Ortega, the director of youth organizing, said immigration raids, family separations, housing insecurity and challenges facing public education have contributed to a sense of hopelessness among some Eastside residents.

“I feel that people are losing hope because they’re seeing that there’s no point at this moment,” Ortega said.

He said he believes young people can help change that outlook by learning about their rights, understanding what’s on the ballot and encouraging others to participate.

Although U.S. citizens must be at least 18 to vote, California allows eligible 16 and 17-year-olds to preregister, which, Ortega said, gives students an opportunity to get involved before they reach voting age.

In October, InnerCity Struggle held a voter registration drive for students at Roosevelt High School in Boyle Heights, where students were encouraged to either preregister or, if they are 18 or older, register to vote.

Volunteers work at an InnerCity Struggle voter registration information booth at Roosevelt High School.

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Ortega said the hope is to get teenagers activated and ready to accept the “power and privilege” of voting.

“Young people play a really deep role in this,” he said.

According to Ortega, students involved in InnerCity Struggle’s fellowship program received training on voter registration and then led outreach efforts at their schools.

One of the students helping encourage civic participation is Kelly Woo, a junior at Woodrow Wilson High School and president of the school’s United Students Club, a student-led group affiliated with InnerCity Struggle that focuses on civil rights and community advocacy. 

“I realized that if I want to create change … I have to go out of my way to, like, seek it out. It won’t just come to you naturally,” Woo said.

Although she is not yet 18, Woo said she has preregistered to vote and is encouraging her peers to do the same. 

However, Woo said some of her peers question whether their individual votes can really make a difference.

“They feel like … their voice doesn’t matter,” Woo explained. “They’re like … I’m just one person.”

Woo hopes to change that mindset by showing other students that their voices play a role in decisions affecting their neighborhoods. She said she often has conversations with her peers about voting and elections in a democracy, emphasizing that young people need to understand the democratic process now to participate meaningfully in the future. 

A student at Roosevelt High School urges students to preregister to vote by scanning a QR code to the online form.

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InnerCity Struggle has also worked to educate older residents about their voting rights.

On Oct. 16, the nonprofit brought together teenagers, adults and older residents for a voter protection workshop, where information was provided in English and Spanish. At the workshop, California attorney Buddy Norton joined virtually to explain voters’ rights and answer questions from residents. 

Norton discussed laws prohibiting voter intimidation and interference at polling locations, and he shared information about how residents can protect their rights and those of others.

An InnerCity Struggle staff member facilitates a voter registration and voter protection workshop for the local community at the nonprofit’s headquarters.

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At InnerCity Struggle’s Lucha Carnival event on Oct. 26, Woo delivered a speech on the Mariachi Plaza stage, sharing why it is important for the community to go out and vote. 

“As a resident of El Sereno, I have noticed an increase in our local prices, homelessness and a lack of resources for our community,” Woo said. 

She also spoke about watching her immigrant parents struggle and how their experiences have motivated her to advocate for change at school and in her community.

Together, these events have brought students and older residents into conversations about voting, giving young people opportunities to take leadership roles while helping their neighbors better understand their rights.

A student member of InnerCity Struggle’s youth program, the United Students Club.

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As Beltran explained, she wants her peers to recognize the issues facing their community.

“Some students say it doesn’t affect me, so why should I care? But…it affects everyone, even if it doesn’t happen to you, it still affects your neighbor, your mom’s friend, or your friend’s friend,” Beltran said.

This story was produced under The LA Local’s Youth Journalism Program. To learn more or to get involved, click here.