The Brief

Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.

More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, it’s sent to the U.S. Treasury.

Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.

“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”

Why is this happening?

Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.

Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.

Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.

How big is the problem?

Most of the $660 million in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.

The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.

“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.

What's being done about it

A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.

The department distributed about $27 million to nearly 4,000 workers through its Workers Owed Wages program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.

Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.

“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”

Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.

“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”

Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.

To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.

“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”

What's next?

Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.

“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”

Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.

In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s Unpaid Wage Fund had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.

The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.

The 2026 World Cup has ended — after almost six weeks, 104 matches and games spread across three countries: the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Spain is the World Cup champion again, defeating the defending champion Argentina to claim its second title. With the win, Spain holds World Cup titles for both the men's and women's national teams — a first.

Here are the moments that stood out to NPR's team of journalists who covered the tournament:

All the drama before the tournament, and just pure enjoyment once underway

For the most part, the 2026 World Cup was a smooth, fun and safe one.

Sure, the mandatory hydration breaks added for all games (including those in domed stadiums with air conditioning) and a first-ever halftime show in the final were maddening for the soccer purists. But, still, the U.S., Mexico and Canada put on a great show for the world — with record viewership and attendance.

And, wow, were people treated to some remarkable soccer games. Let's not forget the hand-wringing when the announcement was made about expanding the number of countries from 32 to 48. "The quality of play will be poor! There will be blowouts! It just won't be as fun!" And then we all saw what actually happened.
Those World Cup debutants — or those that hadn't been in decades — were just delightful. Scotland (and their wonderful fans), anyone? People from other countries enjoying and exploring the U.S. and posting the absolute best social media videos about it. And what about African countries powering into the knockout rounds? Soccer at its best.
— Russell Lewis

During the World Cup round of 32 match between the United States and Bosnia-Herzegovina, fans of the U.S. roared and cheered throughout in Santa Clara, Calif. The Americans won 2-0 on July 1 to advance to the round of 16 against Belgium.

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The enthusiasm for the U.S. team is hopefully the start of something

I've been to a lot of sporting events, but I'm not sure I've heard a crowd pop like in Seattle when forward Folarin Balogun forced an own goal when the U.S. faced Australia, or like in Santa Clara, Calif., when midfielder Malik Tillman hit the free kick to put the U.S. up 2-0 despite being shorthanded after the Balogun red card.

It's been a joy to see children all over the country, from L.A. to Kansas City to Atlanta to New York, wearing the team's red-and-white striped jerseys. I had friends and family who never normally watch the sport text me during the U.S. games.

Look, I'm not naive. The U.S. still has a long way to go to match the passion of, say, Argentina when it comes to our national soccer teams. But compared to the tiny crowds at other friendlies I've attended, or getting outnumbered by Mexico fans in the Gold Cup final in Houston, this was a great start.

And I'm hopeful that come the next CONCACAF Nations League, which begins this fall, or even the possible Copa América that might be on deck here in the States in 2028, the passion will linger long enough that this story might change.
— Becky Sullivan

The Cape Verde-Argentina game

Cape Verde was an exciting team to watch in this tournament. The narrative was that they came out of nowhere, which is not quite true: yes, this was their first time qualifying for a World Cup, but in African tournaments, Cape Verde has been playing amazing soccer for years.
As someone who follows soccer closely, I think African soccer is having a moment, and we may see it come to full bloom in the 2030 World Cup (hosted in part by Morocco). Vozinha, Cape Verde's extraordinary goalie, was one of the breakout stars of this cup at age 40.

On the other hand, Argentina is a relentless team; they were the defending champions. They have Lionel Messi, a living legend. The game, played in Miami, was a nail-biter: until the last moment, no one knew how it would end.

The fans were wild (there was a moment in the press box when the stadium was shaking so hard, a local journalist turned to me and said, "It never shakes like this." I will never forget that game.
— Jasmine Garsd

Argentina's forward Lionel Messi reacts during the 2026 World Cup final loss against Spain. This is likely Messi's final World Cup game.

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The Argentina team working to decrease cardiac health globally

As someone who has followed the Argentina team for decades, this is nothing new: It is a team notorious for being slow starters, as if they needed to be up against the wall to find their motivation.

They started off the last World Cup, in 2022, with a shocking loss to Saudi Arabia, and then, just as everyone had discounted them, they went on to win the entire tournament.

The matches in this year's World Cup followed a similar pattern: Like against Cape Verde, Argentina seeming to be on standby during the first half, then coming to life in the second.

Another example was Argentina-England, and yet another heart attack special. Argentina seemed to be getting its bearings in the first half of the game. It wasn't until after the 55th minute, when England scored a goal, that Argentina began to awaken and put up a fight. They equalized in the 85th minute, and then scored again in stoppage time to win and advance to the final.

Argentina played the same way in the final, but unlike the previous games, could not find a way to bounce back.

— Jasmine Garsd

Unfortunately, the high ticket prices were justified

From the moment FIFA released the first tickets, our eyes collectively popped at the price of the tickets — what a cash grab! Hundreds of dollars for the seemingly low-demand group stage games, $1,000 or more for each U.S. game, and thousands for Sunday's final.

But the fears of half-empty stadiums, of empty hotels, or visitors turned off by the high prices, never quite came to fruition. I'm sad to report it turns out FIFA was onto something. It turns out the World Cup is very fun and very cool, and many people are willing to pay those prices, whether diehard fans traveling from overseas or curious locals who wanted the experience.

Soccer has long hung its hat on being the most accessible sport to play — all you need is a ball! — but a $10,000 entry price to the final, and hundreds for the cheapest games, are the latest proof that's changing.

— Becky Sullivan

France's forward Kylian Mbappé celebrates scoring a goal against Sweden in a round of 32 match. Mbappé finished the tournament as the Golden Boot winner with 10 goals, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

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Kylian Mbappé's unbelievable speed

It's one thing to watch him play on TV, but when you see him in person, you really understand just how fast French captain Kylian Mbappé is.

I did a little digging after the France-Morocco game near Boston, and found that Mbappé's fastest recorded sprint on a pitch was faster than Jamaican Olympic gold medalist Usain Bolt's average set in his 100m World Record in 2009.

Mbappé's speed was 23.6 miles per hour, recorded in a 2019 match between Paris Saint-Germain and AS Monaco. And that speed helped him win yet another Golden Boot award. His 10 goals were the most in the tournament, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

— Jasmine Garsd

The much-hated VAR

VAR, or video assistant referee, was first introduced at the World Cup in 2018. At the time, fans and teams appreciated it as a way to correct the occasional referee error or missed call. Fast-forward to 2026, and VAR is ubiquitous in almost every game.
At times, the decisions have been accused of being ludicrous: a Colombian goal against Portugal annulled because a toenail was found offside by the VAR.
An Iranian goal against Belgium was wiped away because the striker's butt was offside. There have also been controversial VAR calls, like the questionable foul that led to an Egyptian goal against Argentina being annulled. Argentina won that game and Egypt got knocked out.

Fans also say it's slowing down the game and putting a damper on goal celebrations, lest the great VAR take the moment away.

— Jasmine Garsd

The continued politicizing of the Cup

It's nothing new: The 2018 Russia World Cup was rife with accusations of sportswashing of human rights abuses and FIFA corruption. The 2022 Qatar World Cup faced similar criticism.

During this World Cup, there were critiques of the U.S. government's immigration policy as tens of thousands of foreign tourists tried to enter the country. The U.S.-led war against Iran trickled onto the soccer field, too.

Iran's soccer team had planned to base its training camp in Arizona. But it moved to Tijuana, Mexico, amid security fears and other worries. Then, the U.S. government only allowed Iran's team to enter the country a single day (and, later, two days) before each game, and the team had to depart immediately afterward.

And, of course, the prohibitive cost of tickets, and President Trump's involvement in the tournament. He only attended one game, the final between Argentina and Spain, and was booed. There were also conversations about various teams and their colonial histories.

— Jasmine Garsd

FIFA President Gianni Infantino (L) and President Donald Trump arrive for the final ceremony after the 2026 World Cup final won by Spain over Argentina in East Rutherford, N.J. on July 19, 2026.

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Trump's call to Infantino was an uncomfortable new frontier

The White House's involvement with the red card given to Balogun, the U.S. striker, was an uncomfortable new frontier for U.S. national teams.

It wasn't a surprise, exactly — President Trump has often used sports as a way to score political points. But it was extraordinary for Trump to personally call FIFA president Gianni Infantino to ask for the red card to be reviewed.

Whether his call made a difference in FIFA's decision to allow Balogun to play — FIFA insists it did not — the optics were terrible, and for many fans, it dimmed a summer's worth of enthusiasm for the team.
For days after Trump confirmed reports of his call to Infantino, U.S. Soccer remained silent on the president's involvement. That silence left some fans feeling as though the organization welcomed the White House's intervention.

Then, when asked about it last week — after plenty of time had passed to issue a statement — the head of U.S. Soccer essentially shrugged.

"The president is able to do what the president wants to do. The president is the president of the United States," U.S. Soccer CEO J.T. Batson said. "Obviously we're incredibly grateful for all the support for all of our fans all across the country, wherever they are. And we're excited about that, and we know that that'll pay dividends going forward."

— Becky Sullivan

Fans react at a bar in New York as the USA scores to make it 4-1 against Paraguay in a World Cup group match.

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The World Cup that sparkled and thrilled 

This is the fourth World Cup that I've covered for NPR, and, unlike at the Olympics, the pride in one's country at the World Cup is always so striking.

Fans — young and old — attend the games or show up in the host cities to be around others to cheer on their team. The passion, the fervor and just the sheer love of home.

Seeing tens of thousands of fans in a stadium, a bar, or a watch party and watching them will their country forward believing that anything is possible on the pitch. And sometimes the fans aren't even from any of the countries playing that day.

Soccer is a global sport and a global love. It truly is a treat to see in person.
— Russell Lewis

Want more fútbol in the United States? Major League Soccer has just resumed its season, and is working to capitalize on World Cup fever in the U.S.

NWSL, the National Women's Soccer League and USL Championship are also underway. And the number-two-ranked U.S. Women's National Team is back in action this fall with a pair of tune-up matches against No. 1 Spain — ahead of next year's Women's World Cup in Brazil.
Copyright 2026 NPR

In one big way, Gov. Gavin Newsom is tougher on public employee unions than his Republican counterpart in Texas: Making state workers show up in the office.

After facing strong opposition from workers, it took Texas Gov. Greg Abbott three months to reverse his 2025 ban on remote work for state employees. But Newsom, whose return-to-office mandate has been in effect since July 1, shows no signs of backing down.

It’s a stance that has upset — and at times befuddled — some state workers who are calling for the governor to scrap the four-day-a-week in-office policy as they hammer out new labor agreements.

Typically, they’re allies to the Democratic governor. They helped him fight off a recall in 2021, and they encouraged their members to vote for him against his Republican opponents.

More importantly to them, they maintain they’re just as effective at home, which they say they proved when Newsom ordered them to work from home during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It’s confusing to people when they think that they’ve done a great job to be told, ‘Well we don’t think it’s good enough and you should incur going back into the office,’” said D’Arcy McLeod, chairperson of the Professional Engineers in California Government’s bargaining team.

Roughly 108,000 of California’s more than 245,900 state employees are affected by the mandate, according to the state human resources department. The others generally already are required to work at a specific location five days a week, including prison, firefighting, law enforcement, and custodial employees.

Service Employees International Union Local 1000, California’s largest state worker union, represents 96,000 employees and is in contract negotiations. It argues that remote work saves taxpayers and employees money, reduces traffic and lowers emissions — all without affecting productivity.

Newsom’s mandate allows exemptions on a case-by-case basis, including for those who live 50 miles or farther from their worksite, or who conduct work outside the office, such as telehealth providers and inspectors. Public transportation costs for commuting are also reimbursable.

But that isn’t enough for SEIU, which in May filed an unfair labor practices complaint with the California Public Employment Relations Board. It also threw its support behind a bill that would give state agencies more authority to shape their hybrid work policies.

“A blanket mandate does not work for all the jobs that our workers do,” said Anica Walls, the union’s president. “Let the departments decide.”

California exceptionalism?

States have taken different approaches to calling workers back to the office since the pandemic. Republican-led Nevada and Democratic-led New Mexico require state employees to be in the office five days a week, for example. Utah with a Republican governor wants them at the office twice a week.

But Newsom’s blanket policy appears to be an outlier among other blue states with robust public employee unions: Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Oregon and Washington state still embrace remote work in some capacity. It also differs from Texas, a Republican-led state that Newsom has contrasted with California.

A few months after President Donald Trump began his second term and called for federal employees to return to the office, Abbott banned remote work for Texas state employees. But following a multi-agency survey that found that telework did not curb productivity and helped reduce turnover, Abbott walked back the move.

Newsom “is a man who has talked about the importance of innovation, wrote an entire book about government adapting to technology and providing services in a more cost-effective way,” said Ted Toppin, the executive director of the engineers union.

“It strikes me as interesting and ironic that Texas would have a more modern, flexible and efficient take on state employee telework.”

Despite a state audit that concluded that telework could save California as much as $225 million a year, Newsom moved forward with his March 2025 executive order directing workers back into the office at least four days a week.

In May during a state budget presentation, Newsom told reporters that he is “empathetic to change,” but that returning to the office helps build a sense of community. The governor has also contended that in-person work fosters collaboration, accountability and helps boost small businesses.

McLeod said he’s surprised Newsom remains resolute to the mandate even after the audit found that remote work proved successful during and after the pandemic.

“Every single Newsom appointed official that testified for the state auditor indicated that … the work that was being delivered during telework was substantially of higher quality and more efficient,” said McLeod of the engineers union.

The CalPERS Sacramento Regional Office in downtown Sacramento on July 15, 2026. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters

What unions wanted from Newsom

In some ways the rift echoes labor disputes from California’s last two governors.

Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came out swinging against public employees with unsuccessful ballot measures that were designed to cut their influence. He later imposed unpaid furloughs on public employees during the Great Recession.

Then Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown battled with unions over pensions, passing a law that curbed retirement benefits and required workers to chip in more for their benefits. He had a reputation for being stingy with raises, too.

Public employee unions were optimistic about Newsom. He offered concessions when he asked workers for temporary pay reductions during the pandemic, gave one-time bonuses to many employees and negotiated contracts that often included goodies for workers in hard-to-fill positions even if the deals didn’t please everyone.

Then came the fight over returning to the office.

Besides union leaders, Newsom’s steadfast commitment to in-person work has baffled Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with public employee unions on pension issues. For Newsom, a Democratic politician who is likely eyeing a bid for the presidency, “it’s political malpractice to come across as anti-labor,” said Maviglio.

“The only thing you’ll be able to say is that ‘I stood up to state workers,’ which isn’t particularly helpful in a Democratic primary where labor is the key constituency nationwide for Democrats.”

But for Will Swaim, chief executive of the libertarian think tank California Policy Center, Newsom’s fight with the unions signals something larger than remote work. Rather, it is a “policy disagreement that has turned into a foundational challenge to democracy,” said Swaim.

SEIU 1000 has donated at least $2 million to current members of the Legislature, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. In addition to its contract, the union is pushing for more flexible telework policies through a legislative proposal currently in the state Senate.

Through its campaign donations and labor talks, SEIU is attempting to wrest control from Newsom, a publicly elected official, over who gets to shape policies over government work, according to Swaim.

“That’s simply undemocratic,” said Swaim. “I don’t know anybody out there who believes that in their jobs they could tell their boss, ‘I’m not coming to the office, no matter what you want.’ It just doesn’t fly.”

But bosses should work to accommodate current employees, according to SEIU president Walls — especially if they have presumably bigger ambitions to oversee even more workers.

“As a state employee I would have trouble voting for someone who would be the boss of federal employees when I know he hasn’t shown to be a stellar employer to state employees,” said Walls.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Picture a gigantic, greasy, fried tiramisu. Layers of cream, espresso and lady fingers are deep fried in a thick, sweet batter before being sprinkled with cocoa powder.

This unique treat can only be found right now at the Orange County Fair.

The fair runs through Aug. 16 and in addition to pig races, carnival rides and outdoor music, the big draw is the food — carefully curated creations that test the limits of what’s typical. This year is no different. I was there on opening day, and here’s what I tried:

What’s new at the fair this year, and where you can find it:

One of my favorite new items was the Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe. This treat was sweet and refreshing with the cold ice cream.

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• The Chocolate Chip Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe is a must if you like sweet treats. It’s a cross between a buttery croissant and crispy waffle. Then it’s adorned with vanilla ice cream, chocolate chips, whipped cream and a caramel drizzle. This creation made its way to the States from South Korea, where it’s a beloved street food. 
  
• A French onion bun is an OC Fair exclusive from Ten Pound Buns, which bills itself as the king of cheese breads. The French onion bun combines gooey melted cheese and caramelized onions on a crispy piece of bread. Everything at their stand is made to order, and the portion sizes are very shareable! 

I love peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, but had never taken it to this level before. Highly recommend.

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• The Peanut Butter and Jelly Bacon Cheeseburger from the Philly Cheesesteak stand did not disappoint. Don’t be alarmed by this strange sweet and savory combo; the flavors balance each other out perfectly. The burger comes with crispy bacon, cheese, lettuce, tomato and pickles on top of a beef patty smothered in jelly and peanut butter.  

What else is on the menu?

As a born-and-raised Nebraskan, this was my first time at the OC Fair, and I felt like I needed to try some classics. So, I headed to the OG at the OC Fair, Chicken Charlie’s.

They've been at the OC Fair for 30 years now, and are known for classics like the deep-fried Oreos and new eye-popping inventions. Some of their new concoctions this year include: A fried mangonada — which features fresh mango battered, deep fried and topped with chamoy, lime and Tajin. There's also a Shawarma fry cone, Parmesan garlic fry cone and the fried tiramisu I mentioned.

The treats I tried ranged from $10 and $15 each, but there are some deals to be had. Chicken Charlie’s is offering a $30 anniversary meal deal that includes an entrée, fries, fried Oreos and a drink.

“I love being at the fair,” Charlie Boghosian, creator and owner of Chicken Charlie’s, told me. “I love creating new things, because I think frying is an art.”

Profound words from the person who created items like fried Kool-Aid, bacon-wrapped pickles and a Krispy Kreme chicken sandwich.

More new fair creations and where you can find them at the fair this year:

• Street Corn Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Chili Mac 'n' Cheese Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Street Corn Fries (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Tot-Zilla (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Vegetarian Broc-Star Potato with broccoli (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Dutch Fries with black truffle mayo (Biggy's)
• Dubai Deep-Fried Oreo (Fried Affair)
• Porkapalooza Pizza (Enzo's Pizza)
• Korean Corn Dogs and Cheese Sticks rolled in Takis or buldak ramen (Mustard's)
• Chupacabra Tasti Chips (Tasti Chips)
• Candied drinks dirty beverages (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gluten-free Cheese Curds (Tasti Burger)
• Loaded Tater Kegs (Tasti Burger)
• Pizza Bacon Bombs and Bacon-Wrapped Churro (Bacon Nation)
• Lord of the Rings Dog (Pink's)
• Freeze-dried candy beverages and Candy Blast gummies (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gooey Maple Butter Popcorn Cone (Planet Popcorn)