The Brief

Best friends Fernando Delgado and Josh Lee are still riding the high of seeing both their homelands — Mexico and South Korea — win their opening matches at the 2026 World Cup.

That was the easy part.

Now, their teams are going head-to-head and Delgado is hoping for a miracle, but not in the way you might think.

" A draw would be the ideal case," he says. "Because I think other than that, it's gonna be like, 'Oh man.'"

For all of the rivalries and bad blood that sports can foster, something different is in the air ahead of the Mexico vs. South Korea match on Thursday.

Earlier this month, when South Korea's squad arrived at their hotel in Guadalajara, Mexico, they were welcomed by hundreds of Mexican supporters. On social media, countless videos show fun-loving South Korean tourists partying and enjoying World Cup festivities with locals in Mexico — often with the caption, "Coreano, hermano ya eres Mexicano," meaning "Korean, brother, you are Mexican now."

Fans of South Korean and Mexico celebrate together in Guadalajara, Mexico, after the 2026 World Cup match between South Korea and the Czech Republic on June 11.

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Ivan Arias

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The chant is a callback to the 2018 World Cup, the last time the two nations squared off on the global stage. Eight years later, as El Tri and the Taegeuk Warriors face off once again, fans from both sides are rekindling that brotherly love, adding that it's a reflection of a much deeper affinity between the two communities.

"Since then, this idea of Coreano Hermano has really persisted," Lee says, and "led to this greater appreciation for both national teams and both peoples."

How "Coreano, hermano" began

The camaraderie blossomed after the final matches of the group stage at the 2018 World Cup in Russia. After a shocking loss to Sweden, Mexico's chances of advancing to the next round hinged on South Korea beating the defending champions, Germany. Against all odds, the Asian squad pulled off the upset.

The win wasn't enough for South Korea to move forward in the World Cup. But the team was hailed as champions by grateful Mexican fans. Most famously, in Mexico City, supporters marched to the South Korean Embassy, where they hoisted the consul general, Han Byoung-jin, onto their shoulders.

Ray An, a Korean American from Fresno, Calif., was in Russia for the tournament. He recalls being showered with hugs, cheers and shots of tequila. Although he was initially disappointed by South Korea's early exit, those encounters gave him a new perspective.

"This is so much more than football. This is just so much more than winning and losing," he says. "This is what it's really about, right? Creating core memories with strangers in a foreign land."

Years later, An says the 2018 World Cup continues to be a point of connection whenever he meets someone from Mexico.

" Looking back, I mean maybe in the long run, this is actually a better thing for us to have happened," he says, referring to South Korea's failure to advance.

A picture of Mexico and South Korea's flags.

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Karla Gachet for NPR

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Geopolitically, Mexico and South Korea are growing closer

When diplomatic relations between South Korea and Mexico formally began in 1962, the friendship was a slow burn, according to José Luis León-Manríquez, who teaches East Asian studies at the Metropolitan Autonomous University in Mexico City.

At the time, there was a strong nationalist sentiment in Mexico, León-Manríquez says, which made the country cautious of building ties with U.S. allies such as South Korea. It wasn't until the late 1980s that the two nations made headway, largely through trade and the arrival of Korean factories in Mexico. This also led to a wave of Korean migration to the country, León-Manríquez says.

" After that, links between both countries have increased a lot. Both in political, but especially in cultural and economic terms," he says.

Today, South Korea is one of Mexico's top trading partners. There's also a sizable Koreatown in Mexico City. Further north, the city of Pesquería — home to a Kia Motors manufacturing plant— is nicknamed "Pescorea" to reflect its large Korean community.

Culturally, Mexico has been swept up in the K-wave — which refers to the global craze for South Korean pop culture. In 2025, Mexico ranked fifth among countries that play the most K-pop, according to Spotify.

Jung Kook (center) and Suga (right) from South Korean K-pop band BTS acknowledge fans next to Mexico's President Claudia Sheinbaum from the balcony of the National Palace at Zocalo square in Mexico City on May 6.

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Yuri Cortez

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A friendship on and off the field

Korean and Mexican soccer fans have a number of theories for the warm ties.

Jean Lim Flores, a Korean American from Los Angeles, attributes it to both teams' underdog status. Despite their rich talent, neither have made it past the round of 16 in over 20 years. Most stubbornly, Mexico hasn't played in the quarterfinals since 1986. South Korea's deepest run was in 2002, when it reached the semifinals and placed fourth.

"Neither of our countries have won the World Cup," she says. "It would be exciting to see either Korea or Mexico win."

Her husband, Shon Flores, who is Mexican American, believes both teams have more heated rivals to focus on, like Japan for South Korea or Brazil and the U.S. for Mexico.

Consul General of Mexico Carlos González Gutiérrez (center) and Consul General of South Korea Youngwan Kim attend a match between Mexican clubs Chivas de Guadalajara and Atlas in Los Angeles on March 29.

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The Consulate General of Mexico in Los Angeles

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"I can see a lot of this coming together and closeness between some of the other teams, but I don't know about U.S. vs. Mexico," he says.

Others say the kinship over soccer is simply a reflection of the growing connections that already exist, like in Los Angeles, which is home to the largest Korean and Mexican population in the U.S.

Carlos González Gutiérrez and Youngwan Kim are not only consul generals of Mexico and South Korea based in L.A., but they're good friends, partly through their shared love for soccer. Months ago, the pair made a friendly bet over Thursday's match, which kicks off at 9 p.m. ET. If Mexico loses, González Gutiérrez will gift Kim a bottle of tequila. If the opposite happens, Kim will send over some soju. It's not (entirely) about bragging rights.

" This is a sign of friendship between our two countries," González Gutiérrez told NPR recently, adding that it's a "reflection of what already happens in this city on a daily basis."

Over the past year, in L.A.'s Koreatown, where Latino and Asian Americans make up the majority of the neighborhood, many residents have come together against immigration raids.

Paul "PK" Kim is hoping the World Cup will be a chance to unite over some much needed fun and reprieve. Kim is the marketing director at the Los Angeles Korean Festival Foundation, which is organizing a watch party in the heart of Koreatown on Thursday.

"There's always some awkward tension because everybody's competitive," he says. " The more important thing is being together."

Josh Lee and members of the Los Angeles Football Club's Tigers Supporters Group watch the World Cup match between South Korea and the Czech Republic on June 11.

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<i>Karla Gachet for NPR</i>

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"En las buenas y en las malas"

Best friends Lee and Delgado met at a watch party for a Los Angeles Football Club game in 2018. Now, the two help lead one of the MLS club's supporters groups, Tigers.

Lee says the group often sings a song that goes, "En las buenas y en las malas." That's how he's approaching Thursday's match — although he says he would like to see South Korea beat Mexico once on the global stage.

"In the good and the bad, we're celebrating together," he says.

Bonyub Koo and Mirella Vargas, a Korean American and Mexican American married couple in L.A., will be rooting for opposing teams come Thursday. But in a way, that makes it more fun.

" Once we found out that they were going to play against each other, we were super happy," she says, calling it "a friendly competition."

Mirella Vargas and her husband, Bonyub Koo, watch a soccer match with their dog in Los Angeles on June 11.

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<i>Karla Gachet for NPR</i>

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When the two started dating in 2019, soccer was among the first things they bonded over. Now married, Koo says he's more excited to watch Mexico vs. South Korea than the World Cup final. Given his love for both teams, he can't imagine a scenario where he will come away feeling disappointed.

" Whoever wins, that's my team," he says.

What does the past tell us about the possible outcome on Thursday? Well, the two squads faced off most recently last year at an international friendly in Nashville, Tenn. The final score? 2-2.

Emanuel Hahn, a Korean American photographer based in New York, says he wouldn't be mad if history repeats itself. Hahn, Lee and An are the creators behind the docuseries Korea, Away about the Korean diaspora and their fandom for South Korea's soccer team.

"If we drew with Mexico, I think it would be the ultimate sort of handshake moment," he says. "It's crazy because I don't know if I would say that about any other country."

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The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power officials said crews made significant progress overnight to repair a rupture in a 100-year-old water main in West Hollywood that caused a massive sink hole and severe flooding in the area on Thursday.

Repairs included cutting and removing a 25-foot-long section of the broken pipe and putting a replacement in place.

LADWP officials said the pipe will be repressurized, checked for leaks, and tested for regulatory compliance. It will need to be refilled before street paving.

The department doesn't have a specific completion date for the fix.

Sunset Boulevard between Sherbourne Drive and San Vicente Boulevard is still closed to traffic. Nearby streets have limited access, including at Cynthia and San Vicente, for public safety.

A map of road closures provided by LADWP as of July 18.

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Courtesy LADWP

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Where things stand for local businesses

Dialog Cafe on Holloway Drive said on Instagram on Thursday that the cafe sustained significant damage and didn't know when it can reopen.

And Book Soup reported on social media Saturday that they remained closed. The said they hope to reopen within a few days, noting the "the neighborhood remains inaccessible except to residents."

Republicans are leaning into immigration enforcement as one of their top campaign issues this midterm cycle — despite a rocky start to the year for messaging on the president's top policy.

An NPR analysis of advertisement data from the firm AdImpact shows that when it comes to immigration, Republicans are spending more money and running more ads than Democrats are. The data set includes ads purchased from January through June, before immigration enforcement officers shot and killed people in Maine and Texas this month.

These political ads offer one indication of where each party sees its momentum going with voters, as candidates across the country gear up for the general election in November. The data suggests Republicans see immigration as a winning issue: Since the start of the year, Republicans and their supporting organizations have run nearly 300 ads nationwide that either include a mention of immigration or are solely about immigration. This compares to 62 ads from Democrats and their supporting organizations.

"Republicans stood up for Americans. Democrats sat down for illegals. Thomas Massie sides with these radical-left lunatics," reads one ad funded by the MAGA KY PAC, a political action committee that was set up to defeat Republican Rep. Thomas Massie in the primary. The ad cost over $831,000; Massie, a frequent critic of President Trump, went on to lose his race to Trump-endorsed candidate Ed Gallrein.

Among the most expensive was a $928,000 ad buy in the Michigan governor's race.

"No greater example of waste, fraud, and abuse in Michigan than using our tax dollars to give benefits to illegal immigrants. As governor, I'll be incredibly supportive of ICE coming here and removing these fraudsters," says Republican candidate Perry Johnson, who calls himself a "MAGA Conservative" and has pitched his business approach to running a state.

Immigration was a winning issue for Republicans in the 2024 elections, with themes like increasing border security and reducing crime.

"Campaigns are not trying to change minds. They're trying to shape what the election's about. They're trying to energize the voters they already have," said Cameron Shelton, a professor of political economy at Claremont McKenna College. "If Republicans are investing much more heavily in immigration advertising, one interpretation is that they believe immigration is exactly that kind of [mobilizing] issue in today's electorate."

Immigration and enforcement are among the top issues for both parties

Most of the ads have run during the primary season, which is now more than half over. Since more than 90% of seats up for grabs in gubernatorial, House and Senate races are considered safe for one party or another, the primary campaign has become decisive for many candidates nationwide.

Some Democrats became more vocal on the issue of immigration at the start of 2026, particularly in states that were seeing intense waves of enforcement. Democrats in New Jersey, Illinois and Minnesota, for example, referenced the administration's tactics in their calls to "abolish ICE," or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and argued the administration had gone too far.

The Illinois Future PAC ran two ads, each worth more than $800,000, earlier this year to support Juliana Stratton's stance on abolishing ICE. The current lieutenant governor later won the Illinois Democratic primary for Senate.

But months into the year, Democrats have prioritized other topics, often to differentiate themselves from members of their own party, like on healthcare, while Republicans are keeping immigration-related themes on Americans' screens.

During the primary season, Shelton said, campaigns are testing out the issues they think might matter through the general election.

For both parties, "Donald Trump" is the top subject in TV ad buys, according to data from AdImpact. "Immigration" is the issue with the second-highest spending for Republicans; for Democrats, "ICE" is the third-highest, after "healthcare."

"It's a signal to donors, it's a signal to activists, to interest groups, to local candidates. It helps coordinate a lot of the actors that we think of as the party," Shelton said. "That's another reason why some of these early ads are interesting, because they are signals of the direction that is trying to be set out."

Republicans link top issues to immigration

Between January and June, Republicans outspent Democrats on immigration-related political advertising by about $36 million. Republican ads focused on immigration, which total $53 million in spending, have aired across the country in 88 races and 27 states. Ads for Democratic candidates, which total $17 million, have run in 20 races and 11 states, primarily those that have seen increased immigration enforcement action like California, New York and Illinois.

"Republican candidates have a large menu of issues we are on the right side of that are all very popular amongst voters," said Mike Marinella, national press secretary at the National Republican Congressional Committee. He listed the border, crime and the economy as issues that Republican candidates can connect to immigration.

"Immigration intersects with each of them," he said. "The most effective message depends on the district and how those issues are affecting that particular community," he added.

Zach Lahn, who won the GOP primary bid for Iowa governor, spent about $475,000 on an ad in May that vowed to ban H-1B visa holders from being hired by Iowa government agencies and universities, linking immigration and economic concerns.

Crossings at the border have plummeted since Trump took office. Marinella said candidates are still keeping the issue of border security top of mind for their voters.

A majority of the ads promoting Republican candidates include keywords such as "securing the border" and discuss border wall funding and crime. Some also go a step further to talk about specific proposals supported by the administration, such as limiting commercial driver's licenses and supporting the SAVE America Act, which would require stricter proof of citizenship to vote.

For example, in Florida's 19th congressional district, Jim Oberweis, one of several candidates vying for the GOP seat, spent $880,000 on seven ads that advocated for ending birthright citizenship.

Democrats lean into pro-immigration statements

Ads promoting Democratic candidates, on the other hand, shy away from specific policy proposals. Instead, they include criticism of incumbents for recent votes on bills that have provided funding to immigration officers or expanded the scope of who could be detained. Others focus on personal connections to immigration, proposals to limit enforcement and general pro-immigrant statements.

"Democrats are finding their voice on immigration after a rough few years during the Biden administration," said Frank Sharry, senior fellow at Third Way, a centrist think tank. "I don't think they'll be running a bunch of ads on it. I do think they'll be speaking to the issue and winning the argument, which is more important than whether they run ads on it or not."

A poll from Gallup released in July shows that most Americans think immigration is a good thing, and a majority support some form of pathway to citizenship rather than a blanket deportation policy — though there are sharp differences by party. A majority of Republicans favor hiring more Border Patrol agents, deporting anyone without legal status and banning sanctuary cities.

Republican ads broadcast during Senate races in Ohio, Texas and Alaska and gubernatorial contests in New York and Iowa are already starting to target Democrats. Strategists said this trend suggests how each party may lean into immigration leading up to the November election. But they also caution against reading too much into advertisements to gauge party strategy.

"Back in the day, ads were king. Now you have so many diverse streams of information arriving to people on their phones that it's just not the same," Third Way's Sharry said, noting interviews, debates, and other forms of public statements aren't captured in the ad data.

Copyright 2026 NPR

Making daylight saving time permanent moved a step closer to reality this week, when the House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to pass a measure to eliminate the annual clock-changing ritual.

But some Orthodox Jewish organizations are fighting to prevent the bill from becoming law.

The measure, called the Sunshine Protection Act, passed in a 308-117 vote in the House on Tuesday (July 14). It now heads to the Senate, where its passage is uncertain. President Donald Trump has championed the effort, describing on his Truth Social account moving the clocks forward and back as a "ridiculous, twice yearly production."

If passed, the bill would give Americans an extra hour of sunshine in the evenings during the winter. But it would also push winter sunrises one hour later. That's of concern to Orthodox Jews, who pray three times a day, beginning with the Shacharit morning prayer service, which by tradition cannot begin in the dark.

"The bottom line is, if prayers have to start an hour later that will have a direct effect on people getting to work and on when schools can start," said Rabbi A.D. Motzen, national director of government affairs for Agudath Israel of America, an organization representing U.S. Orthodox Jews.

A constellation of other Orthodox Jewish groups also opposes the measure, including the Orthodox Union and the Coalition for Jewish Values.

In Jewish law, some prayers, such as those in the morning service, can only be said communally, in a quorum of 10 Jewish adults, called a minyan. That requirement means going to synagogue every morning before heading out for work or school and saying prayers, such as the Shema, the central prayer of Jewish life, collectively. The morning service typically lasts 35 minutes but on some occasions can last close to an hour.

"It becomes a communal issue when, for example, a synagogue that has had a morning prayer service for 100 years suddenly does not have a quorum of 10 men who can show up at the prayer time close to 9 o'clock because they have jobs," Motzen said.

Motzen, who works in the Washington, D.C., office of Agudath Israel, said the organization already has the support of Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., who last year objected to fast-tracking the bill.

Orthodox Jews make up only 9% of the estimated 5.8 million Jewish adults in the U.S., according to Pew Research Center. Larger Jewish groups have not publicly taken a position.

Congress has grappled with turning back the clocks many times. In 1974, it tried to abandon clock-switching, but repealed the law a few months later following public outcry. In 2022, the Senate unanimously passed a measure making daylight savings time permanent, but the bill died in the House.

Orthodox Jews are not the only constituencies opposed to the change. Some medical and health advocates argue that the human body's internal clock is better aligned with the sun during standard time rather than daylight saving time. School boards and parents are also concerned about children walking to school in pitch-black conditions during winter mornings.

That latter concern, which Motzen described as a safety issue, is one Orthodox Jews share as well.

Making daylight saving time permanent would make sunrise after 8 a.m. in most parts of the country, and after 9 a.m. in a few select places. For example, according to a list compiled by Agudath Israel, sunrise would take place after 9 a.m., (and as late as 9:13 a.m.) for 55 days a year in South Bend, Indiana. In Detroit, Michigan, sunrise would take place after 9 a.m. for 23 days a year.

Hawaii and most of Arizona abide by standard time year round, as do Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, the U.S. Virgin Islands and the Northern Mariana Islands.

This story was produced through a collaboration between NPR and Religion News Service.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Updated July 18, 2026 at 14:11 PM ET

After Medicaid officials improperly shared data about millions of people in January with immigration officials, ICE then shared that data with the data analytics firm Palantir, according to new court filings. Palantir operates an app called ELITE that is used by ICE agents to show the addresses of noncitizens who may be subject to deportation.

That revelation was made public in a motion filed Thursday by more than 20 Democratic attorneys general who sued the Trump administration last year over its data-sharing agreement between the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and ICE.

Palantir said in a statement to NPR that the dataset in question had been purged.

U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria in California ruled in December that health officials could share with ICE certain details from Medicaid data about immigrants without lawful status from the states that had sued, such as home addresses, dates of birth and immigration status.

Chhabria, who was appointed by former President Obama, then temporarily paused data sharing between CMS and ICE for immigration enforcement purposes in late May after federal officials admitted CMS had shared data with ICE in January that went beyond what the court order allowed. One dataset of refugees in Minnesota included U.S. citizens, and another that was transferred on Jan. 7 contained data of millions of people, including those in the country legally.

ICE was supposed to delete the improperly shared data. Chhabria set a hearing for August to further clarify his order and clear up ambiguity regarding which categories of noncitizens' data could be lawfully shared with ICE.

But in recent days, federal officials have admitted to additional instances of improper data sharing.

In a court filing last week, the Justice Department said that CMS again inadvertently reshared with ICE the dataset with millions of names that CMS had first improperly shared with ICE in January. The government said the error occurred during an effort to share data from states not involved in the lawsuit.

Alberto Briseno, a section chief for ICE's Homeland Security Investigations, wrote in a declaration that ICE personnel deleted the file after it was discovered and it was not used for law enforcement purposes.

Then Briseno revealed that a day later, the agency had done a broader search and discovered that half a dozen users still had a copy of the Jan. 7 dataset.

In that most recent declaration, Briseno said he was not aware of any additional copies of the dataset, but said the recent searches have "highlighted technological difficulties of making a representation that every possible variation of the file has been searched for and located." He added, "ICE will continue to make good faith efforts to delete any copies that may be found in the future."

Meanwhile, the Department of Justice is asking the judge to expand his order to allow ICE to receive data on a broader category of noncitizens – to potentially include all immigrants who are not legal permanent residents, citizens or have another form of permanent status.

"ICE's inability to identify Medicaid records in its possession undercuts any claim that the agency should be entitled to more access to that data," the Democratic attorneys generals wrote in their motion filed late Thursday.

Their motion continued, "Each successive revelation of a violation of the Order makes it more difficult for Plaintiff States to have confidence in Defendants' ability to maintain and secure this data in compliance with the Order, and more difficult for Plaintiff States to communicate assurances to Medicaid providers, enrollees (and their counsel), and the public at large about the privacy and confidentiality of their healthcare data."

Palantir provided the following statement to NPR: "Our customers control their own data and manage access to that data. When Palantir employees are granted access to a customer's dataset, it is solely to help integrate and analyze that data — which is what our software does — not to store it or use it for our own purposes. Palantir can confirm that the dataset in question was purged pursuant to government instruction."

DHS didn't immediately return a request for comment about its transfer of data to Palantir.

According to a declaration filed by California deputy attorney general Anna Rich, when plaintiffs asked what federal officials did to ensure Palantir and other contractors had purged the data, defendants responded that the data had been shared over a Microsoft Teams chat and the shared data was deleted from the chat. Rich shared in her declaration a document turned over in discovery from federal officials that shows a redacted transcript of what appears to be ICE personnel asking Palantir to delete the file.

In an April 30 hearing, Chhabria had warned the federal government would not be able to continue using Medicaid data for deportation efforts if it continued improperly sharing the data of citizens and legal immigrants.

"If the federal government cannot be sufficiently careful then it can't use the information, ok?" Chhabria had said.

Copyright 2026 NPR