The Brief

Almost nine months have passed since the Eaton Fire blazed through neighborhoods of Los Angeles County in January, destroying more than 9,000 buildings and causing an estimated billions of dollars in damages.

Since then, dozens of lawsuits, including two filed by the U.S. Department of Justice, have blamed high power transmission lines managed by the utility company, Southern California Edison, for starting the flames. SoCal Edison acknowledges that its transmission equipment could have been associated with the ignition of a fire that started just after 6 p.m. on Jan. 7, when sparks were spotted near high power lines in Eaton Canyon, in the foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains.

By the end of January, when the fire was finally contained, Altadena was one of the neighborhoods most damaged. Almost all 19 of the people who died in the blaze perished in the neighborhood. But the community is miles away from Eaton Canyon, and satellite imagery shows that the Eaton Fire front didn't cross into the western part of Altadena until after 5 a.m. the next day, according to a report commissioned by the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors.

For months, amongst each other and in groups online, Altadena residents have wondered whether something else might have started fires earlier in their neighborhood. An NPR investigation now reveals that transmission lines were not the only kinds of electrical equipment that caused problems on Jan. 7.

Distribution lines that power individual homes malfunctioned in Altadena as early as 11 a.m., NPR found, and at least one fire linked to a problem with a distribution line started in Altadena hours before the sparks near Eaton Canyon. Throughout that morning and afternoon, firefighters were dispatched to different parts of Altadena to respond to problems with power lines. And although SoCal Edison can prevent the damage electrical fires can cause by shutting off the power that flows through power lines, the utility did not turn the power off to most of the circuits in Altadena on Jan. 7, NPR found.

An aerial view of cleared residential lots, with the San Gabriel Mountains in the background, in Altadena on Aug. 21, just over six months after the Eaton Fire, which claimed 19 lives and destroyed more than 9,000 structures.

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Malfunctions, or "faults," can happen when falling tree limbs or poles touch power lines and trigger voltage drops in the current running through the wires, said Bob Marshall, the CEO of Whisker Labs, a company that collects voltage activity information from grids across the U.S. Electricity jumping into the air in the form of a spark or arc at points of contact can melt metal parts of the electrical infrastructure that can fall to the ground and ignite wildfires.

In the calmer weather days leading up to the wildfires that started on Jan. 7, distribution power lines never malfunctioned more than 18 times across L.A. But on Jan. 7, as winds across the region reached hurricane strength, the distribution lines malfunctioned more than 200 times in the L.A. region, Whisker Labs estimates.

Three of those malfunctions were in Altadena. The first of the three was at 11 a.m on the eastern side of Altadena, well before the Eaton Fire started. Another occurred at 9:38 p.m. in West Altadena, hours before satellite imagery appeared to show the Eaton Fire front arrived in that part of the neighborhood.

More distribution malfunctions could have happened that the Whisker Lab sensors didn't detect, said Marshall. And each malfunction that the sensors did pick up was significant enough to have ignited flames.

"All of those events when we see sharp voltage drops, it's something that's going wrong on the grid," Marshall said. "Most of them likely have an arc or a spark associated with them and they could start a fire."

Meanwhile, all morning and afternoon, firefighters were being dispatched to respond to electrical problems on power lines. On Jan. 7, firefighters were sent to locations in Altadena at least 35 times because of calls that had to do with wires down or arcing, records obtained by NPR from the Los Angeles County Fire Department show. Most of those dispatches — 30 of them — were made before 6 p.m., around when sparks were seen on transmission lines miles away in Eaton Canyon.

When asked to comment, SoCal Edison replied through a representative that "the investigation into the Eaton Fire is ongoing."

The fact that firefighters were dispatched to locations because of problems with power lines doesn't mean there was a fire at each of those places. The dispatch records only log the reason for the dispatch, not the gravity of the situation when firefighters arrived.

But hours before sparks were seen near Eaton Canyon, at least one family saw a fire start on their property following a problem they believe was with distribution lines nearby.

Just after 4 p.m. on Jan. 7, Tom Ware said he noticed the lights flickering on and off inside his house near Catherine Road, a street just west of Lake Avenue, one of the main thoroughfares of the neighborhood.

When Ware went outside to investigate what was causing his electricity to falter, he saw that a ground fire had started in his backyard, near a tall, wooden utility pole and wires that carried power to his home and that of his tenant, whose unit was also on the property. The electrical equipment had sprayed sparks on the ground, Ware said, which started the fire.

"So I grabbed the hose, a couple of hoses, one for me, one for my tenant," said Ware. "And we started to battle that from our side of the fence."

Lea Chazin stands in front of her home in Altadena, which was damaged by the Eaton Fire.

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Their property survived the first fire. But the tenant's unit caught fire two more times within the next 24 hours, Ware said. Flames eventually burned everything inside the walls.

Walking around a pile of debris next to the destroyed unit where her tenant used to stay, Ware's wife, Lea Chazin, said the fires that started on their property devastated their family.

"It was really our future, just to have this house and be able to rent the front house for our retirement, which, of course, we can't do now," said Chazin. "And we don't really think we'll have enough in insurance money to rebuild it."

Preventable problems

There was early evidence that weather conditions were dangerous and the power grid was strained. The National Weather Service issued two red flag alerts for the Altadena area on Jan. 6 and Jan. 7, meaning the wind and weather conditions created "an increased risk of fire danger." On Jan. 7, the agency added an additional rare warning, advising that conditions in Altadena over the next two days were so dangerous that they qualified for the most extreme advance notice that can be issued by the NWS for expected weather hazards. By 8 a.m. that day, the wind gusts swirling at the foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains had reached hurricane strength.

That kind of wind can easily knock tree branches and other electrical equipment into power lines, the sort of activity that can lead to malfunctions on distribution lines. And the distribution lines were already faulting all over L.A.

Utility companies are able to shut power off to the circuits they manage. Cutting off power from flowing through the wires on those circuits prevents voltage drops and the electrical fires they can cause.

SoCal Edison did take some preventative action. At around 3:30 p.m., SoCal Edison shut the electricity off to sections of two of the 12 circuits that power homes in Altadena, according to data SoCal Edison submitted to the California Public Utilities Commission, the state group that monitors utilities. By around 9:46 p.m., SoCal Edison had shut off sections of two more circuits that power Altadena, the L.A. County report shows.

But SoCal Edison left eight circuits in Altadena on as the wildfire spread on Jan. 7, allowing electricity to continue flowing to buildings powered by those lines all day.

Workers work on repairing and restoring power lines on Jan. 13, in Altadena, where the devastating Eaton Fire caused widespread damage.

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Raj Roy, the vice president of Distribution Operations at SoCal Edison, said the utility company carefully examines weather conditions to come to decisions about shutting off power. A company report states the utility also weighs the financial, reliability and safety cost to residents from losing power, which can have consequences for people who rely on electricity to power devices important in emergencies, like cell phones and medical equipment.

"We don't take that decision lightly, it impacts customers. And so we only de-energize when we feel there is warranted fire risk," said Roy. "We care about our communities and honestly, it was such a historic event."

Some residents in Altadena whose homes were destroyed feel the utility company should have done more to protect them.

"You keep telling us that what happened was just unprecedented and that there was nothing they could do," said Marisol Espino, an Altadena resident whose house and family truck were both incinerated in January. "But the majority of us are just not buying it."

It's unclear how much electrical problems on distribution lines contributed to damage caused by wildfires in January. Fires could have been sparked and spread by other causes. Winds created flames up to 200 feet long and sent embers flying up to two miles away, according to the L.A. County report.

But the electrical problems in Altadena may have worsened an already dangerous situation on Jan. 7.

"Additional ignition sources in the neighborhood could be significant in terms of helping the fire to spread and complicating firefighting efforts," said Michael Wara, an attorney at Stanford University who lectures about wildfires.

SoCal Edison increasing rates, despite starting more fires 

SoCal Edison is required to report fires that its equipment starts to state authorities. That data shows that SoCal Edison's infrastructure is igniting more fires than it did a decade ago. In 2024, SoCal Edison's equipment ignited 178 fires, up from 39 in 2014, the company's data shows.

But the utility's 2025 data may be incomplete, NPR found.

Firefighters were dispatched at least 47 times to Altadena during the month of January in response to electrical issues, like wires down or arcing, the Los Angeles County Fire Department data shows. One of those times, during the fire at Catherine Road, NPR confirmed that firefighters helped put out a fire that met most of the criteria for ignitions that are required to be reported by utilities to authorities.

When NPR requested SoCal Edison's list of all ignitions during January that involved its equipment, however, the list the company provided did not document any fires that started in Altadena.

"Appropriate SCE personnel must be made aware of the ignition in order for it to be reported," a SoCal Edison representative responded, after NPR asked why the company did not list the fire on Catherine Road.

The damaged fence where the charred utility pole fell stands between Lea Chazin's home and her neighbor's backyard.

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The destruction the fires caused in January is still front of mind for the residents who lived in Altadena. For months after the fires, construction teams were the only people walking up and down otherwise mostly empty streets. While some businesses and home owners have returned to the neighborhood, many residents remain in temporary housing, unable to move back in until their houses are restored.

That's what happened to the family that lived on Catherine Road. After high levels of toxins were found throughout the tenant unit that burned, the structure was demolished. Tom Ware and Lea Chazin have not yet moved back into their home and have been living in an Airbnb as they battle their insurance company for the money to fix the property.

In July, SoCal Edison announced a program that is expected to start offering direct compensation in the fall to some fire victims that choose to waive their rights to sue the company. But all Altadena residents will soon have to pay more for electricity to SoCal Edison.

But in September, the California Public Utilities Commission granted SoCal Edison permission to charge ratepayers 9% more, starting Oct. 1. The rate hike would cover growing operational and infrastructure costs, SoCal Edison representatives have said.

Some residents resent being asked to pay the utility more when they believe the company is at fault for contributing to fires that burned down their homes.

"It's just so aggravating to me," said Espino. "They just don't want any accountability."

Methodology

Analysis of distribution line faults
Whisker Labs provided data to NPR collected from plug-in sensors that monitor electrical networks in individual homes. The sensors form a network for mapping regional electrical disturbances that originate on the electric utility grid and can detect voltage changes as small as a fraction of a volt.

NPR analyzed Whisker Lab's data between Dec. 27, 2024, and Jan. 8, 2025, from the greater Los Angeles area, identifying events where sensors recorded a change in voltage at the same time. These voltage changes are known as transient faults and are the difference in measured voltage between consecutive readings.

Events were estimated by Whisker Labs to be distribution level if recorded by less than 70% of sensors, or transmission if recorded by 70% or more sensors.

Analysis of LA County Fire Department dispatch logs
NPR analyzed dispatch data from the Los Angeles County Fire Department for the month of January. The information contained responses for ZIP codes 91001 and 91003 and included dispatches resulting from calls received or requests from field units. Data provided did not include "incidents that were handled as part of the Eaton incident," a representative told NPR.
Copyright 2025 NPR

James L. Jones Jr., 69, a self-described “community pastor” and a tireless advocate for Black communities in Los Angeles, was an enthusiastic supporter of Karen Bass’ mayoral bid in 2022, when she made history as the first woman, and first Black woman, to be elected L.A. mayor.

As Bass seeks reelection, Jones is supporting her again. Despite the political turmoil and criticism she has faced during her first term, Jones, known as Reverend JJ, believes she has a plan for Black progress that may not be evident, but is long range and strategic.

“I believe that in my heart of hearts, Karen’s not one of those people who follows polls,” said Jones. “In the end she’ll do what’s right for the people.”

When Angelenos elected Bass four years ago, she seemed like the right person to bridge the ideals of the post-George Floyd era and whatever moment was coming next. She was a seasoned politician — a former state legislator, congresswoman and native Angeleno with a history of grassroots organizing and coalition building in a city that was leaning more progressive.

But in 2022, there was trouble on the horizon. The nation’s Floyd-inspired reexamination of racial equity was losing ground to a growing MAGA backlash that had helped kill a major federal bill to reform policing, among other initiatives. Big blue cities like Los Angeles that had seen big protests for racial justice were being cast as chaotic and ungovernable.

Four years later, the ideals that propelled Bass’ election have taken a beating. Trump’s return to the White House has elevated long-simmering anti-“wokeness” and white resentment into federal policy. And the administration has focused special ire on California and Los Angeles, where Bass is in charge of the nation’s largest city currently led by a Black mayor.

Bass is taking a beating too. As she seeks reelection in the June 2 primary, the mayor is weathering criticism from many sides that she’s done too little about everything, from the homelessness and housing crisis that she made a signature issue to her response to the epic January 2025 wildfire that destroyed thousands of homes in Pacific Palisades, one of the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods.

Despite facing more voter uncertainty this time around, Bass is leading in the polls, with 30% support among likely voters, according to the latest survey by Emerson College Polling/Inside California Politics. While Bass’ support has jumped 10 points since March, she would have to get more than 50% of the vote to avoid a runoff with the other top vote-getter in November.

Her most formidable challengers in the crowded primary are Councilwoman Nithya Raman, a Democratic socialist to Bass’ left who is campaigning on housing affordability and a host of other progressive causes, and Spencer Pratt, a former reality show star with no political experience who skews conservative and touts cleaning up crime and homelessness. A former Bass ally, Raman pledges to do better than the mayor on reducing homelessness and increasing new housing production; Pratt decries corrupt leadership and talks chiefly about making L.A. great again, a la MAGA. Pratt and Raman are polling at 22% and 19%, respectively.

Missing from all the criticism of how Bass has fallen short is how or whether her election has benefited L.A.’s Black community. It’s a population that is rapidly continuing to dwindle — to roughly 8% today from a peak of 18% in 1970 — besieged by gentrification, stratospheric housing costs, underemployment and shrinking political representation, all of it aggravated by the racial hostility emanating from Washington. That norm-shattering phenomenon has tended to eclipse discussion of racial crises happening locally, with good reason. But politics are still local, and many Angelenos who supported Bass in 2022 hoped that electing the second Black mayor in the city’s history would help move the needle on longstanding Black problems dating back to 1992 that have reached yet another inflection point.

But public assessments of Bass by Black leaders the last four years, including this election cycle, have been muted to nonexistent. The exception is Black Lives Matter Grassroots L.A., which has routinely taken her to task for increasing police funding instead of allocating more resources to social and other services — a core part of the post-George Floyd reforms. Observers say the reticence among Black leaders is partly due to the fact that Bass has been so inundated with crises, some not of her making — especially the Palisades fire. The view that Bass committed a fatal mistake by being on a diplomatic trip to Ghana when the fires broke out has more or less defined her politically since.

That’s unfair, said Michael Guynn, a veteran social worker and community activist who lives near Florence and Normandie avenues, a famous site of the 1992 racial unrest.

“I don’t give a damn if she was out of the country — she got back when she could,” Guynn said. “They blamed her for what the fire department was responsible for.”

Then there’s the racism that dogs Black elected officials, women in particular. Pratt, who lost his home in the Palisades fire last year, has invoked Donald Trump-like rhetoric to belittle L.A.’s first Black woman mayor. That includes an official campaign poster that depicts Bass stuffed in a trash can and says “throw out Karen Basura,” the Spanish word for trash, echoing Trump’s disparaging of Somali immigrants — a demographic that includes Minnesota Congresswoman Ilhan Omar — as “garbage.”

But the takedown isn’t only coming from the MAGA right, said Genethia Hudley-Hayes, former president of L.A.’s civilian Fire Commission and a Bass appointee who stepped down in March.

“There’s always the bigotry of, ‘We rallied around this Black woman and she hasn’t performed,’” said Hudley-Hayes. “She’s not a superwoman. That’s part of the ‘I’m mad’ vote in L.A.”

Another hurdle for Bass, Guynn said, is the unrealistic expectation that she would dramatically reduce or even eliminate homelessness.

“She couldn’t get a fair break because of that,” he said, adding that “everybody hates homelessness and wants it to go away, but nobody wants to do the work.”

Homelessness certainly qualifies as a Black concern: 32% of unhoused people in the city are African American, according to the city’s latest count. Bass’ signature program Inside Safe, which seeks to get people off the street and into temporary housing, has made inroads. But the mayor’s efforts have been hampered by what City Hall observers say is a larger problem of messaging, management and oversight. The scandal involving a subcontractor accused of defrauding the city’s homeless services authority of $23 million is a painful reminder of that.

Hudley-Hayes says that it points to the need for the mayor of L.A. to be a skilled executive, a skill that Bass doesn’t have, at least not yet.

“You need collaboration, which is different from coalition building, different from the activism of Community Coalition,” she said, referring to the grassroots South L.A. organization co-founded by Bass.

Deep understanding of the roles of not just the 41 city departments but of bigger entities like the county is essential not just for running the city but for effecting racial justice as well.

“Homelessness is important, but you have to ask, what are the structures that create homelessness? It’s not just a city problem but a regional problem,” said Hudley-Hayes. “Inside Safe is a program, not a strategy.”

But being a better executive wouldn’t automatically guarantee improvements for Black people. Tom Bradley, who was mayor from 1973 to 1993, is venerated both as a coalition builder and astute manager who improved many parts of the city. But he didn’t do enough for L.A.’s Black populace. While the Black middle class flourished during the Bradley years, in part because Black municipal employment flourished, the larger working class and poor in South L.A. did not.

Hudley-Hayes argues the mayor’s lack of accountability to L.A.’s Black population as a whole is longstanding, and not unique to elected officials like Bradley or Bass. Local branches of civil rights groups like the NAACP and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference — which Hudley-Hayes once led — also play a part in accountability, though they have declined notably over the years. But Hudley-Hayes notes that accountability works two ways.

“Black people have individual agency, but we have to exercise it together,” she said. “We have to pool our experience. It means nothing if we don’t demand what we want.”

Even — especially — in these trying times, and in a city with as much possibility as L.A., problems notwithstanding — those demands should still matter.

Copyright Capital & Main 2026

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Walmart will likely put its tariff refunds toward lowering store prices, executives said on Thursday, as they described shoppers who are increasingly anxious about the rising cost of fuel.

In recent weeks, visitors to Walmart's gas stations have begun to fill up with fewer than ten gallons for the first time since 2022, Chief Financial Officer John David Rainey told investors on an earnings call.

"That's an indication of stress," he said.

"We see with our customers that the high-income customer is spending with confidence," Rainey added later, "while the lower-income consumer is more budget-conscious and perhaps navigating financial distress."

The U.S. government last week began refunding tariffs payments to importers that paid higher customs fees imposed by President Trump last year before the Supreme Court struck down most of them. Walmart is now the largest retailer to suggest that it will put those refunds toward potential price cuts.

"We think that the single best return that we can have on a dollar of capital right now is to investment in the customer, invest in price," Rainey said, noting that Walmart's stores and gas stations have been drawing more shoppers looking for deals. U.S. sales grew 4.1% from February through April.

Shoppers' slightly bigger tax refunds this year seem to be offsetting some of the budget pain so far. That's according to rival retailers Home Depot, Target and Lowe's, which also held earnings calls this week. Sales at all three companies grew in the latest quarter.

The latest federal data shows spending at retail stores and online grew 5.2% in April compared to a year earlier, surpassing inflation. That means people may have spent more because of higher prices, but also because they bought more things. At gas stations, spending surged a whopping 21%, driven by higher gas prices.

Walmart executives warned that persistently high gas costs would eventually drive up the prices shoppers see at stores.

The U.S. war with Iran has snarled tanker passage through the Strait of Hormuz, a vital corridor for shipments of both fuel and fertilizer needed to grow food. U.S. inflation already jumped to its highest level in three years in April, with energy prices being a big driver. The average U.S. price of regular gas on Thursday was $4.56 per gallon, according to AAA. That's up $1.38 from a year ago.

So far, major retailers have been absorbing their growing transportation and shipping costs. Walmart on Thursday reported a notable hit to its income from higher fuel expenses. Home Depot executives told investors on Tuesday that the company might use its own tariff refunds to offset its mounting fuel costs.
Copyright 2026 NPR

With less than a month before the 2026 FIFA Men’s World Cup kicks off, soccer fans are scrambling to grab the last remaining tickets.

At the time of publication, there are still some tickets available for the six World Cup games hosted at Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara.

But while the Bay Area hasn’t yet experienced the kind of ticket frenzy seen in other World Cup host cities, prices are still out of reach for many fans — raising concerns about how fans looking for a bargain could fall prey to scams falsely promising far cheaper tickets.

And most recently, the World Cup’s own governing body, FIFA, has drawn scrutiny from California state officials over changes to its ticketing system — following reports from ticketholders who say they have been assigned seats in a different category than advertised when they bought their tickets through FIFA’s own online portal.

“We have laws in California against misleading or deceptive business practices,” said state Attorney General Rob Bonta, who sent a letter to FIFA last week requesting a list of ticket buyers who were assigned seats in a lower category than what they purchased. “We want to learn more from FIFA in order to assess whether what was done was lawful or not.”

Bonta also expressed concern that sky-high prices could deter people from buying a ticket through FIFA’s official website or other verified vendors. Passionate soccer fans, he said, “may go into a site that isn’t as reliable and maybe they get taken advantage of.”

An Adidas FIFA World Cup soccer ball is seen on a FIFA x NFL chair in the Media Center on Feb. 4, 2026 at the Moscone Center in San Francisco.

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So how can you spot a scam when buying a World Cup ticket, or just make sure you get what you pay for?

Keep reading to learn what officials recommend about buying World Cup tickets online and what to do if you already bought a ticket on the official FIFA site but feel that the seat you were assigned does not match what you originally paid for.

And rest assured: there are still plenty of ways to watch the World Cup in the Bay Area for free — or for a fraction of the cost of a Levi’s Stadium ticket, real or fake.

Remember, if something’s too good to be true …

First off: If you’re feeling confused over what a World Cup ticket actually costs, that’s understandable, Santa Clara County Assistant District Attorney James Gibbons-Shapiro said.

For this World Cup, FIFA adopted a pricing system known as “dynamic pricing,” where the cost of a seat changes based on current demand for that specific game.

The 2026 FIFA World Cup winner’s trophy is seen on stage at the Global Citizen NOW event in New York City on May 14, 2026.

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Scammers often promise you “a better deal” if you make the payment using instant payment sites like Zelle, Venmo and Cash App. But fraudsters aren’t trying to save you money with this suggestion: They’re trying to make it easier for themselves to keep your money.

Talking to strangers on a resale or payments site that’s not verified puts you at greater risk of getting ripped off, Gibbons-Shapiro said. “The criminal is simply looking for someone desperate enough to go to the World Cup that they’re willing to send a lot of money right away to a total stranger,” he said.

In other words, he said: “It’s not that the country that you are supporting is going to lose — it’s going to be you that loses.”

How do I know if the World Cup tickets I’m being offered are real?

Scammers have become incredibly good at printing fake tickets that look highly realistic, Gibbons-Shapiro said. So much so, he said, that when sports fans ask him for advice on how to spot a fake ticket, he tells them that he doesn’t have any tips that reliably work — that’s how identical the scam tickets can physically appear.

The real pro tip here, Gibbons-Shapiro said, is “don’t go to the stadium to try to buy a ticket there.”

“Because the great likelihood is that you’re buying a fake ticket,” he said. “You’re not gonna be able to get in, and you’re going to lose all your money.”

Scalpers are actually not permitted on stadium grounds — and reselling tickets near the stadium is a misdemeanor crime in California.

That’s why it’s important to buy your ticket on a third-party ticket resale site that will deliver the ticket directly to you.

Footballs and jerseys are displayed during the opening day of the official 2026 FIFA World Cup merchandising store in Miami Beach, Florida, on May 18, 2026

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Platforms like WhatsApp or Facebook Marketplace usually will not verify if what’s being offered is what’s actually sold.

And even if you’re using reliable third-party sites like SeatGeek or TicketMaster, check the reseller’s refund policy to see whether they offer a guarantee regarding the authenticity and timely arrival of the tickets.

I just got scammed buying a fake World Cup ticket. What can I do?

First of all, make sure to document all your communication with the person who promised to sell you a ticket — and take screenshots of those messages in case they attempt to delete anything from their end of the conversation.

If you were scammed online or over the phone:

You can then report the situation to your local police department, as the city where you live is defined as where the crime took place.

If you bought the fake ticket in person from a scalper: 

Contact the police department of the city where the transaction took place. “If that happened right outside the stadium, that would be Santa Clara Police Department,” Gibbons-Shapiro said.

You can also file a complaint with the California Attorney General’s office or the Better Business Bureau.

Gibbons-Shapiro said his office is ready to prosecute anyone who tricks others into buying fake World Cup tickets, adding that he would consider that to be a felony.

“We have robust teams for consumer protection and theft enforcement,” he said. “We’re going to prosecute the scammers.”

I bought a ticket on the FIFA website, and I think I got seated in a different place than what I paid for.

If you bought your ticket from the online FIFA purchasing portal during the initial sales phase last October, Attorney General Bonta recommends that you keep a record of everything from that purchase. This could include, he said, “images of the map they were shown and the original receipt for the ticket that they purchased and what it says, and the existing ticket that they have.”

You can also contact Bonta’s office to share your experience.

Bonta told KQED his office is still investigating what happened during this initial ticketing phase and hopes that FIFA provides the information he has requested by the May 29 deadline. “And if they don’t, we can ratchet up the level of severity here,” he said.

California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks at a news conference in front of the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco on Thursday, Nov. 7, 2024. (

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“It’s not something that we want to do, but we always have an ability to send civil investigative demands or subpoenas,” Bonta said.

FIFA did not respond to a request for comment from KQED. However, the organization has told other media outlets that the initial maps consumers saw last year were meant to “provide guidance rather than the exact seat layout,” and seating arrangements could be subject to change — as happened when the organization introduced new seating categories in later phases of ticket sales.

But that could potentially be in violation of California law, Bonta said.

“The law in California is that businesses and organizations cannot justify misleading practices by pointing to the fine print or other terms that an everyday reasonable consumer would not have seen or understood,” he said. “If you’re told something, then you’re entitled to rely on the representation and to trust what you were told.”

The attorney general’s office could seek some civil penalty if its investigation concludes that the rights of California consumers were indeed violated, Bonta said. “Then we could help those individuals get the ticket that they actually purchased, not the one that they received after they were misled.”

But the investigation is still ongoing, he said.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

At the five-point intersection connecting Boyle Heights and East LA, one Memorial Day tradition has brought the communities together for 80 years.

The Memorial Day tribute at the Mexican American All Wars Memorial returns Monday, giving veterans and their families a space to honor service members of Mexican descent who died in war.

The event kicks off with a 24-hour vigil starting at 10 a.m. Sunday, when veterans will stand guard through the night ahead of Monday’s annual event.

“Memorial Day in Boyle Heights and East LA is way different than any other memorial or ceremony because there were a lot of men and women who went to World War II and Vietnam from this area,” said Joe Diaz, a co-organizer for the event.

Elected officials, including LA County Supervisor Hilda Solis, Senator Maria Elena Durazo and Council District 14 Councilmember Ysabel Jurado, are set to give remarks. LA Mayor Karen Bass is also expected to attend. 

LAPD officer and military veteran Kioni Smith is set to be the keynote speaker. A flyover from the Los Angeles Police Department Air Support Division and a colorguard performance are also scheduled. 

Cinco Puntos was the starting location of the first Chicano Moratorium, a march in protest of the Vietnam War on December 20, 1969, according to the Los Angeles Conservancy. The war memorial pays tribute to the strong presence of the veteran community on the Eastside, the L.A. Conservancy adds. 

Event Details:

The 80th Memorial Day ceremony at the Mexican-American All Wars Memorial in Boyle Heights.

Location: 3300 E. Cesar E. Chavez Avenue

Time: 10 to 11 a.m.