The Brief

The water shortage crisis on the Colorado River is improving, but it’s far from over.

That was the message from the Biden administration on Tuesday, as officials announced they would loosen water restrictions on the river in 2024. Thanks to robust winter snowpack that provided about 33% more moisture than the average year, the water levels in the riverʻs two main reservoirs have begun to stabilize after plummeting over three years. This has lessened the need for states in the Southwest to cut their water usage.

The total cuts will be about 20% lighter than they were last year, requiring three Southwest states and Mexico to save around 600,000 acre-feet of water — enough to supply roughly 1.2 million homes.

Some restrictions remain

Even so, the administration left some mandatory restrictions in place to account for the fact that the reservoirs, Lake Mead and Lake Powell, are still emptier than they have been at almost any point in history. That’s due in large part to a millennium-scale drought that researchers believe was made much more likely by climate change. And even as federal officials eased up on mandatory restrictions, they were also preparing to dole out billions of dollars to the region’s farmers and cities in an effort to further reduce water usage on the river.

“The above-average precipitation this year was a welcome relief,” said Camille Calimlim Touton, the commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, the federal agency that oversees the river, in a press release. “We have the time to focus on the long-term sustainability solutions needed in the Colorado River Basin.”

During the past three years, as the Colorado River has dried up, the federal government has used the elevation of Lake Mead as a benchmark to determine what restrictions it needs to impose on Arizona, Nevada, and California, the three states in what’s known as the riverʻs “Lower Basin,” as well as Mexico. In practice, the state that has suffered the most under this system is Arizona, which has junior rights to the river as a result of a compromise it made in the 1960s to secure funding for canal infrastructure; it has borne almost all the early cuts.

What it means for farmers

The Biden administrationʻs announcement this week, which will move the river from a “Tier 2a” shortage back down to a “Tier 1” shortage, should give Arizona cotton farmers and Phoenix-area cities a little more breathing room next year. But the river’s long-term prognosis means that it may not be wise for farmers to start planting more fields, or for cities to keep adding new golf courses and lawns.

“I’d say it’s probably not going to help that situation much,” said Paco Ollerton, a farmer who grows cotton and other crops outside the city of Casa Grande, south of Phoenix. “The acreage has dropped quite a bit. We’re probably about 25% fallow in the district this year.” The easing of drought restrictions might help some farmers increase their acreage, Ollerton added, but many will hold off on replanting because they’re wary of future cuts.

Even as the Biden administration sets a more relaxed standard for 2024, officials are preparing to roll out a larger series of water cuts that will last for the next three years. These bigger cuts, which the administration hopes will lift the river out of the drought-induced crisis of the past few years, were the result of a hard-fought compromise between the seven states that use the river — and in particular between the two largest users, Arizona and California.

The announcement of the compromise plan in May brought an end to a year of tense negotiations between the states and the Biden administration, triggered by unprecedented fears that Lake Powell and Lake Mead would bottom out altogether. In that doomsday scenario, hydroelectric plants that provide power to millions of people would have shut down, and water might not have been able to move past the reservoirs at all. The compromise plan uses about $1.5 billion in drought funding from the Inflation Reduction Act to compensate farmers and cities for using less water over the next three years.

This was a welcome outcome for farmers in places like Imperial County, California, who had expected to take uncompensated water cuts for the first time in history, as well as for city leaders in Arizona, who had stood to lose a huge share of their Colorado River water during the negotiations. The compromise was only possible because of this year’s wet winter, which deposited enough snow to prop up water levels in Lake Powell and Lake Mead. With reservoirs recovering, the states could get away with more modest cuts — and pay for them with money that Senator Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona secured within the Inflation Reduction Act last year.

What's next?

Even so, the compromise leaves several questions unanswered. The biggest question is how the states can reduce usage over the long term to account for the gradual aridification of the river. Farmers and cities can save water through techniques like drip irrigation or wastewater recycling, but these technologies are expensive to implement. In all likelihood, some places will have to farm less or build fewer houses. Furthermore, many tribal nations along the river still can’t access the water to which they have legal rights, and satisfying those rights could mean taking water away from other non-tribal users.

The federal government needs to hash out answers to these questions with states and tribes by the end of 2026, when the current operating guidelines for the river will expire. The Biden administration already kicked off that process last month when it asked stakeholders to weigh in on the river’s future. The negotiations won’t kick off in earnest for months or even years, but the administration’s goal is clear: Avoid a repeat of the past yearʻs crisis at all costs.

Southern California air quality officials have given Lineage LLC a deadline of Tuesday to present a plan to mitigate the odors of decomposing food at the company’s Boyle Heights warehouse. The move comes after residents filed more than 900 complaints of “rotten, sour, garbage-type smells” last week.

The rotting food is a result of last month’s fire at the Lineage cold-storage warehouse, which burned for a week and spewed acrid smoke around L.A., inundating Boyle Heights and surrounding neighborhoods.

The deadline, which marked an escalation in enforcement tactics, was in a demand letter from the South Coast Air Quality Management District, the agency tasked with maintaining air quality in Southern California. In a statement issued Friday, the agency said it has worked with Lineage for weeks to recommend ways for the company to lessen the spread of odors, but “the company has not yet incorporated several key actions.”

South Coast AQMD outlined more than 20 steps for Lineage to take to comply with state law on public nuisances, such as requiring them to apply odor neutralizer to food waste and trucks containing it, requiring coverings for parked trucks loaded with food waste, and notifying the community of any activities that may increase odors.

For its part, Lineage reports that it has been attempting to mitigate the rancid smells coming from its warehouse as it hauls away dozens of truckloads of waste.

“We are using a variety of approaches to minimize the effects, including: physical barriers (StormWrapper), applying a bleach solution in and around the building, running mist deodorizing systems around the site, and applying deodorizers directly to the debris to reduce odors as much as possible during that period,” Lineage’s website reads. “It will get better as the cleanup progresses.”

The demand letter sent to Lineage also notified the company that South Coast AQMD planned to start a process that could lead to the company being fined or sued.

LAist has reached out to Lineage and South Coast AQMD to determine if Lineage has presented the agency with its plan to put the additional odor controls in place but had not received a response before publication.

About South Coast AQMD’s notices

South Coast AQMD has issued notices of violation to Lineage for at least seven consecutive days, starting July 12, for “discharging such quantities of air contaminants to cause injury, detriment, nuisance or annoyance to a considerable number of persons.”

Though South Coast AQMD has not announced if it has levied any fines on Lineage yet, it has a formal process in place to resolve the notices of violations it has issued. Any fines would then be collected by the state.

According to the South Coast AQMD, violators of state air quality regulations face a sliding scale of penalties depending on the severity. The base civil penalties range from $5,000 per day for a simple violation to $75,000 daily if a person “willfully and intentionally emits an air contaminant” in violation of state law. Those penalties could be $100,000 or more if the contaminants are found to have harmed anyone.

South Coast AQMD has not yet announced litigation against Lineage, though it mentioned the possibility of a civil suit in statements released last week.

UCLA environmental health professor Yoshira Ornelas Van Horne said that criminal cases against companies responsible for air contamination are more difficult to bring to trial compared to other forms of accountability.

Prosecutors “have to show that they intentionally were doing something bad, and that they knew that they were doing this, and they still kept doing it,” Ornelas Van Horne said. “So most of the time, the legal pathway is through these penalties and civil lawsuits — if at all — to bring them into compliance.”

Another ongoing question is whether the warehouse continues to be a source of air pollutants. A tracker on Lineage’s website shows that on July 15 and 17, the most recently reported days, the air quality was within EPA guidelines for all contaminants measured, including carbon monoxide and ammonia. (You can see AQMD’s measurements here.)

Smoke from the Boyle Heights warehouse fire could be seen for miles in June. This image was captured June 20 on the 110/105 Freeway interchange.

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Ornelas Van Horne, who studies the impact of pollutants on marginalized communities, said that Lineage was using benchmarks that were meant for acute exposure to contaminants, which the EPA defines as under 14 days. Since it’s now been over a month since the warehouse caught fire, she said it’s important to reevaluate how appropriate the guidelines for acute exposure are in this situation.

“What they're measuring is in concentrations of what we'd call PPM,” parts per million, Ornelas Van Horne said. “But as we move toward … longer time periods, those levels actually go down to PPB [parts per billion], and so that's super important to emphasize.”

Other local agencies’ oversight

Though South Coast AQMD has taken the lead on penalties and enforcement so far, other agencies can also step in — though they are limited by law and jurisdiction in terms of what and when they can do it.

On July 1, the L.A. Department of Building and Safety ordered Lineage to remove all of the estimated 85 million pounds of spoiling food waste from the warehouse within 45 days.

If Lineage is found not to be in compliance by the deadline, the Department of Building and Safety can then hire contractors to remove waste and harmful materials and even demolish the building, among other actions, according to a June 29 executive order from L.A. Mayor Karen Bass.

The cost of these services, plus a 40% surcharge, would then be “placed as a lien on the property upon which the nuisances exist.”

In the same executive order, Mayor Bass committed to recovering the costs of its firefighting efforts, remediation, administrative overhead costs and community recovery centers from “all responsible parties.”

But city leaders have indicated they’re not happy with that timeline. Bass said in an interview with LAist media partner CBS LA that despite her original 45-day deadline, “these odors are so severe they need to move faster than that.”

The L.A. County Department of Public Health told LAist it has looked into issues involving flies and other potential health issues in and near the warehouse, including “increased fly activity, decaying organic waste odors, and sanitation concerns.”

Public health officials have issued their own notice to abate these issues on July 15, after an investigation that found violations of Los Angeles County code related to fly breeding.

The Department of Public Health also said that the city of Los Angeles and Lineage had been directed to develop a pest control plan after reports of rats, flies and other insects. Bass' office said L.A.'s sanitation department placed and is monitoring "about 250 rodent control stations around the facility and in the neighborhood." It also said the city has hired a pest control company.

LAist has reached out to Lineage for further comment on their vermin control plans.

“Removing [the food waste] safely takes time and requires specialized contractors,” Lineage’s website reads. “We are required to follow strict environmental and safety protocols set by the City of Los Angeles and [South Coast Air Quality Management District]. We have cleanup crews working around the clock, and we are pushing to move faster wherever we safely can.”

Still, the company will indeed have to pick up the pace in order to meet the city’s mid-August deadline. An estimated 3.5% of the total food waste — 1,506 tons — has been cleared out to date. Between July 15 and July 20, Lineage cleared out 695 tons of spoiled food, an average of 139 tons per day, according to data released by the company. At that pace, the company will have removed about 10.1% of the estimated 85 million pounds of food waste by Aug. 15. LAist has asked Lineage about the pace of cleanup and will update this article when the company responds.

Lineage Chief Operations Officer Jeff Rivera said at a July 9 community meeting that he was confident Lineage was on track to remove all waste by the city’s deadline.

“The mayor put an aggressive 45-day schedule, and we’re going to beat that,” Rivera said.

“We’re doing everything in our power to beat that.”

The waste is being hauled away by trucks that can hold 20 tons at once. And Ornelas Van Horne of UCLA said beyond the smells of the material they’re holding, these trucks may pose health concerns of their own, similar to those near warehouses across L.A. County and the Inland Empire.

“Obviously the cleanup is necessary, right? But with the cleanup comes things like additional diesel trucks coming into the community,” Ornelas Van Horne said. “We have a lot of documented evidence that diesel particulate matter is harmful to health, and so I think that particularly is an additional concern.”

The 2026 World Cup has ended — after almost six weeks, 104 matches and games spread across three countries: the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Spain is the World Cup champion again, defeating the defending champion Argentina to claim its second title. With the win, Spain holds World Cup titles for both the men's and women's national teams — a first.

Here are the moments that stood out to NPR's team of journalists who covered the tournament:

All the drama before the tournament, and just pure enjoyment once underway

For the most part, the 2026 World Cup was a smooth, fun and safe one.

Sure, the mandatory hydration breaks added for all games (including those in domed stadiums with air conditioning) and a first-ever halftime show in the final were maddening for the soccer purists. But, still, the U.S., Mexico and Canada put on a great show for the world — with record viewership and attendance.

And, wow, were people treated to some remarkable soccer games. Let's not forget the hand-wringing when the announcement was made about expanding the number of countries from 32 to 48. "The quality of play will be poor! There will be blowouts! It just won't be as fun!" And then we all saw what actually happened.
Those World Cup debutants — or those that hadn't been in decades — were just delightful. Scotland (and their wonderful fans), anyone? People from other countries enjoying and exploring the U.S. and posting the absolute best social media videos about it. And what about African countries powering into the knockout rounds? Soccer at its best.
— Russell Lewis

During the World Cup round of 32 match between the United States and Bosnia-Herzegovina, fans of the U.S. roared and cheered throughout in Santa Clara, Calif. The Americans won 2-0 on July 1 to advance to the round of 16 against Belgium.

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The enthusiasm for the U.S. team is hopefully the start of something

I've been to a lot of sporting events, but I'm not sure I've heard a crowd pop like in Seattle when forward Folarin Balogun forced an own goal when the U.S. faced Australia, or like in Santa Clara, Calif., when midfielder Malik Tillman hit the free kick to put the U.S. up 2-0 despite being shorthanded after the Balogun red card.

It's been a joy to see children all over the country, from L.A. to Kansas City to Atlanta to New York, wearing the team's red-and-white striped jerseys. I had friends and family who never normally watch the sport text me during the U.S. games.

Look, I'm not naive. The U.S. still has a long way to go to match the passion of, say, Argentina when it comes to our national soccer teams. But compared to the tiny crowds at other friendlies I've attended, or getting outnumbered by Mexico fans in the Gold Cup final in Houston, this was a great start.

And I'm hopeful that come the next CONCACAF Nations League, which begins this fall, or even the possible Copa América that might be on deck here in the States in 2028, the passion will linger long enough that this story might change.
— Becky Sullivan

The Cape Verde-Argentina game

Cape Verde was an exciting team to watch in this tournament. The narrative was that they came out of nowhere, which is not quite true: yes, this was their first time qualifying for a World Cup, but in African tournaments, Cape Verde has been playing amazing soccer for years.
As someone who follows soccer closely, I think African soccer is having a moment, and we may see it come to full bloom in the 2030 World Cup (hosted in part by Morocco). Vozinha, Cape Verde's extraordinary goalie, was one of the breakout stars of this cup at age 40.

On the other hand, Argentina is a relentless team; they were the defending champions. They have Lionel Messi, a living legend. The game, played in Miami, was a nail-biter: until the last moment, no one knew how it would end.

The fans were wild (there was a moment in the press box when the stadium was shaking so hard, a local journalist turned to me and said, "It never shakes like this." I will never forget that game.
— Jasmine Garsd

Argentina's forward Lionel Messi reacts during the 2026 World Cup final loss against Spain. This is likely Messi's final World Cup game.

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The Argentina team working to decrease cardiac health globally

As someone who has followed the Argentina team for decades, this is nothing new: It is a team notorious for being slow starters, as if they needed to be up against the wall to find their motivation.

They started off the last World Cup, in 2022, with a shocking loss to Saudi Arabia, and then, just as everyone had discounted them, they went on to win the entire tournament.

The matches in this year's World Cup followed a similar pattern: Like against Cape Verde, Argentina seeming to be on standby during the first half, then coming to life in the second.

Another example was Argentina-England, and yet another heart attack special. Argentina seemed to be getting its bearings in the first half of the game. It wasn't until after the 55th minute, when England scored a goal, that Argentina began to awaken and put up a fight. They equalized in the 85th minute, and then scored again in stoppage time to win and advance to the final.

Argentina played the same way in the final, but unlike the previous games, could not find a way to bounce back.

— Jasmine Garsd

Unfortunately, the high ticket prices were justified

From the moment FIFA released the first tickets, our eyes collectively popped at the price of the tickets — what a cash grab! Hundreds of dollars for the seemingly low-demand group stage games, $1,000 or more for each U.S. game, and thousands for Sunday's final.

But the fears of half-empty stadiums, of empty hotels, or visitors turned off by the high prices, never quite came to fruition. I'm sad to report it turns out FIFA was onto something. It turns out the World Cup is very fun and very cool, and many people are willing to pay those prices, whether diehard fans traveling from overseas or curious locals who wanted the experience.

Soccer has long hung its hat on being the most accessible sport to play — all you need is a ball! — but a $10,000 entry price to the final, and hundreds for the cheapest games, are the latest proof that's changing.

— Becky Sullivan

France's forward Kylian Mbappé celebrates scoring a goal against Sweden in a round of 32 match. Mbappé finished the tournament as the Golden Boot winner with 10 goals, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

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Kylian Mbappé's unbelievable speed

It's one thing to watch him play on TV, but when you see him in person, you really understand just how fast French captain Kylian Mbappé is.

I did a little digging after the France-Morocco game near Boston, and found that Mbappé's fastest recorded sprint on a pitch was faster than Jamaican Olympic gold medalist Usain Bolt's average set in his 100m World Record in 2009.

Mbappé's speed was 23.6 miles per hour, recorded in a 2019 match between Paris Saint-Germain and AS Monaco. And that speed helped him win yet another Golden Boot award. His 10 goals were the most in the tournament, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

— Jasmine Garsd

The much-hated VAR

VAR, or video assistant referee, was first introduced at the World Cup in 2018. At the time, fans and teams appreciated it as a way to correct the occasional referee error or missed call. Fast-forward to 2026, and VAR is ubiquitous in almost every game.
At times, the decisions have been accused of being ludicrous: a Colombian goal against Portugal annulled because a toenail was found offside by the VAR.
An Iranian goal against Belgium was wiped away because the striker's butt was offside. There have also been controversial VAR calls, like the questionable foul that led to an Egyptian goal against Argentina being annulled. Argentina won that game and Egypt got knocked out.

Fans also say it's slowing down the game and putting a damper on goal celebrations, lest the great VAR take the moment away.

— Jasmine Garsd

The continued politicizing of the Cup

It's nothing new: The 2018 Russia World Cup was rife with accusations of sportswashing of human rights abuses and FIFA corruption. The 2022 Qatar World Cup faced similar criticism.

During this World Cup, there were critiques of the U.S. government's immigration policy as tens of thousands of foreign tourists tried to enter the country. The U.S.-led war against Iran trickled onto the soccer field, too.

Iran's soccer team had planned to base its training camp in Arizona. But it moved to Tijuana, Mexico, amid security fears and other worries. Then, the U.S. government only allowed Iran's team to enter the country a single day (and, later, two days) before each game, and the team had to depart immediately afterward.

And, of course, the prohibitive cost of tickets, and President Trump's involvement in the tournament. He only attended one game, the final between Argentina and Spain, and was booed. There were also conversations about various teams and their colonial histories.

— Jasmine Garsd

FIFA President Gianni Infantino (L) and President Donald Trump arrive for the final ceremony after the 2026 World Cup final won by Spain over Argentina in East Rutherford, N.J. on July 19, 2026.

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Trump's call to Infantino was an uncomfortable new frontier

The White House's involvement with the red card given to Balogun, the U.S. striker, was an uncomfortable new frontier for U.S. national teams.

It wasn't a surprise, exactly — President Trump has often used sports as a way to score political points. But it was extraordinary for Trump to personally call FIFA president Gianni Infantino to ask for the red card to be reviewed.

Whether his call made a difference in FIFA's decision to allow Balogun to play — FIFA insists it did not — the optics were terrible, and for many fans, it dimmed a summer's worth of enthusiasm for the team.
For days after Trump confirmed reports of his call to Infantino, U.S. Soccer remained silent on the president's involvement. That silence left some fans feeling as though the organization welcomed the White House's intervention.

Then, when asked about it last week — after plenty of time had passed to issue a statement — the head of U.S. Soccer essentially shrugged.

"The president is able to do what the president wants to do. The president is the president of the United States," U.S. Soccer CEO J.T. Batson said. "Obviously we're incredibly grateful for all the support for all of our fans all across the country, wherever they are. And we're excited about that, and we know that that'll pay dividends going forward."

— Becky Sullivan

Fans react at a bar in New York as the USA scores to make it 4-1 against Paraguay in a World Cup group match.

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The World Cup that sparkled and thrilled 

This is the fourth World Cup that I've covered for NPR, and, unlike at the Olympics, the pride in one's country at the World Cup is always so striking.

Fans — young and old — attend the games or show up in the host cities to be around others to cheer on their team. The passion, the fervor and just the sheer love of home.

Seeing tens of thousands of fans in a stadium, a bar, or a watch party and watching them will their country forward believing that anything is possible on the pitch. And sometimes the fans aren't even from any of the countries playing that day.

Soccer is a global sport and a global love. It truly is a treat to see in person.
— Russell Lewis

Want more fútbol in the United States? Major League Soccer has just resumed its season, and is working to capitalize on World Cup fever in the U.S.

NWSL, the National Women's Soccer League and USL Championship are also underway. And the number-two-ranked U.S. Women's National Team is back in action this fall with a pair of tune-up matches against No. 1 Spain — ahead of next year's Women's World Cup in Brazil.
Copyright 2026 NPR

In one big way, Gov. Gavin Newsom is tougher on public employee unions than his Republican counterpart in Texas: Making state workers show up in the office.

After facing strong opposition from workers, it took Texas Gov. Greg Abbott three months to reverse his 2025 ban on remote work for state employees. But Newsom, whose return-to-office mandate has been in effect since July 1, shows no signs of backing down.

It’s a stance that has upset — and at times befuddled — some state workers who are calling for the governor to scrap the four-day-a-week in-office policy as they hammer out new labor agreements.

Typically, they’re allies to the Democratic governor. They helped him fight off a recall in 2021, and they encouraged their members to vote for him against his Republican opponents.

More importantly to them, they maintain they’re just as effective at home, which they say they proved when Newsom ordered them to work from home during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It’s confusing to people when they think that they’ve done a great job to be told, ‘Well we don’t think it’s good enough and you should incur going back into the office,’” said D’Arcy McLeod, chairperson of the Professional Engineers in California Government’s bargaining team.

Roughly 108,000 of California’s more than 245,900 state employees are affected by the mandate, according to the state human resources department. The others generally already are required to work at a specific location five days a week, including prison, firefighting, law enforcement, and custodial employees.

Service Employees International Union Local 1000, California’s largest state worker union, represents 96,000 employees and is in contract negotiations. It argues that remote work saves taxpayers and employees money, reduces traffic and lowers emissions — all without affecting productivity.

Newsom’s mandate allows exemptions on a case-by-case basis, including for those who live 50 miles or farther from their worksite, or who conduct work outside the office, such as telehealth providers and inspectors. Public transportation costs for commuting are also reimbursable.

But that isn’t enough for SEIU, which in May filed an unfair labor practices complaint with the California Public Employment Relations Board. It also threw its support behind a bill that would give state agencies more authority to shape their hybrid work policies.

“A blanket mandate does not work for all the jobs that our workers do,” said Anica Walls, the union’s president. “Let the departments decide.”

California exceptionalism?

States have taken different approaches to calling workers back to the office since the pandemic. Republican-led Nevada and Democratic-led New Mexico require state employees to be in the office five days a week, for example. Utah with a Republican governor wants them at the office twice a week.

But Newsom’s blanket policy appears to be an outlier among other blue states with robust public employee unions: Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Oregon and Washington state still embrace remote work in some capacity. It also differs from Texas, a Republican-led state that Newsom has contrasted with California.

A few months after President Donald Trump began his second term and called for federal employees to return to the office, Abbott banned remote work for Texas state employees. But following a multi-agency survey that found that telework did not curb productivity and helped reduce turnover, Abbott walked back the move.

Newsom “is a man who has talked about the importance of innovation, wrote an entire book about government adapting to technology and providing services in a more cost-effective way,” said Ted Toppin, the executive director of the engineers union.

“It strikes me as interesting and ironic that Texas would have a more modern, flexible and efficient take on state employee telework.”

Despite a state audit that concluded that telework could save California as much as $225 million a year, Newsom moved forward with his March 2025 executive order directing workers back into the office at least four days a week.

In May during a state budget presentation, Newsom told reporters that he is “empathetic to change,” but that returning to the office helps build a sense of community. The governor has also contended that in-person work fosters collaboration, accountability and helps boost small businesses.

McLeod said he’s surprised Newsom remains resolute to the mandate even after the audit found that remote work proved successful during and after the pandemic.

“Every single Newsom appointed official that testified for the state auditor indicated that … the work that was being delivered during telework was substantially of higher quality and more efficient,” said McLeod of the engineers union.

The CalPERS Sacramento Regional Office in downtown Sacramento on July 15, 2026. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters

What unions wanted from Newsom

In some ways the rift echoes labor disputes from California’s last two governors.

Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came out swinging against public employees with unsuccessful ballot measures that were designed to cut their influence. He later imposed unpaid furloughs on public employees during the Great Recession.

Then Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown battled with unions over pensions, passing a law that curbed retirement benefits and required workers to chip in more for their benefits. He had a reputation for being stingy with raises, too.

Public employee unions were optimistic about Newsom. He offered concessions when he asked workers for temporary pay reductions during the pandemic, gave one-time bonuses to many employees and negotiated contracts that often included goodies for workers in hard-to-fill positions even if the deals didn’t please everyone.

Then came the fight over returning to the office.

Besides union leaders, Newsom’s steadfast commitment to in-person work has baffled Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with public employee unions on pension issues. For Newsom, a Democratic politician who is likely eyeing a bid for the presidency, “it’s political malpractice to come across as anti-labor,” said Maviglio.

“The only thing you’ll be able to say is that ‘I stood up to state workers,’ which isn’t particularly helpful in a Democratic primary where labor is the key constituency nationwide for Democrats.”

But for Will Swaim, chief executive of the libertarian think tank California Policy Center, Newsom’s fight with the unions signals something larger than remote work. Rather, it is a “policy disagreement that has turned into a foundational challenge to democracy,” said Swaim.

SEIU 1000 has donated at least $2 million to current members of the Legislature, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. In addition to its contract, the union is pushing for more flexible telework policies through a legislative proposal currently in the state Senate.

Through its campaign donations and labor talks, SEIU is attempting to wrest control from Newsom, a publicly elected official, over who gets to shape policies over government work, according to Swaim.

“That’s simply undemocratic,” said Swaim. “I don’t know anybody out there who believes that in their jobs they could tell their boss, ‘I’m not coming to the office, no matter what you want.’ It just doesn’t fly.”

But bosses should work to accommodate current employees, according to SEIU president Walls — especially if they have presumably bigger ambitions to oversee even more workers.

“As a state employee I would have trouble voting for someone who would be the boss of federal employees when I know he hasn’t shown to be a stellar employer to state employees,” said Walls.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Picture a gigantic, greasy, fried tiramisu. Layers of cream, espresso and lady fingers are deep fried in a thick, sweet batter before being sprinkled with cocoa powder.

This unique treat can only be found right now at the Orange County Fair.

The fair runs through Aug. 16 and in addition to pig races, carnival rides and outdoor music, the big draw is the food — carefully curated creations that test the limits of what’s typical. This year is no different. I was there on opening day, and here’s what I tried:

What’s new at the fair this year, and where you can find it:

One of my favorite new items was the Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe. This treat was sweet and refreshing with the cold ice cream.

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• The Chocolate Chip Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe is a must if you like sweet treats. It’s a cross between a buttery croissant and crispy waffle. Then it’s adorned with vanilla ice cream, chocolate chips, whipped cream and a caramel drizzle. This creation made its way to the States from South Korea, where it’s a beloved street food. 
  
• A French onion bun is an OC Fair exclusive from Ten Pound Buns, which bills itself as the king of cheese breads. The French onion bun combines gooey melted cheese and caramelized onions on a crispy piece of bread. Everything at their stand is made to order, and the portion sizes are very shareable! 

I love peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, but had never taken it to this level before. Highly recommend.

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LAist

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• The Peanut Butter and Jelly Bacon Cheeseburger from the Philly Cheesesteak stand did not disappoint. Don’t be alarmed by this strange sweet and savory combo; the flavors balance each other out perfectly. The burger comes with crispy bacon, cheese, lettuce, tomato and pickles on top of a beef patty smothered in jelly and peanut butter.  

What else is on the menu?

As a born-and-raised Nebraskan, this was my first time at the OC Fair, and I felt like I needed to try some classics. So, I headed to the OG at the OC Fair, Chicken Charlie’s.

They've been at the OC Fair for 30 years now, and are known for classics like the deep-fried Oreos and new eye-popping inventions. Some of their new concoctions this year include: A fried mangonada — which features fresh mango battered, deep fried and topped with chamoy, lime and Tajin. There's also a Shawarma fry cone, Parmesan garlic fry cone and the fried tiramisu I mentioned.

The treats I tried ranged from $10 and $15 each, but there are some deals to be had. Chicken Charlie’s is offering a $30 anniversary meal deal that includes an entrée, fries, fried Oreos and a drink.

“I love being at the fair,” Charlie Boghosian, creator and owner of Chicken Charlie’s, told me. “I love creating new things, because I think frying is an art.”

Profound words from the person who created items like fried Kool-Aid, bacon-wrapped pickles and a Krispy Kreme chicken sandwich.

More new fair creations and where you can find them at the fair this year:

• Street Corn Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Chili Mac 'n' Cheese Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Street Corn Fries (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Tot-Zilla (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Vegetarian Broc-Star Potato with broccoli (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Dutch Fries with black truffle mayo (Biggy's)
• Dubai Deep-Fried Oreo (Fried Affair)
• Porkapalooza Pizza (Enzo's Pizza)
• Korean Corn Dogs and Cheese Sticks rolled in Takis or buldak ramen (Mustard's)
• Chupacabra Tasti Chips (Tasti Chips)
• Candied drinks dirty beverages (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gluten-free Cheese Curds (Tasti Burger)
• Loaded Tater Kegs (Tasti Burger)
• Pizza Bacon Bombs and Bacon-Wrapped Churro (Bacon Nation)
• Lord of the Rings Dog (Pink's)
• Freeze-dried candy beverages and Candy Blast gummies (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gooey Maple Butter Popcorn Cone (Planet Popcorn)