The Brief

The speedy processing of building permit applications is not typically considered a popular political cause.

The recent Los Angeles firestorm may have changed that.

Thousands of Angelenos are now desperate to rebuild their homes as quickly as possible. They have the sympathy and focus of elected leaders at every level of state government. And many of them — particularly in well-heeled Pacific Palisades — have pull at city hall.

That’s helped bump the otherwise dull-as-drying-paint politics of permitting policy to the top of many lawmakers’ agendas.

Exhibit A: The L.A. City Council voted unanimously last week to consider a building permit “self-certification” program.

Rather than require architects and engineers working on small residential construction projects to submit their plans to the city’s building department and wait — often months, if not years — for the green light, self-certification would allow them to sign off on their own handiwork and start construction immediately. The city would still inspect the projects during and after construction.

Councilmember Nithya Raman, who introduced the motion, said she began looking into the idea well before fires torched thousands of homes around the city. But the politics of permitting has changed in ways that could have effects far beyond the footprints of the fires.

“There is a constituency of people that have been asking for these changes, but now there is an urgency around it that has helped speed this process forward,” she said. “We should definitely be focusing on rebuilding the Palisades, but we should also make sure that rebuilding the Palisades doesn’t slow down construction in the rest of the city, which is already much lower than it needs to be.”

Over the last four years, the median length of time required to get a permit approved to construct a single family home in Los Angeles was nearly eight months, according to real estate data firm ATC Research. For apartment projects, the typical wait was more than 10 months.

The motion the council passed instructed city staff to look into the idea and report back by early March. The council would then have to vote on a specific proposal before anything about the current process changes.

The general concept seems to have at least the interest of Mayor Karen Bass, who asked city staff to look into the idea shortly after the fires started in early January.

The cause of self-certification is the latest, and likely the most radical, example of lawmakers pushing to cut red-tape in the wake of the blazes.

In early January, with the flames still uncontained, Gov. Gavin Newsom directed his own housing department to look into state permitting requirements, building codes and local bureaucratic processes that could be suspended, expedited or removed to speed up reconstruction. Based on those reports, Newsom on Thursday issued an executive order which, among other things, loosened building permit rules to allow homeowners of recently constructed homes to recycle their own plans. The governor’s office refused to release a copy of the report itself when CalMatters asked for it.

San Diego Assemblymember Chris Ward introduced a state bill that would give small building project developers the ability to hire a third-party licensed architect or engineer to sign off on a project’s plans if a city’s planning department is too slow.

Like Raman in Los Angeles, Ward came up with the idea before the fires. But the drive to bring down construction costs and speed up approval times is a goal that “really needs to apply everywhere all the time,” he said in an interview with CalMatters last month. “I don’t want you waiting six months to build a home.”

From outside the halls of government, developers and pro-housing advocates are hoping that, in the wake of disaster, fast-tracked building approval is an idea whose time has come.

“I do think this is starting to light a fire under folks around bureaucratic streamlining reforms,” said Scott Epstein, policy director at the advocacy group Abundant Housing LA.

“Proceed at your own risk”

Los Angeles already allows contractors to go ahead with limited maintenance, heating and air conditioning systems work and roofing without a city-issued go-ahead. Inspections, and any necessary fixes, occur after the fact.

Raman’s current proposal would go much further, allowing builders to start work on entire single family homes without having their plans reviewed. It’s an unusual idea, but not unprecedented even in Los Angeles County.

The city of Bellflower, packed into just 6 square miles in southeast L.A. County, has been allowing virtually all construction projects to go ahead self-certified for a decade.

If a project architect or engineer is “willing to put their license and their stamp on a set of plans and say, ‘this meets the building code and we’re ready to build it,’ then let’s get out of their way and give them the ability to go start at their own risk,” said Ryan Smoot, city manager.

That risk is considerable. If problems emerge after construction begins, the owner is on the hook to fix them. In practice, that has meant that most projects that go the self-certification route are relatively straightforward.

The aftermath of the Palisades Fire on Jan. 15, 2024.

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Ted Soqui

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CalMatters

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Developers are told to “proceed at your own risk, effectively,” said Smoot. Those without the stomach to do so are invited to go through the standard permitting process and then “don’t complain about it when it takes a little longer to do those reviews than you like.”

In the wake of the fires, Smoot said he welcomes the new attention on Bellflower’s permitting process.

“You got 10,000 homes that are going to need to be rebuilt and 10,000 families that just want to get back to normal life and we have an obligation as local governments to get out of the way as much as possible,” he said. “It is actually, from our perspective, really exciting to see other local and state agencies starting to think the same way.”

“I hate to see it in the context we’re in,” he added. “But the silver lining is maybe we’re rethinking how we do government.”

Building departments from Chicago to New York to Dallas allow a degree of self-permitting in construction projects.

But few in California are willing to put quite so much faith in a project’s architect or engineer, no matter their license or experience. Even in development-friendly San Diego, which has a self-certification option for solar installations and office remodels, letting a developer start construction on an entire new house without the city’s once-over is a bridge too far.

“From my experience, we’ve never seen a brand new building — from ground up — that is a perfect submittal that did not have any health or safety issues,” said Kelly Charles, the city’s chief building official.

Imagine an architect messes up and makes the foundation a little too wide, she said. That doesn’t just hurt the licensed experts and the developer. “I’m a homeowner. I’m waiting for my house. My whole yard is torn up. And now you have to saw-cut concrete,” said Charles. “Taking two feet out of the house is not easy!”

Many builders and architects scoff at the idea that city staff know their trade better than they do.

“Why shouldn’t we be able to self-certify if all the liability rests on us and we’re only using licensed professionals?” said Tom Grable, former chair of the California Building Industry Association. “When something happens in the field we fix it.”

He called the entire pre-construction plan check process “redundant and unnecessary.”

Smoot, in Bellflower, said costly re-dos are exceedingly rare, if only because most developers don’t actually opt for self-certification. In Phoenix, Arizona — which has a similarly permissive self-certification program — uptake is also on the low-end. Evidently builders often prefer to have someone double-check their work.

Both cities also have an audit system in place to give a sampling of project plans an official review.

“Just because a program goes to self-certification it doesn’t necessarily mean that city staff aren’t going to be looking at it,” Jason Blakely, Phoenix’s assistant development director.

How to best speed up permitting?

What might work in a sprawling valley like the Phoenix area or a flat suburb like Bellflower may not work so easily across Los Angeles, with its hillside developments facing seismic and wildfire risk, said Steven Somers, the CEO of Crest Real Estate, which consults with developers to navigate the city’s lengthy building approval process.

“The solution is maybe simplifying the code or outsourcing more reviews to increase bandwidth and staffing,” he said. That’s a better solution than handing regulatory oversight to someone working on the project itself and who may have “a financial motivation to make the process go quicker than it should.”

Raman acknowledges the city of Los Angeles still has plenty of questions to answer about how this program would work. She said beefed up oversight and accountability measures would likely be necessary. But whatever the end result, she said, the city should make the approval process faster — both in and outside the still-smoldering burn scars.

With the fire still raging in January, Bass ordered city staff to blitz through post-fire permit applications within 30 days. This week, the city’s Department of Building and Safety turned its West Los Angeles office into a one-stop regulatory shop for rebuilds. What all that extra bureaucratic attention on reconstruction will mean for new proposed housing in other parts of the city is so far unclear.

“What I want to think about as we move forward in Los Angeles,” said Raman, “is not just ways to rearrange the queue, but to actually shorten the queue entirely.”

California’s Supreme Court justices appeared skeptical on Monday that Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco was acting within his legal rights when he seized more than 650,000 ballots from that county’s top election administrator in March.

In back-to-back hearings in downtown San Francisco, Bianco’s attorney, Bradley Hertz, argued that local law enforcement officers have the right to take ballots after obtaining a warrant, regardless of state laws detailing how election challenges, recalls and investigations should be handled. He also argued, in the second case, that California’s attorney general does not have the power to issue orders to county sheriffs like Bianco.

Deputies seized the ballots as part of Bianco’s investigation into alleged voter fraud in California’s November special election on redistricting after activists alleged the ballots were undercounted. Riverside’s registrar of voters has said repeatedly those claims were based on a basic misinterpretation of preliminary vote count data.

Bianco grabbed national headlines at a time he was mounting his ultimately unsuccessful bid for governor and amid President Donald Trump’s efforts to undermine faith in the outcome of the 2020 elections and nationalize election administration.

The ballot seizure drew two legal challenges, both of which the court considered.

At a news conference after the first oral argument, lawyers and advocates who sued Bianco were optimistic.

The case “is going to send a message around the country. That our election ballots are the voters’ ballots to be protected at all costs,” said Chad Dunn, with the UCLA Voting Rights Project, who argued the first case against Bianco. “We couldn’t be more satisfied with how the hearing went today.”

Bianco, speaking to reporters on the courthouse steps, said he hopes the court will rule his way anyway. He said if the court orders his office to return the ballots, he will comply, but suggested that his office would continue its investigation.

“I would expect that that’s what every Californian should expect,” he said.

The justices may not release a ruling for months.

Bianco’s argument ‘bizarre’ to one justice

The first lawsuit came from a handful of Riverside voters, including two local Democratic elected officials, who argue that state law makes it abundantly clear how ballots in contested elections should be handled — and this wasn’t it.

“The election code provides a process” for who, how and under what circumstances ballots should be handled, Dunn told the court. Any recount should take place in a public, transparent way, conducted by trained, properly sworn officials and initiated by a district attorney, county board of supervisors and the California secretary of state, he said.

State law does not permit simply “taking ballots into a back room” with “officers trying to assemble a vote-counting airplane while they’re flying it,” said Dunn.

Dunn’s legal argument focused on one California election law regarding recounts and criminal prosecutions into election results that says “In no event shall the (ballots) be taken from the custody of the elections official.”

Hertz countered that because Bianco obtained a warrant from a judge, the penal code applies instead. Bianco ultimately obtained three warrants from Riverside County Superior Court Judge Jay Kiel. Kiel is a political ally of Bianco’s.

Justice Kelli Evans appeared unpersuaded, noting that the language of the state election law is pretty straightforward. “So it’s ‘in some event,' despite the fact that it says ‘in no event?’” she asked with apparent skepticism.

Hertz also argued that the election code in question only applies to criminal prosecutions, not to the type of preliminary investigation Bianco was conducting.

But if that were true a sheriff could seize the ballots during an investigation, only to be forced to hand them back during prosecution, said Justice Goodwin Liu. “That seems bizarre.”

Direct supervisor or elder statesman?

Bianco’s argument in the second case didn’t fare much better.

The legal challenge Attorney General Rob Bonta brought focused on whether Bianco was required to abide by directions from the state attorney general, which ordered Bianco to hold off on executing the warrants in late February. Bianco ignored it. Bonta then ordered the sheriff not to do anything with them. Bianco’s office began counting the seized ballots and only stopped when ordered to do so by the state Supreme Court in April.

Bianco didn’t have the authority to do any of that, said California Solicitor General Sam Harbourt. The California constitution grants the attorney general “direct supervision” over sheriffs, which has been affirmed by the state Legislature. Though attorneys general have been loath to exercise such sweeping powers in the past for political reasons, the law is clear, said Harbourt.

Hertz argued that the authority apparently conferred on the attorney general was actually like that of an “elder statesman” — someone able to dispense advice and arguably step in when necessary action wasn’t being taken, but otherwise restricted from going further. He acknowledged that such a reading might seem “counterintuitive.”

Once again, the justices didn’t seem to be having it.

“It’s more than counterintuitive,” said Justice Joshua Groban. Terms like “direct supervision” have a clear, intuitive meaning, he said. He described a hypothetical conversation between a manager and a new employee to illustrate his point. “‘I’m your new supervisor, but funny thing, I don’t have any control over your actions,’” he said.

That line of questioning seemed to undercut more than just Bianco’s specific legal argument, but the entire “constitutional sheriff” movement with which Bianco has been associated. Members of the movement believe that elected sheriffs have the power to ignore laws they deem unconstitutional and have ultimate political authority within a given county.

The stakes for 2026

Bianco’s gambit was never going to alter the outcome of the November special election, even in Riverside County, where it passed with an 80,000 vote margin.

But many voting rights advocates see the dispute as an important test case for the 2026 midterm elections.

Trump has spent half a decade lobbing unsubstantiated allegations of voter fraud and election irregularities to undermine public confidence in results that don’t go his way, this year seizing old ballots and other election records from officials in Fulton County, Georgia and Maricopa County, Arizona and seeking voter roll data from nearly every state.

At the press conference, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra, who advises the UCLA Voting Rights Project, tied the case to Trump’s proposed federal legislation to create a national voter ID requirement and to California’s Proposition 39 on this November’s ballot, which would do the same for the state.

“The assault on elections, the assault on voters’ rights, is real, it’s imminent,” he said.

The supporters of both lawsuits argue that the court must demand that Bianco give the ballots back to prevent Trump-aligned local law enforcement officials throughout California from seizing, auditing or otherwise interfering in local elections in ways and at times that could affect the outcome.

Justices Groban and Leondra Kruger pressed Hertz on whether, according to his argument, Bianco could have taken the ballots while votes were still being cast.

Hertz said that ballots are subject to “other protections” so close to Election Day. Upon further interrogation by the justices, he admitted that he did not know what those protections might be. “I don’t have them handy,” he said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Four million acres of California’s wildest backcountry could soon be opened to paving roads and logging.

The Trump administration announced last week that it’s pushing forward with a proposal to scrap a 2001 rule that blocks logging, road building and other construction in parts of national forests. The administration argues repealing the so-called “roadless rule” is key to managing vegetation to better prevent wildfires on public lands.

Environmental advocates and other groups worry rescinding the rule would harm pristine habitat and the wildlife it supports, and open up more public land to industrial activities and human access that can cause more wildfires.

And locals are worried about losing access to some of the last protected natural lands in the region.

“What we're dealing with here in the roadless rule is the protection of the backcountry,” said David Browning, president of the Orange County Mountain Bike Association, “where you can actually go out and be having an experience where you don't hear traffic, where you don't see buildings, where you actually remember what it was like before all of us got here.”

In Southern California, large swaths of the Los Padres, Angeles, San Bernardino and Cleveland national forests would lose protections.

Browning, who spoke with All Things Considered host Julia Paskin on Monday, said he’s particularly concerned about the Santa Ana Mountains, where much of Orange County’s backcountry biking trails exist within a roadless area that could be opened to construction.

“Our mission is to protect and expand trail access, and so our entire agenda is to make sure that in a highly populated county, like Orange, that we have available the outdoors to be able to go and enjoy,” he said.

Browning takes issue with the wildfire argument — he pointed to the 2024 Airport Fire, which was sparked when heavy equipment operated by Orange County employees struck a rock. They were moving large boulders that day to, in part, block vehicles from getting into a dry brush area and potentially starting a fire. Browning said the “roadless rule” prevents such access that could increase the risk of fire. A recent peer-reviewed study supports that, finding that although roads are important for managing a fire once it ignites, they’re also more likely to be a place where a fire starts.

Though addressing wildfires and protecting public lands have become heavily politicized under the Trump administration, Browning thinks most locals probably aren’t as divided.

“ I don't think this is a party issue,” he said. “We want to hold onto the outdoors and protect them as best we can.”

There unfortunately isn’t much respite in sight for heat-weary Southern Californians.

Forecasters say this week’s heat wave is likely to be the hottest so far this summer. Extreme heat warnings will be in effect from the National Weather Service for almost the entire region from Tuesday morning through Friday evening.

Temperatures will peak between Tuesday and Thursday.

Highs in downtown Los Angeles are expected to reach around 100 degrees, and the warmest inland valleys will get up to 112. L.A. County beaches will hit the high 80s.

Forecasters have also issued Red Flag Warnings for the interior mountains and foothills of Los Angeles, Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. Gusty winds and low humidity at higher elevations mean fires could spark and spread quickly.

At lower elevations, humidity continues to make the heat feel more sweltering and make it harder to cool down, especially at night. Nighttime temperatures will only get down to the 70s in most places, including along the coast.

A slight cooldown is expected this weekend, though forecasters say temperatures will stay above normal into next week.

The extreme heat this week poses an especially high risk of heat-related illness for people over 65, young children, people who work or spend a lot of time outside and those without access to air conditioning.

Driving the heat

Several factors are behind this week’s heat wave, many of which have also been behind the rest of this summer’s consistently hot weather.

The main driver is a high pressure air system hovering over the southwestern U.S., trapping warm air, compressing it and warming it further, and blocking cooler air from entering the region.

Offshore winds are also pushing warm inland air toward the coast, preventing cooler onshore winds from blowing inland.

“That blocks our natural air conditioning off the ocean from coming in as early as it normally does,” said Weather Service meteorologist Mike Wofford. “So as long as that cool air stays offshore, it heats up on land.”

The offshore winds are not strong enough, however, to significantly dry out the air in the L.A. Basin and cut down on the humidity.

“That's probably going to be around for the whole summer because you’ve got all this warm ocean water that's feeding into that,” Wofford said.

Warmer seawater evaporates faster, adding to moisture in the air and increasing humidity across the region, especially along the coasts.

Air quality warnings

Along with the heat this week, many Southern Californians also have smog to worry about.

The South Coast Air Quality Management District issued an ozone advisory on Monday for inland areas of Los Angeles and Orange counties, much of Riverside County and parts of San Bernardino County. It will remain in effect through Friday evening.

The multi-day smog event is in part driven by the heatwave.

Officials say ozone pollution may reach unhealthy levels or higher in the Santa Clarita Valley, parts of the San Gabriel and San Bernardino valleys, and portions of the San Bernardino Mountains.

Under unhealthy levels, it’s possible for anyone to experience adverse health effects like difficulty breathing and throat irritation. Sensitive populations could experience more serious effects.

Levels are expected to be unhealthy for sensitive groups in the San Fernando Valley, Perris Valley, Mission Viejo, Lake Elsinore, Corona, Hemet, Riverside and Pasadena.

Officials advise certain vulnerable groups — including people with heart or lung disease, those with asthma, pregnant women, children and people over 65 — to limit their time outdoors.

Officials predict that ozone levels will be lower along the coast.