The Brief

In a video shared on TikTok in September, a masked man in a tactical vest runs across a street in Chicago toward a Ford SUV. More people in tactical police vests get inside the vehicle, as an angry crowd forms around it, yelling profanities.

"You guys are separating families," one woman shouts at the car, which is flashing red and blue lights. "And for what?"

The woman tells others not to come near the area because "la migra" is there, which is how some Spanish speakers refer to U.S. immigration authorities. But there is little to reveal whether the Ford belongs to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) agency that is leading President Trump's push for mass arrests and deportations of those suspected of being in the U.S. without legal status, or any other federal unit tasked with carrying out immigration-related arrests. The car has no license plates on the back and appears to have no words on the side that indicate it is government property.

Over the past year, many federal law enforcement agents conducting immigration arrests have been concealing their faces under masks and gaiters when making arrests in public, in what DHS says is an effort to avoid doxing, or publishing agents' personal information online. Dozens of pending proposals across the country now seek to ban masking of federal policing authorities in public places.

Less public attention has centered on the masking of agents' cars.

But some vehicles being used in what appear to be immigration-related arrests do not have license plates, or have traded license plates, NPR found in a review of videos shot by bystanders and reporters, and those circulating on social media. The videos appear to come from areas where the administration has focused its immigration enforcement across the country, including Illinois, California and Washington state.

Witnesses and activists have alleged similar behavior concerning license plates in court filings and in media reports, while the Illinois Secretary of State, a Democrat, has condemned the apparent trading of license plates as illegal in his state.

NPR sent several requests for comment to ICE citing the specific photos and videos that appear to show license plate removal or manipulation during immigration enforcement operations. The department did not respond to the specific examples.

Immigration advocates say that as the agency increases its presence across the country thanks to an infusion of cash from Congress, untraceable vehicles may add to confusion over what tactics immigration officers can or should be using, and could prevent people from holding officers accountable.

"Most people are not used to interacting with federal law enforcement on our streets," said Bruno Huizar, policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. Not knowing the identity of law enforcement – or not knowing if the enforcement is legitimate – exacerbates lack of trust in police, and makes it harder for people to defend their legal rights, he said.

Officers who appeared to be conducting immigration arrests in unmarked vehicles were captured on videos shot across the country and shared online on platforms like TikTok, Instagram and Eyes Up, an application that tracks where federal agents have arrested migrants. NPR reviewed all videos cited in this story and confirmed the dates of the videos and locations of law enforcement presence and bystanders when possible. When details couldn't be verified, NPR corroborated information with immigration experts, activists, and a developer for an app that documents confrontations with federal agents.

File image from May 7, 2025 in Newark, N.J., shows a badge hanging over the uniform of an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent.

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In a video shared in June that takes place in Washington state, a federal agent in a police vest is seen driving a black Ford SUV with no license plate on the back of the vehicle.

And in another video posted on the Eyes Up app, labeled as shot in July in a Los Angeles suburb, a blue Nissan is seen with a placard on the back of the car that reads "Lexus of Valencia" in the space where a license plate is usually placed. The vehicle is seen parked near others that federal agents were seen using while detaining a person.

NPR asked ICE to confirm whether these vehicles and others like them belonged to federal employees working for the agency. The agency did not respond.

In an earlier statement provided in response to questions about the vehicle with the "Lexus of Valencia" placard, ICE spokesperson Mike Alvarez told NPR in a statement that ICE officers and agents do not use personal or rental vehicles while conducting immigration enforcement operations.

"Further, per federal code, federal law enforcement agency vehicles used primarily for investigative, law enforcement, intelligence, or security duties are exempt from displaying U.S. Government license plates or motor vehicle identification when such identification would interfere with these critical duties," Alvarez said.

Appearing "like a ghost"

It used to be rare for ICE employees to drive cars without plates when conducting arrests, said Darius Reeves, a former Baltimore field office director for ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations. He left the agency this year.

"The agency clearly wants to appear like a ghost," Reeves said. "I have never experienced this."

The federal code, or regulation, that Alvarez cited requires that vehicles used by government employees display government license plates on the front and rear of the vehicle – except when identifying these cars would interfere with investigative, law enforcement, intelligence, or security duties.

Federal regulation also prohibits swapping license plates from one car to another.

But ICE guidelines for agents on managing vehicle fleets indicate that operating a vehicle without license plates is meant to be the exception, not the rule.

"All ICE owned, or leased motor vehicles must display DHS or [General Services Administration] license plates, unless exempted," the guidelines state. To operate a vehicle without a federal license plate, someone must submit a request for a waiver to the unit that manages ICE's fleet, according to the guidelines.

In August, NPR requested to review all license plate waivers submitted by ICE over the previous year. At the time of publication, ICE had not provided the documents to reporters, though according to the federal Freedom of Information Act, the agency should have provided them by September.

An automatic email message received this month stated all federal records offices would not communicate with reporters about records until the end of the "funding hiatus," referring to the shutdown of the federal government that began on October 1.

Alvarez, the ICE spokesperson, did not respond to a question from NPR about how many times employees had submitted waivers to operate vehicles without a license plate.

Removing and swapping license plates

Some states prohibit swapping license plates on vehicles. But photos taken by activists and a video shared to social media suggest federal agents are doing this anyway in Illinois and California.

A video posted to a TikTok account in October shows a man dressed like a federal agent who said that changing license plates on vehicles was standard practice.

"We change the plates out every day," says in the video, which was described by the poster as having taken place in Round Lake, Ill., as he walks around an otherwise unmarked black Jeep SUV with an Illinois license plate.

On Oct. 22, Illinois Secretary of State Alexi Giannoulias posted the video to X, stating that Illinois had "zero tolerance for this type of illegal activity."

"Flipping license plates or altering them in any way to avoid detection is strictly prohibited in Illinois," said Giannoulias in the video, urging residents to report similar violations to a hotline. "No one, including a federal agent, is above the law."

Alvarez, the ICE spokesperson, identified the officers in that video as Border Patrol. A separate agency inside DHS that has been involved with immigration enforcement, Border Patrol has been among the agencies tasked with conducting immigration-related arrests, particularly in cities like Chicago in recent weeks. Customs and Border Protection, the branch of DHS it is housed within, did not respond to a request for comment from NPR asking about their practice of switching license plates.

Activists for the Harbor Area Peace Patrol, a community group based in Los Angeles, Calif., have said they also noticed behavior that seems to contradict state guidelines about license plates.

Since June, the activists say, they have monitored federal agents almost every day as they leave Terminal Island, an artificial island in southern Los Angeles that has been used as a staging area for agents before they arrest migrants and conduct raids throughout the city. More than once, activists documented people on Terminal Island, a part of LA, removing plates from vehicles.

"We've seen that multiple times," said Elijah Chiland, an activist with the group.

Activists said they have additionally noticed that sometimes, federal agents left the staging area in the same car, but with different license plates on the vehicle than the car had on a previous day. And multiple times, the activists said, they noticed something else: Vehicles departing from Terminal Island were spotted with one license plate on the front and a different plate on the back.

"I've seen seven or eight different times that a car had a license plate that it didn't originally have," said Victor Maldonado, another of the group's activists. ICE did not respond to NPR questions about the allegations of license plate-switching near Terminal Island.

Mexican markings in Washington and Illinois

Some videos shared online appear to show federal agents making arrests using vehicles marked with Mexican objects or icons.

In the video recorded in Spokane Valley, Wash., where a car without license plates was used, another vehicle drew attention from bystanders. In front of the car without plates, two masked federal agents in tactical vests are seen entering a white Jeep SUV with a back license plate from the Mexican state of Tamaulipas.

"Tamaulipas on the license plate, can you believe this?" says a bystander, who can be heard on the audio in the clip.

ICE did not respond to a request for comment asking if this was their vehicle or operation.

A similar tactic was observed in a video that appears to be recorded in Illinois and was shared on TikTok in September. In the video, a man in a tactical police vest marked with the words "U.S. Border Patrol" is seen entering a silver Ford Explorer with a large Mexican flag across the hood of the car. Mexican flag stickers are seen stuck to the car's back and side windows.

"ICE using Mexican flag to target immigrants!!" read the words typed across the video, shared to TikTok, though it is unclear that anyone working for ICE is in the vehicle.

Another video shared the same day showed multiple men in tactical vests loading into a vehicle with a similar Mexican flag splayed across the hood.

When asked about whether Border Patrol agents were using a vehicle with Mexican flag decals, DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin stated the agency believes its employees are not camouflaging their identities, though she acknowledged agents do wear masks to protect themselves from harm. ICE did not respond.

"DHS is not going to confirm our vehicles and put an even larger target on our officers' backs," McLaughlin said in an emailed statement. U.S. Customs and Border Protection did not respond to questions regarding current CBP policy for markings on cars including painted hoods and stickers.

Multiple agencies, few agency markings on cars

Involvement of other federal agencies in immigration activities further complicates the situation, said Reeves, the former ICE employee.

Employees of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the U.S. Marshals Service and the U.S. Park Police have been involved with arresting migrants. But during arrests, the officers' clothing hasn't appeared to always match the cars they drive, according to media reports and NPR's own reporting.

In one instance, after President Trump deployed the National Guard to patrol D.C. in early August, a group of officers detained two migrants. The officers' clothing indicated some of them worked for the FBI, ATF and U.S. Park Police, reporters observed. One person wore a tactical vest labeled "police." Another wore a tactical vest with no description on it at all. A U.S. Park Police vehicle was the only car visible that was labeled with the name of a law enforcement agency.

Making arrests while operating cars that aren't clearly identified can erode the public's trust in local police, said Daniel Hodges, a police officer with the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington D.C., which has also worked with ICE on immigration arrests in the city. Hodges was attacked during the riot at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

"We've got to live with that destruction of trust after the feds go away," said Hodges. "Ethically and in terms of long-term effectiveness of our police departments, it's only detrimental as far as I can see."

David Bier, the director of immigration studies at the libertarian Cato Institute, said that removing or switching license plates can be detrimental for another reason: It helps federal agencies avoid further scrutiny.

"It removes the opportunity for accountability if you don't know what officers were conducting an operation. There's no way to track back, 'This person was using this vehicle,'" Bier said. "It's unclear exactly how they track these actions. So it could genuinely be impossible to ever determine who was involved and in what operation."

Bier said not knowing which agency or people are involved in an arrest can make it difficult for Congress or lawyers to investigate specific claims if officers are accused of violating people's rights.

"Of course, if you're being charged with a crime or being arrested or detained, you have a right to know who is leveling this charge against you, who's claiming that you violated the law," Bier said. "These are all basic principles of liberal democracy that we've just taken for granted."

Nick McMillan contributed reporting.
Copyright 2025 NPR

May gray skies will continue to keep the mornings on the cooler side, but come later this afternoon we'll see some sunshine and slightly warmer temps.

High temperatures along the beaches will stay in the mid 60s to around 70 degrees, and reach the lower 70s for the inland coast.

For the valleys, temperatures will reach the upper 70s. Meanwhile the Inland Empire will see highs up to 83 degrees.

Coachella Valley will see highs from 95 to 100 degrees.

Looking ahead to the weekend, the National Weather Service is forecasting high surf and dangerous rip currents for nearby beaches.

Come Saturday afternoon around 3:00, Ventura County will be under a high surf advisory. That will last until 9 a.m. Monday. Waves could be five to eight feet tall.

Meanwhile, the Malibu coast and L.A. County beaches will see dangerous rip currents and breaking waves starting Saturday evening through Monday morning. Swimmers, surfers and beach goers should be careful.

Since staunch conservatives achieved full control of Huntington Beach’s seven-member City Council in 2024, they have voted in lockstep to fight state mandates to build more housing, and for the right to censor books in the children’s library. They also voted unanimously to install a commemorative plaque at the library that spells out “M-A-G-A” and to commission a public mural to honor slain conservative activist Charlie Kirk.

But the city’s once-solid MAGA coalition appears to be fracturing, largely over allegations of “cronyism” — contracts, deals, favors and political appointments that appear to benefit friends and family of the city’s leaders. In April, several members of the council publicly lambasted the mayor’s plan to award a lucrative contract, seemingly out of nowhere and without competitive bidding, to the fiance of his appointee to a city commission.

The public backlash was swift from across the political spectrum — an unusual occurrence in the politically polarized city. An equally unusual display of dissent arose from the once-allied council. One of the dissenters, City Councilmember Chad Williams, told LAist he was outraged by “the audacity of our own mayor to push through this sweetheart deal for his commissioner’s fiance. Our city deserves better,” he said.

The mayor, Casey McKeon, told LAist he didn’t “understand the pushback.” He said the consultant who would have benefited from the contract, Tyler Wolff of Wolffhaus Studio & Creative, “happens to be one of the best in the industry. Why should we not engage in his services?”

Wolff, for his part, told LAist he merely saw problems with the city’s “brand ecosystem” — including events, merchandising and media outreach — and proposed solutions. “There’s no creative leadership, there’s no oversight, and there’s no accountability,” he said. Wolff said he was caught off guard by the controversy over the proposed contract for his company. “I know nothing about the RFP procurement process,” he said.

Ultimately, McKeon withdrew the contract with Wolffhaus under pressure, and the city is currently evaluating alternative bids (including from Wolffhaus).

The rift comes at a fraught time for the MAGA movement: Nationally, the coalition is splintering over the war in Iran; Locally, a deepening budget crisis in Huntington Beach has caused some residents and local leaders to look more closely at the city’s recent spending decisions.

At the heart of the city’s problems is cronyism, critics say. But not everyone agrees on what falls into that category.

The backstory

The latest controversy started when a proposal to award a $720,000 contract to Wolffhaus appeared on the city’s April 7 council meeting agenda, proposed by Mayor McKeon. The two-year contract was for revamping and maximizing the city’s “brand,” including ramping up sales of HB merch, opening a film commission, and improving the city’s public relations. The ultimate goal is to generate more revenue to help close a looming budget gap.

Several council members said they had no prior knowledge of the initiative before it appeared on the agenda — nor did they know that the city had already paid Wolff $30,000 to “audit” the city’s branding and communications strategy.

Critics, including Councilmember Williams, pointed out what they characterized as a number of other red flags, including Wolffhaus’ unfinished website which included a contact number that went to an adult hotline. (Wolff said it was a mistake and is now fixed.) The contract also contained a clause stating that, should the city want to cancel the contract at any time without cause, it would owe half of the remaining allocated funds to Wolffhaus. Williams called it a potential “windfall for work that was never done.”

“This was tailor made for Tyler [Wolff],” Williams said of the contract.

City Councilmember Andrew Gruel sided with Williams in vocally opposing the contract, calling its road to near-approval “sloppy.” Gruel told LAist he has a high regard for Wolff’s work, but was concerned about the transparency leading up to the contract’s sudden appearance on the council’s agenda. “I think the whole process was upside down,” Gruel said.

The council’s usual critics were livid, lambasting the personal connection between McKeon and Wolff and the lack of a competitive bidding process, which is generally required for large contracts.

“The whole thing just smacks of cronyism, backroom deals, sloppiness, lack of accountability, fiscal responsibility, I mean, pick some adjectives,” said Cathey Ryder, co-founder of the group Protect HB. The group has been a frequent foil to the current council’s agenda, including spearheading a ballot initiative last year that overturned the library censorship measure.

But indignation came in equal measure from the other side of the proverbial aisle, including from former backers of the mayor and his allies.

“I’ve supported most of the people on this city council for a long time,” resident Domnic McGee said during public comment at the April 7 meeting. “But it seems that certain people are ruling by fiat,” he said, referring to McKeon.

McGee, who serves on the city’s planning commission, told LAist he worried that the communications contract would give the mayor a direct line to “spin” the messaging coming out of the city during election season. McKeon is up for re-election this fall.

“Casey [McKeon] will be able to override anything he doesn't like and overemphasize what he does,” McGee said. “And he could pretty much use this for his campaign.”

McGee said he campaigned for McKeon in 2021 but would now “never vote for him again.”

Following the outcry, McKeon withdrew the proposal from consideration and the city put out a request for competitive bids. An ad hoc committee made up of the mayor and two allied council members will review the proposals in private and recommend their top choices. Williams said the bidding process had been “utterly tainted.”

A pattern of 'cronyism' complaints

The rift over the Wolffhaus contract may have temporarily shaken up Huntington Beach’s conservative factions, but the faultlines are blurry. At their latest meeting, the city council voted 6-0 to shift $10,000 in federal grants from an afterschool care program in the city’s Oak View neighborhood, and $5,000 from a local program for at-risk youth, to a nonprofit where Councilmember Gruel, a vocal critic of the Wolffhaus deal, is the executive director.

The organization, Save the Brave, which is based in Temecula, takes veterans on deep-sea fishing trips. Gruel left the city council chambers when the vote was taking place, but did not formally recuse himself, or publicly disclose his ties to the organization. Under California’s Political Reform Act, elected officials are required to publicly disclose and recuse themselves from voting on any issue that represents a potential financial conflict of interest.

Gruel told LAist he had disclosed his ties with the organization from the start of the grant process — well before the money came to a vote before city council. He said he takes no money for his work with Save the Brave, and that he didn’t know he was supposed to publicly disclose his ties to the organization at the time the vote took place. “I’m still learning all this stuff,” said Gruel, a chef and TV personality who was appointed to his seat last year after former Councilmember Tony Strickland won a seat in the state legislature in a special election.

Asked whether he thought the council’s vote to give his organization additional funds was a bad look, Gruel said “Of course.”

“Especially in the framework of previous council decisions, there’s this reputation now that there are these backroom deals,” he said.

Longtime critics of Huntington Beach’s city government say it has become commonplace to reward people with political and family ties with funds, contracts, and prominent positions in city government. They point to the following examples:

• A decades-long, multi-million dollar settlement with the operator of the city’s annual airshow, who staged campaign events and printed signs for several of the city councilmembers who approved the settlement. The city has been fighting a state effort to audit the deal. But Williams and Gruel recently proposed settling the case and letting the audit go forward.
• A special street renaming for a local conservative donor, Ed Laird, who helped fund the campaigns of several city council members. (Laird also helped negotiate the airshow settlement.)
• The appointment, by Gracey Van Der Mark, of City Councilmember Gruel’s wife to the city’s Community and Library Services Commission in 2023. Gruel said he had nothing to do with the appointment, which is unpaid.
• The appointment in 2022 of Kelly Gates, wife of Michael Gates, the former city attorney and now deputy assistant attorney, to the city’s Finance Committee, also an unpaid position. Van Der Mark also made that appointment. 

California’s Fair Political Practices Commission, the state ethics body, has found legal violations related to some of these incidents. The commission recently ruled that former city attorney Michael Gates, and City Council members McKeon, Van Der Mark, and Pat Burns violated disclosure rules by failing to report that they had received free VIP passes to the airshow in 2022 when they were negotiating a settlement with the event’s operator. A similar complaint is pending against Kelly Gates — city finance commissioners are also required to disclose their income and gifts.

The mere appearance of a conflict of interest is problematic for good governance, said Tracy Westen, a public interest lawyer who has expertise in government ethics. For example, appointing the spouses of government leaders to key positions in city government. “It could be they were the best people for the job,” Westen said, “but it raises an appearance issue.”

Some Orange County cities, including Irvine, Westminster and Laguna Niguel, prohibit appointments of family members to city commissions. Huntington Beach does not have a similar rule, although the city council is prohibited from appointing relatives to salaried positions.

What it all means for the November election

Those looking to unseat the current city council majority see opportunity in the rift over the Wolffhaus contract. “We are pleasantly surprised to see that there's a crack in the cabal, for lack of a better word,” said Ryder of Protect HB. The group is backing a slate of four candidates in the November election in hopes of unseating the council majority. One of the candidates is Erin Spivey, who sued the city over the book censorship policy and won, including a $1 million judgment against the city for attorneys' fees. The city is appealing.

If elected, Spivey said she would propose a ban on contracts and city appointments for individuals with close ties to city councilmembers. “This has got to stop. The government is not the plaything of elected officials,” Spivey said.

Some of the city’s most controversial figures are seeking higher office this year. Michael Gates is running for state Attorney General in the June primary. Van Der Mark is also hoping to make a jump to Sacramento — she’s one of four candidates to represent State Assembly District 72 on the primary ballot.

At the local level, McKeon and Burns are up for re-election this fall, and Gruel will face his first test on a ballot.

McKeon, Burns, and newcomer Brian Thienes are running as a conservative slate, with signs reading “Don’t split the vote!”

But Gruel has chosen to run solo — distancing himself from the trend in Huntington Beach, over the last two election cycles, of Republican-backed council candidates running as a bloc. “I don’t necessarily look at everything through a party filter,” Gruel told LAist, adding that he considers himself a small-government libertarian.

Gruel said he shared critics’ concerns about the lack of daylight on some of the city’s recent contracts and decisions. “Generally speaking this is why I’m so frustrated by the look, because my whole thing is transparency,” he said.

Orange County will stop spraying local flood control channels with toxic chemicals — an environmental issue that has morphed in recent months into a major theme in the June 2 primary race to represent South O.C. on the Board of Supervisors.

In an emailed announcement, Supervisor Katrina Foley, who represents District 5, wrote that “following months of community outcry,” O.C. Public Works would halt spraying and “instead observe the growth patterns of invasive species to evaluate the safest and most effective procedures for removal.”

The backstory

The environmental activists who make up the three-person Creek Team OC began raising the alarm earlier this year about the county’s practice of spraying toxic chemicals to keep vegetation down in local waterways and flood control channels, which flow out to the ocean. Brent Linas, the group’s founder, had become concerned about the issue while noticing what he characterized as “dead” ecosystems during his runs along San Juan Creek, which empties into Doheny State Beach.

The political context

The herbicide spraying had become a major issue in the race to represent District 5 on the Orange County Board of Supervisors. Katrina Foley, a Democrat, is running for reelection against state Assemblymember Diane Dixon, a Republican. The conservative Lincoln Club, through its PAC, has spent around $200,000 thus far to try to influence the race. The PAC has latched onto the herbicide issue to attack Foley in ads and mailers.

The Lincoln Media Foundation, which shares an address and officers with the Lincoln Club, has simultaneously published content critical of Foley’s handling of the herbicide issue through the affiliated publication, California Courier.

Linas of Creek Team called Foley’s announcement about the countywide pause on herbicide spraying “a huge, huge victory for us.” Linas, who described himself to LAist as a lifelong Democrat, said his group ultimately used the political jockeying over the issue to their advantage. “ We took this firehose of money that exists and we redirected some of it towards what we saw as an urgent issue,” he said.

What’s next?

Orange County Public Works could still use herbicides in conjunction with maintenance work if they identify an “immediate need of vegetation management,” according to the announcement. But the county would give the public seven days' notice in advance of any such use. A pilot project along San Juan and Trabuco creeks is underway to evaluate the viability of replacing chemical spraying with manual and mechanical weed removal.

How to watchdog your local government

One of the best things you can do to hold officials accountable is pay attention. Your city council, board of supervisors, school board and more all hold public meetings that anybody can attend. These are times you can talk to your elected officials directly and hear about the policies they’re voting on that affect your community.

• Read tips on how to get involved.
• The Orange County Board of Supervisors meets on alternating Tuesdays at 9:30 a.m. at 400 W. Civic Center Drive, Santa Ana. You can check out the O.C. Board of Supervisors full calendar here.
• Learn how to submit a public comment to the O.C. Board of Supervisors.

U.S. domestic air travel has boomed in recent years, except for one segment. Short flights of a few hundred miles decreased over the past decade, while longer flights became more popular, according to data gathered by the aviation analytics firm OAG for NPR.

Nearly 4 million short flights are scheduled for this year. But as of mid-April, the number of flights spanning less than 250 nautical miles had declined by 11% from 2016 to 2026 — the biggest drop of any route length. The decline comes as no surprise to John Grant, a senior analyst at OAG.

"That is an awful distance to be operating," he says, because short flights are more expensive for airlines than flights with a longer cruise time.

In contrast, every domestic flight category of more than 500 miles saw notable gains over the same 10-year span. The numbers depict the U.S. hub-and-spoke aviation system moving toward longer "spokes" for some routes.

The trend was well established even before rising fuel prices from the Iran war rattled U.S. aviation. It could now accelerate, as airlines raise prices and trim less-profitable flights due to jet fuel supply constraints.

Domestic jet fuel costs have roughly doubled since early February, before the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran. U.S. airlines spent more than $5 billion on jet fuel in March, a 56% increase from February, according to the Bureau of Transportation Statistics. Spirit Airlines blamed the soaring fuel costs when it announced it would shut down last weekend. Prices are even higher for Asia and other markets that rely more heavily on supplies transiting the Strait of Hormuz.

"Any time there is pressure like that, particularly a cost pressure, but also a resource pressure, airlines are going to concentrate flying where they can move the most passengers with the fewest pilots," says Faye Malarkey Black, CEO of the Regional Airline Association.

Short-hop flights are the most frequent, and least efficient

Every day, thousands of U.S. airline passengers step off planes without needing to check the local time and weather, because they've traveled less than 100 miles, on flights lasting less than an hour.

For example, there are dozens of flights between Milwaukee and Chicago each week, even though they're separated by less than 80 miles and have been connected by rail lines for more than a century. But there's a key snag for travelers in the Milwaukee area who might want to take the train to O'Hare International, says Joshua Schank, an urban planning professor at UCLA who's also a partner with the consulting firm Infra Strategies.

"Remember, that rail is going between the [cities'] two downtowns, and it's not between the airports," he says. "And that's the key distinction," he adds, noting that a majority of the route's passengers are likely connecting to other destinations beyond Chicago.

For routes like that to make economic sense, they require enough people willing to pay, says Black, of the airline association.

"It's not the distance, it's the density," she says. "If you have a short flight that has a lot of density because it's between two urban centers and it's a viable option, then people will take that option."

It's one of the shorter spokes in the U.S. hub-and-spoke system that helps airlines concentrate their traffic. That's why the sub-250-mile distance remains the second most popular domestic route, even with its double-digit decline. The most popular flight category over the past 10 years isn't much longer, with the 251 to 500 nautical mile distance scheduled 2.1 million times in 2026, despite a roughly 4% dip.

But all those repeated shorter flights come at a cost.

"A lot of the fuel is used in the takeoff and landing processes," Grant says. And every landing, he notes, adds wear and tear on the planes' equipment.

To hit the sweet spot of revenue versus cost, Grant says, "airlines typically try to be in that two-hour block time" – a category that includes flights over 500 miles, such as Washington, D.C., to Atlanta.

At airports, short flights also add to the workload for understaffed air traffic control systems and congested gates. A small regional jet carrying 50 people, for instance, is just as important to a controller as a wide-body airliner. And it takes up gate space repeatedly, as it shuttles passengers back and forth to a hub airport. As Black notes, the impact of all those short flights adds up.

"Regional airlines have always been the backbone of air service to smaller communities," she says. "In the early 2000s, they were the only source of scheduled air service for roughly three-quarters of U.S. airports. Today, that figure is closer to two-thirds."

Prices for U.S. jet fuel have nearly doubled since before the Iran war began, shaking up the aviation industry. This file photo shows a worker preparing to fuel a United Express jet at Dallas-Fort Worth International Airport, in Grapevine, Texas.

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Where are we heading? 

Despite their recent decline, short-hop flights are integral to the hub-and-spoke network, taking people from Colorado Springs to Denver, for instance, or from Birmingham to Atlanta.

But airlines have shifted more toward longer flights over the past decade, thanks largely to a new generation of narrow-body aircraft that are more efficient, making them an enticing option for longer-range routes. That's why the trendline favors routes such as the 501 to 750-mile category (e.g. Portland to Las Vegas, or Houston to Tampa), which grew by 11% to nearly 1.7 million scheduled flights in 2026. Flights of more than 750 and 1,000 miles each saw double-digit percentage gains, as well.

"Unfortunately for short-haul routes, the economics are not in their favor," says Ahmed Abdelghani, professor of operations management at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University in Florida. He notes that a smaller jet's higher costs must be borne by fewer passengers than a larger plane, prompting higher fares.

"Those new generation narrowbody aircraft will have much better economics than the smaller 50-seater, 70-seater aircraft," Abdelghani says, citing the newer jets' ability to spread costs over more than 160 seats, depending on how they're configured.

The newer planes align with airlines that prioritize route profitability, Abdelghani says. But he and Black both say that larger narrow-body planes aren't a good fit for every market – and as a result, smaller communities could see fewer flights and connectivity.

"The airports with the sharpest service losses tend to be small hub and non-hub airports," Black says, "and those markets are often built around shorter-distance flying." She notes that other problems, such as pilot shortages, are also affecting small markets. "As pilot availability tightened, airlines had to make decisions about where limited flying could be sustained," Black says.

As Abdelghani puts it, "The airline decides, OK, since now I'm going to fly only efficient aircraft, I'm going to sacrifice the routes that this aircraft doesn't fit."
Copyright 2026 NPR