The Brief

In a video shared on TikTok in September, a masked man in a tactical vest runs across a street in Chicago toward a Ford SUV. More people in tactical police vests get inside the vehicle, as an angry crowd forms around it, yelling profanities.

"You guys are separating families," one woman shouts at the car, which is flashing red and blue lights. "And for what?"

The woman tells others not to come near the area because "la migra" is there, which is how some Spanish speakers refer to U.S. immigration authorities. But there is little to reveal whether the Ford belongs to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) agency that is leading President Trump's push for mass arrests and deportations of those suspected of being in the U.S. without legal status, or any other federal unit tasked with carrying out immigration-related arrests. The car has no license plates on the back and appears to have no words on the side that indicate it is government property.

Over the past year, many federal law enforcement agents conducting immigration arrests have been concealing their faces under masks and gaiters when making arrests in public, in what DHS says is an effort to avoid doxing, or publishing agents' personal information online. Dozens of pending proposals across the country now seek to ban masking of federal policing authorities in public places.

Less public attention has centered on the masking of agents' cars.

But some vehicles being used in what appear to be immigration-related arrests do not have license plates, or have traded license plates, NPR found in a review of videos shot by bystanders and reporters, and those circulating on social media. The videos appear to come from areas where the administration has focused its immigration enforcement across the country, including Illinois, California and Washington state.

Witnesses and activists have alleged similar behavior concerning license plates in court filings and in media reports, while the Illinois Secretary of State, a Democrat, has condemned the apparent trading of license plates as illegal in his state.

NPR sent several requests for comment to ICE citing the specific photos and videos that appear to show license plate removal or manipulation during immigration enforcement operations. The department did not respond to the specific examples.

Immigration advocates say that as the agency increases its presence across the country thanks to an infusion of cash from Congress, untraceable vehicles may add to confusion over what tactics immigration officers can or should be using, and could prevent people from holding officers accountable.

"Most people are not used to interacting with federal law enforcement on our streets," said Bruno Huizar, policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. Not knowing the identity of law enforcement – or not knowing if the enforcement is legitimate – exacerbates lack of trust in police, and makes it harder for people to defend their legal rights, he said.

Officers who appeared to be conducting immigration arrests in unmarked vehicles were captured on videos shot across the country and shared online on platforms like TikTok, Instagram and Eyes Up, an application that tracks where federal agents have arrested migrants. NPR reviewed all videos cited in this story and confirmed the dates of the videos and locations of law enforcement presence and bystanders when possible. When details couldn't be verified, NPR corroborated information with immigration experts, activists, and a developer for an app that documents confrontations with federal agents.

File image from May 7, 2025 in Newark, N.J., shows a badge hanging over the uniform of an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent.

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In a video shared in June that takes place in Washington state, a federal agent in a police vest is seen driving a black Ford SUV with no license plate on the back of the vehicle.

And in another video posted on the Eyes Up app, labeled as shot in July in a Los Angeles suburb, a blue Nissan is seen with a placard on the back of the car that reads "Lexus of Valencia" in the space where a license plate is usually placed. The vehicle is seen parked near others that federal agents were seen using while detaining a person.

NPR asked ICE to confirm whether these vehicles and others like them belonged to federal employees working for the agency. The agency did not respond.

In an earlier statement provided in response to questions about the vehicle with the "Lexus of Valencia" placard, ICE spokesperson Mike Alvarez told NPR in a statement that ICE officers and agents do not use personal or rental vehicles while conducting immigration enforcement operations.

"Further, per federal code, federal law enforcement agency vehicles used primarily for investigative, law enforcement, intelligence, or security duties are exempt from displaying U.S. Government license plates or motor vehicle identification when such identification would interfere with these critical duties," Alvarez said.

Appearing "like a ghost"

It used to be rare for ICE employees to drive cars without plates when conducting arrests, said Darius Reeves, a former Baltimore field office director for ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations. He left the agency this year.

"The agency clearly wants to appear like a ghost," Reeves said. "I have never experienced this."

The federal code, or regulation, that Alvarez cited requires that vehicles used by government employees display government license plates on the front and rear of the vehicle – except when identifying these cars would interfere with investigative, law enforcement, intelligence, or security duties.

Federal regulation also prohibits swapping license plates from one car to another.

But ICE guidelines for agents on managing vehicle fleets indicate that operating a vehicle without license plates is meant to be the exception, not the rule.

"All ICE owned, or leased motor vehicles must display DHS or [General Services Administration] license plates, unless exempted," the guidelines state. To operate a vehicle without a federal license plate, someone must submit a request for a waiver to the unit that manages ICE's fleet, according to the guidelines.

In August, NPR requested to review all license plate waivers submitted by ICE over the previous year. At the time of publication, ICE had not provided the documents to reporters, though according to the federal Freedom of Information Act, the agency should have provided them by September.

An automatic email message received this month stated all federal records offices would not communicate with reporters about records until the end of the "funding hiatus," referring to the shutdown of the federal government that began on October 1.

Alvarez, the ICE spokesperson, did not respond to a question from NPR about how many times employees had submitted waivers to operate vehicles without a license plate.

Removing and swapping license plates

Some states prohibit swapping license plates on vehicles. But photos taken by activists and a video shared to social media suggest federal agents are doing this anyway in Illinois and California.

A video posted to a TikTok account in October shows a man dressed like a federal agent who said that changing license plates on vehicles was standard practice.

"We change the plates out every day," says in the video, which was described by the poster as having taken place in Round Lake, Ill., as he walks around an otherwise unmarked black Jeep SUV with an Illinois license plate.

On Oct. 22, Illinois Secretary of State Alexi Giannoulias posted the video to X, stating that Illinois had "zero tolerance for this type of illegal activity."

"Flipping license plates or altering them in any way to avoid detection is strictly prohibited in Illinois," said Giannoulias in the video, urging residents to report similar violations to a hotline. "No one, including a federal agent, is above the law."

Alvarez, the ICE spokesperson, identified the officers in that video as Border Patrol. A separate agency inside DHS that has been involved with immigration enforcement, Border Patrol has been among the agencies tasked with conducting immigration-related arrests, particularly in cities like Chicago in recent weeks. Customs and Border Protection, the branch of DHS it is housed within, did not respond to a request for comment from NPR asking about their practice of switching license plates.

Activists for the Harbor Area Peace Patrol, a community group based in Los Angeles, Calif., have said they also noticed behavior that seems to contradict state guidelines about license plates.

Since June, the activists say, they have monitored federal agents almost every day as they leave Terminal Island, an artificial island in southern Los Angeles that has been used as a staging area for agents before they arrest migrants and conduct raids throughout the city. More than once, activists documented people on Terminal Island, a part of LA, removing plates from vehicles.

"We've seen that multiple times," said Elijah Chiland, an activist with the group.

Activists said they have additionally noticed that sometimes, federal agents left the staging area in the same car, but with different license plates on the vehicle than the car had on a previous day. And multiple times, the activists said, they noticed something else: Vehicles departing from Terminal Island were spotted with one license plate on the front and a different plate on the back.

"I've seen seven or eight different times that a car had a license plate that it didn't originally have," said Victor Maldonado, another of the group's activists. ICE did not respond to NPR questions about the allegations of license plate-switching near Terminal Island.

Mexican markings in Washington and Illinois

Some videos shared online appear to show federal agents making arrests using vehicles marked with Mexican objects or icons.

In the video recorded in Spokane Valley, Wash., where a car without license plates was used, another vehicle drew attention from bystanders. In front of the car without plates, two masked federal agents in tactical vests are seen entering a white Jeep SUV with a back license plate from the Mexican state of Tamaulipas.

"Tamaulipas on the license plate, can you believe this?" says a bystander, who can be heard on the audio in the clip.

ICE did not respond to a request for comment asking if this was their vehicle or operation.

A similar tactic was observed in a video that appears to be recorded in Illinois and was shared on TikTok in September. In the video, a man in a tactical police vest marked with the words "U.S. Border Patrol" is seen entering a silver Ford Explorer with a large Mexican flag across the hood of the car. Mexican flag stickers are seen stuck to the car's back and side windows.

"ICE using Mexican flag to target immigrants!!" read the words typed across the video, shared to TikTok, though it is unclear that anyone working for ICE is in the vehicle.

Another video shared the same day showed multiple men in tactical vests loading into a vehicle with a similar Mexican flag splayed across the hood.

When asked about whether Border Patrol agents were using a vehicle with Mexican flag decals, DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin stated the agency believes its employees are not camouflaging their identities, though she acknowledged agents do wear masks to protect themselves from harm. ICE did not respond.

"DHS is not going to confirm our vehicles and put an even larger target on our officers' backs," McLaughlin said in an emailed statement. U.S. Customs and Border Protection did not respond to questions regarding current CBP policy for markings on cars including painted hoods and stickers.

Multiple agencies, few agency markings on cars

Involvement of other federal agencies in immigration activities further complicates the situation, said Reeves, the former ICE employee.

Employees of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the U.S. Marshals Service and the U.S. Park Police have been involved with arresting migrants. But during arrests, the officers' clothing hasn't appeared to always match the cars they drive, according to media reports and NPR's own reporting.

In one instance, after President Trump deployed the National Guard to patrol D.C. in early August, a group of officers detained two migrants. The officers' clothing indicated some of them worked for the FBI, ATF and U.S. Park Police, reporters observed. One person wore a tactical vest labeled "police." Another wore a tactical vest with no description on it at all. A U.S. Park Police vehicle was the only car visible that was labeled with the name of a law enforcement agency.

Making arrests while operating cars that aren't clearly identified can erode the public's trust in local police, said Daniel Hodges, a police officer with the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington D.C., which has also worked with ICE on immigration arrests in the city. Hodges was attacked during the riot at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

"We've got to live with that destruction of trust after the feds go away," said Hodges. "Ethically and in terms of long-term effectiveness of our police departments, it's only detrimental as far as I can see."

David Bier, the director of immigration studies at the libertarian Cato Institute, said that removing or switching license plates can be detrimental for another reason: It helps federal agencies avoid further scrutiny.

"It removes the opportunity for accountability if you don't know what officers were conducting an operation. There's no way to track back, 'This person was using this vehicle,'" Bier said. "It's unclear exactly how they track these actions. So it could genuinely be impossible to ever determine who was involved and in what operation."

Bier said not knowing which agency or people are involved in an arrest can make it difficult for Congress or lawyers to investigate specific claims if officers are accused of violating people's rights.

"Of course, if you're being charged with a crime or being arrested or detained, you have a right to know who is leveling this charge against you, who's claiming that you violated the law," Bier said. "These are all basic principles of liberal democracy that we've just taken for granted."

Nick McMillan contributed reporting.
Copyright 2025 NPR

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Since 1977, Richard Santillan has been to every Opening Day game at Dodger Stadium. 

“The tradition goes from my father, to me, to my children and grandchildren. Some of my best memories are with my father and children here at Dodger Stadium,” Santillan told The LA Local, smiling under the shade of palm trees near the entrance to the ballpark Wednesday morning. He was there to protest the team less than 24 hours before Opening Day.

Santillan, like countless other loyal Dodgers fans, is grappling with his fan identity over the team’s decision to accept an invitation to the White House and owner Mark Walter’s ties to ICE detention facilities.

More than 30 people joined Santillan on Wednesday morning for a press conference held near 1000 Vin Scully Drive to convey a message directly to the team. 

“We are demanding the Dodgers stop participating in funding of inhumane treatment of families and do not go to the White House to celebrate with the criminal in chief,” Evelyn Escatiola told the crowd. “Together, we have the power to make a change.”

Escatiola, a former dean of East Los Angeles College and longtime community organizer, urged fans to flex their economic power by “letting the Dodgers know that we do not support repression.”

Jorge “Coqui” Rodriguez, a lifelong Dodgers fan, spoke to the crowd and called on Dodgers ownership to divest from immigration detention centers owned and operated by GEO Group and CoreCivic.

Jorge Coqui H Rodriguez speaks at a press conference outside Dodger Stadium on March 25, 2026, to demand the Dodgers not to visit the White House following their 2025 World Series win.

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In a phone interview a day before the protest, Rodriguez told The LA Local he did not want the Dodgers using his “cheve” or beer money to fund detention centers. 

“They can’t take our parking money, our cacahuate money, our cheve money, our Dodger Dog money and invest those funds into corporations that are imprisoning people. It’s wrong,” Rodriguez said. 

Rodriguez considers the Dodgers one of the most racially diverse teams and said the players need to support fans at a time when heightened immigration enforcement has become more common across L.A.

The team’s 2025’s visit to the White House drew ire from the largely Latino fan base, citing the Trump administration’s ongoing attacks on immigrants. 

In June, the team came under further scrutiny when rumors swirled online that federal immigration agents were using the stadium’s parking, which immigration authorities later denied in statements posted on social media accounts.

The team again came under fire after not releasing a statement on the impacts of ICE raids on its mostly Latino fan base at the height of immigration enforcement last summer. The team later agreed to invest $1 million to support families affected by immigration enforcement.

When he learned the Dodgers were pledging only $1 million to families in need, Rodriguez called the amount a  “slap in the face.” 

“These guys just bought the Lakers for billions of dollars and they give a million dollars to fight for legal services? That’s a joke,” Rodriguez said. “They need to have a moral backbone and not be investing in those companies.”

According to reporting from the Los Angeles Times, former Dodgers pitcher Clayton Kershawsaid last week that he is looking forward to the trip.

“I went when President [Joe] Biden was in office. I’m going to go when President [Donald] Trump is in office,” Kershaw said. “To me, it’s just about getting to go to the White House. You don’t get that opportunity every day, so I’m excited to go.”

The Dodgers have yet to announce when their planned visit will take place. 

Santillan sometimes laments his decision to give up his season tickets in protest of the team. His connection to the stadium and the memories he has made there with family and friends will last a lifetime, he said. On Thursday, he will uphold his tradition and be there for the first pitch of the season, but with a heavy heart.

“It’s a family tradition, but the Dodgers have a lot of work to do,” he said.

A local favorite mom-and-pop bookshop in Eagle Rock is facing displacement due to a steep rent hike. The owners say theirs is just one of several small businesses along Eagle Rock Boulevard struggling to keep up with lease increases.

Over the past 19 years, many in the neighborhood have come to love READ Books for its eclectic collection of used titles and shop dog Florence.

Co-owner Jeremy Kaplan said it’s been a delight to grow with the community over the years.

“Like seeing kids come back in, who were in grade school and now they’re in college,” Kaplan said.

But the building where Kaplan and wife Debbie rent was recently sold, and the rent increased by more than 130% to $2,805 a month, Kaplan said. He told LAist it was an increase his small business simply could not absorb.

Kaplan said he originally was given 30 days notice of the rent increase. After some research, assistance from Councilmember Ysabel Jurado’s office and some pro-bono legal help, Kaplan said he pushed back and got the 90-day notice he’s afforded by state law.

California Senate Bill 1103 requires landlords to give businesses with five or less employees 90 days’ notice for rent increases exceeding 10%, among other protections.

Systems Real Estate, the property management company, did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment.

What can small businesses do? 

Nadia Segura, directing attorney of the Small Business Program at pro bono legal aid non-profit Bet Tzedek said California law does not currently allow for rent control for commercial tenancies.

Outside of the protections under SB 1103, Segura said small businesses like READ Books don’t have much other recourse. And even then, commercial landlords are not required to inform their tenants of their protections under the law.

“There’s still a lot of people that don’t know about SB 1103. And then it’s very sad that they tell them they have these rent increases and within a month they have to leave,” Segura said.

She said her group is seeing steep rent hikes like this for commercial tenants across the city.

“We are seeing this even more with the World Cup coming up, the Olympics coming up. And I will say it was very sad to see that also after the wildfires,” Segura said.

Part of Bet Tzedek’s ongoing work is to advocate for small businesses, working with landlords who are increasing rents to see if they are willing to give business owners longer leases that lock in rents.

What’s next 

After READ Books posted about their situation on social media, commenters chimed in to express their outrage and love for the little shop.

While he looks for a new spot, Kaplan says he’s forming a coalition of local businesses and activist groups to see what can be done to help other small businesses facing similar displacement. He wants to address the displacement issue for businesses like his, which have made Eagle Rock the distinctive neighborhood that it is today.

Owl Talk, a longtime Eagle Rock staple selling clothing and accessories in a unit in the same building as READ Books, is facing a “more than double” rent increase, according to a post on their Instagram account.

Kaplan said he’s been in touch with the office of state Assemblywoman Jessica Caloza and wants to explore the possibility of introducing legislation to set up protections for small businesses like his, including rent-control measures or a vacancy tax for landlords. Kaplan said he also reached out to the office of state Sen. Maria Durazo.

By his count, Kaplan said there are about a dozen businesses within surrounding blocks that are at risk of closing their doors or have shuttered due to rent increases or other struggles.

When READ Books was founded during the Great Recession, Kaplan said he knew it was a longshot to open a bookstore at the same time so many were struggling to stay in business.

“It was kind of interesting to be doing something that neighborhoods needed. That was important to me growing up, that was important to my children, that was important to my wife growing up,” Kaplan said.

“And then somebody comes in and says, ‘We’re gonna over double your rent.”

Topline:

Frozen budget: Most of the city’s Bureau of Street Lighting budget comes from an assessment that people who own property illuminated by lights pay on their county property tax bill. The amount people pay depends on the kind of property they own and how much they benefit from lighting. A typical single-family home currently pays $53 annually, and in total, the assessments bring in about $45 million annually for the city to repair and maintain streetlights. Changing the amount the Bureau of Street Lighting gets from the assessment requires a vote among property owners who benefit from the lights.

Ballots: L.A. City Council’s vote gives city staff the green light to prepare and send out those ballots. Miguel Sangalang, who oversees the bureau, said at a committee meeting earlier this month that he expects to send out ballots by April 17. Notices about the ballots will be sent out prior to the ballots themselves.

Near unanimous vote: L.A. City Councilmember Monica Rodriguez was the only “No” vote Tuesday, saying she wanted to see a more current strategic plan for the bureau. Sangalang said the bureau developed a plan in 2022 that lays out how money will be spent. Councilmember Imelda Padilla was absent for the vote.

Vote count: Votes will be weighted according to the assessment amount. Basically, the more you’re asked to pay yearly to maintain streetlights, the more your vote will count. Ballots received before June 2 will be tabulated by the L.A. City Clerk.

How much more money: According to a report, the amount needed in assessments from property owners to meet the repair and maintenance needs of the city’s streetlighting in the next fiscal year is nearly $112 million.

Use of the money: Sangalang said at a March 11 committee meeting that the extra funds would be used to double the number of staff to handle repairs and procure solar streetlights, which don’t face the threat of copper wire theft. That would all potentially reduce the time it takes to repair simple fixes down to a week. Currently, city residents wait for months to see broken streetlights repaired. The assessment would come with a three-year auditing mechanism.