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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Eaton Fire destroys wildfire photog's home
    The backyard of a house with a swimming pool as the mountain behinds it burns
    A photo Kevin Cooley shot during the Woolsey Fire in 2018 that was featured in the New York Times. This week, the fire photographer's home was destroyed by the Eaton Fire.

    Topline:

    Kevin Cooley is a photographer who takes photos of wildfires and many other subjects. His fine art photos are collected by LACMA and the Guggenheim. And his editorial work is featured in publications such as the New York Times.

    Why now: His Altadena home was destroyed by the Eaton Fire this week. He was out in the Palisades shooting the wildfire that had broken out when he heard from his wife that their home miles away was under threat.

    Read on... to learn more about the day that changed Cooley's life.

    Fire has never been a foreign concept in the life of Altadena-based photographer Kevin Cooley.

    It's been a major theme across his work. His fine art photos have focused on smoke, explosions — including those he creates himself — and a man nicknamed the Wizard of Awe who made fireworks in Southern Minnesota.

    For his day job, Cooley chases and captures wildfires in California for a photo agency and publications like the New York Times.

    "It's hard not to want to go right to the fire, but I often want to find an angle to create an image, a scene where you put the fires within a larger context than the burning house, the burning building, the threat to people," he said.

    One of his favorite pieces is a photo taken during the Woolsey Fire in 2018, which burned nearly 97,000 acres in L.A. and Ventura counties and prompted the evacuation of some 295,000 people.

    A screenshot of a newspaper story with a photo of a backyard of a house with a pool and fire burning in the mountains behind it.
    Screenshot of the New York Times story where Kevin Cooley's photo was published.
    (
    Courtesy Kevin Cooley
    )

    The photo was shot on assignment for The New Yorker and was also used for a Times opinion piece. Taken at a house in the San Fernando Valley, the picture was uncannily Hockney-esque in its composition and symbolism.

    "It's of a house with a swimming pool in the backyard, beautiful landscape with the fire just encroaching right over the wall behind it," he said. "In a way that's kind of like the end of the California dream."

    A charred mountainous landscape with various fire spots dotting across.
    A photo Kevin Cooley took during the Bobcat Fire in the San Gabriel Mountains above Los Angeles in 2020.
    (
    Courtesy Kevin Cooley
    )

    Cooley moved to Los Angeles from New York in 2012, and was already familiar with the city's tendency for destructive wildfires having gone on assignments to photograph them before.

    His relationship to his subject deepened half a decade later, when the La Tuna Fire scorched some 7,200 acres — becoming the largest wildfire in the history of L.A., at the time.

    That was 2017, and Cooley had just moved into his new home, barely a week or so in, when La Tuna came about a hundred yards from his house.

    Instead of wary, he became more fascinated.

    "The ecology of Southern California is the chaparral, and the chaparral needs to burn. You know, fire is part of that ecology. We live in its domain," Cooley said.

    "That  really got me more interested in going to more fires," he said.

    But, he added, " I much prefer to go to the fires than have them come to me."

    At 10:30 a.m. on Tuesday, Jan. 7, a brush fire started in Pacific Palisades and grew exponentially over the course of the day, fanned by damaging Santa Ana winds unseen in a decade.

    That morning, Cooley was installing a gallery show in downtown Los Angeles for the West Coast book launch of Wizard of Awe, a collection of photos he took over the course of more than a decade of a man named Ken Miller, who made huge smoke generators at his Minnesota farm for airshows and other splashy events. Some of those photos were published in Popular Mechanics magazine. Those shots, and the accompany story, landed Miller in prison for violating federal explosive laws.

    Miller was scheduled to fly out to L.A. to join this weekend's book launch.

    But as the Palisades Fire grew in strength, Cooley got a call to go on assignment.

    So he left the gallery and headed out.

    Two photos, side by side, of white and black smoke coming out of a fire.
    From Kevin Cooley's "Controlled Burns" series.
    (
    Courtesy Kevin Cooley
    )

    " I've done enough where you can kind of get a sense of, you know,   looking at different resources and angles from fire cameras. It's like, 'OK, that's a fire. I got to go.' And you just go," he said. "That was the Palisades that day."

    He and a friend spent hours out in the Palisades shooting the unprecedented blaze — until he got a call from his wife saying that a fire had broken out near Eaton Canyon and was growing fast.

    " I could tell from the photograph that she sent from our house that it was like, 'We got to get back right now.' It was already that intense," Cooley said.

    They hauled back to Altadena and saw firsthand what was happening to his neighborhood.

    " I thought the [Palisades Fire] was the most intense fire I've ever been on until I got back to Altadena.  And that was more intense, at least for me, because it's my community," he said.

    A fire engulfs a blue building.
    Cafe de Leche, a small coffee shop on Lake Avenue in Altadena, destroyed by the Eaton Fire.
    (
    Courtesy Kevin Cooley
    )

    Cooley, his wife and their 10-year-old son evacuated from their duplex near  the intersection of El Molino Avenue and Morada Place, straddling the border of Altadena and Pasadena, at about 5 a.m. Wednesday.

    Once they settled into their friend's Bungalow Heaven home in Pasadena for shelter, Cooley headed back north.

     "Being the fire photographer that I am, I couldn't sit and I went back straight to my house and it was already on fire," he said.

    A wall of fire was close to engulfing his car.

    "I figured I probably should go," Cooley said.

    The veteran fire photographer said after leaving his home: "I just went around the neighborhood like I always do, except I knew all the houses."

    By early Wednesday morning, on Jan. 8, just hours after the start of Eaton Fire in Altadena, Cooley and his family has lost their home — along with so many people in the area.

    He went to Instagram and posted a video of his house being ripped apart by the flames.

    The next morning, one of the photographs he took of the Palisades Fire was published in the New York Times.

    Cooley was showing me that shot in the backyard of his friend's Pasadena home that afternoon — while ashes from the fires burning across Los Angeles fell from the sky around us.

    A screenshot of a newspaper article featuring a palm tree with fire in the background.
    A screenshot of the New York Times opinion piece where Kevin Cooley's Palisades Fire photo was used.

    He said he isn't sure what's next, what's going to happen, where he and his family are going to go, or whether they'll stay in L.A.

    But he did say living with wildfires has become part of living in this city.

    "If there's an earthquake, it's not gonna be like we weren't informed. People who live on the beach, [it's not like they] aren't aware that the sea is coming," Cooley said. "It's just all part of our living in this 21st century."

    Because so much of Los Angeles teeters at the edge of paradise lost.

    A man holding a camera in front of a burnt down home.
    Kevin Cooley in front of his Altadena home destroyed by the Eaton Fire.
    (
    Aaron Giesel
    /
    Courtesy Kevin Cooley
    )

    ***

    The West Coast book launch of Wizard of Awe has been rescheduled:

    KEVIN COOLEY | THE WIZARD OF AWE
    These Days
    Location: 118 Winston St., Los Angeles
    Event: Artist Reception + book signing: Jan. 18, 7 - 9 p.m.
    Exhibition dates: Jan. 18 - Feb. 1

    Do you have a question about the wildfires or fire recovery?
    Check out LAist.com/FireFAQs to see if your question has already been answered. If not, submit your questions here, and we’ll do our best to get you an answer.

    _

  • City makes $7M in cuts to positions, programs
    Aerial day time view of a residential neighborhood
    Fullerton, pictured in an overview shot

    Topline:

    Fullerton city officials this week closed a multi-million dollar budget deficit without dipping into the city’s reserves. Some of the largest cuts were made to vacant city positions and library programming.

    What happened: The City Council voted 3-2 to approve the budget on Tuesday night, with Councilmembers Ahmad Zahra and Shana Charles opposing the spending plan. Zahra called the cuts “drastic.”

    Why the cuts matter: On the chopping block were 26 vacant positions from various departments, including Parks and Recreation, Police and Public Works. More than $400,000 was cut from the library budget for security, electronic resources and the book collections in the adult and teen sections.

    The city’s graffiti removal team was reduced from two truck units to one.

    How did we get here? City spending outpaces incoming revenue, according to city staff. The City Council rejected a sales tax measure to fill up the city coffers.

    Why is the budget so late? The vote comes a month after the start of the new fiscal year because of an internal audit. Staff identified that nearly $10 million had been incorrectly categorized for specific uses rather than general spending. The city hired an independent auditing firm to look into the city’s accounting.

  • Sponsored message
  • Manufacturers say CA restrictions could bump costs
    Plastic packaging is seen from above in a large trash pile.
    Mixed plastic recyclables move on a conveyor belt at Recology's Recycle Central in San Francisco on Sept. 24, 2024.

    Topline:

    More than two dozen California Assembly Democrats and one state senator sent a letter Wednesday to legislative leaders asking them to delay fees under SB 54, the state’s landmark plastic reduction law, for two years — an eleventh-hour push as the Legislature hurtles toward the end of session.

    The ask: Signed by 23 Assemblymembers and Sen. Melissa Hurtado, the letter asks lawmakers to pause fee assessment and collection this year and next, commit to a “reform package” next session, and increase legislative oversight of the program going forward.

    The context: The request lands amid a broader fight over how the plastics law is rolling out. Little by little California is demanding that the packages you pick up at your doorstep or at the store contain less plastic. A law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed four years ago aims to phase out 25% of non-recyclable, non-compostable plastic by 2032.

    Industry response: Industry groups say the price tag for complying with the law could be tens of billions of dollars higher than California originally estimated. An industry-commissioned study found the law could cost consumers three times what the state projected — between $683 and $948 a year, rather than $190. That means groceries, shampoo bottles and other consumer goods packed in plastic could cost a little more as the law takes effect.

    State reasoning: The California Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery, which oversees implementation, declined an interview but said in a written statement that the law puts consumers first and pushes producers to design packaging with recycling in mind.

    More than two dozen California Assembly Democrats and one state senator sent a letter Wednesday to legislative leaders asking them to delay fees under SB 54, the state’s landmark plastic reduction law, for two years — an eleventh-hour push as the Legislature hurtles toward the end of session.

    The letter, addressed to Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limón and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, was signed by 23 Assemblymembers and Sen. Melissa Hurtado. It asks lawmakers to pause fee assessment and collection this year and next, commit to a “reform package” next session, and increase legislative oversight of the program going forward.

    The request lands amid a broader fight over how the plastics law is rolling out. Little by little California is demanding that the packages you pick up at your doorstep or at the store contain less plastic. A law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed four years ago aims to phase out 25% of non-recyclable, non-compostable plastic by 2032.

    To get there, the state tasked a nonprofit, the Circular Action Alliance, with drafting a plan to meet the state goals. The group estimated the work would cost $17.2 billion over five years – and is asking for a three-year exemption from the source-reduction deadline.

    But as the state moves to implement the law, questions are mounting over how the organization calculates the fees producers — and eventually consumers — will pay, and how much oversight the group actually faces.

    Industry groups say the price tag for complying with the law could be tens of billions of dollars higher than California originally estimated. An industry-commissioned study found the law could cost consumers three times what the state projected — between $683 and $948 a year, rather than $190.

    That means groceries, shampoo bottles and other consumer goods packed in plastic could cost a little more as the law takes effect.

    The California Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery, which oversees implementation, declined an interview but said in a written statement that the law puts consumers first and pushes producers to design packaging with recycling in mind.

    “Californians are facing rising costs and pollution from increasingly complex packaging that wasn’t designed for the recycling systems local governments, ratepayers, and the state developed and funded over the past four decades,” said CalRecycle director Zoe Heller. “The law’s rollout is a dial, not a switch, giving producers flexibility to redesign packaging, invest in recycling systems, reduce single-use plastics, and make adjustments along the way,” she added.

    Watching the watchers

    The Circular Action Alliance published its fee schedule in June, spelling out what each producer owes into the system. The fees could add up to more than $10 million for some businesses, according to the Dairy Institute of California. The Dairy Institute is a trade association that represents milk processors and dairy product manufacturers.

    But unlike a state agency, the Circular Action Alliance answers to almost no one, said Katie Davey, executive director of the Dairy Institute.

    “[The alliance] does not have to go through an audit by the state auditor. They’re not subject to the (California open government law) Brown Act. They’re not subject to public records requests. The Legislature does not approve their budget and does not approve how many employees they need, or how many fees they can charge,” Davey said.

    As a private nonprofit, Circular Action Alliance indeed is not subject to the Brown Act or public-records law — but records it submits to CalRecycle or other government entities may be.

    CalRecycle must approve its fee schedule and implementation plan, and has the authority to audit the organization’s performance, said CalRecycle spokesperson Lance Klug, who added that the plastics law includes provisions to ensure the group’s budget and fees are appropriate.

    The alliance’s role “is not to set California policy,” said its spokesperson, Larine Urbina. “Our role is to implement the framework established by SB 54 under CalRecycle’s oversight.”

    Davey said the gap extends to enforcement. Businesses that fall short will face so-called malus fees, which fund bonuses for those that comply. But the Circular Action Alliance hasn’t said what those fees will be.

    Shane Gusman, a lobbyist for the Teamsters, which represents hundreds of thousands of California workers, raised similar concerns. “They’re a wholly independent nonprofit organization that has no oversight. That’s part of the problem.” The union backed the plastics law hoping it would boost jobs; Guzman now says the fees could affect workers too.

    Shortly after the alliance published its fee schedule, Davey and a coalition of industry leaders — including the California Restaurant Association, the California League of Food Producers, the American Forest and Paper Association and the Print Creative Alliance — commissioned a study disputing CalRecycle’s numbers.

    It found CalRecycle’s 2025 estimate of $21 billion in implementation costs, or $190 a year per California household, rests on “idealized assumptions that fail to capture real-world costs and complications the regulations will create.”

    The study puts the number somewhere between $35 and $58 billion, rising after the implementation period.

    Klug of CalRecycle said the agency’s earlier reports were just estimates. “The actual costs will be determined by producer choices,” he said. “These costs, for example, will reflect the infrastructure needed to recycle materials that producers are choosing to use.”

    Agriculture groups push back 

    The biggest hurdle for producers is cutting plastic use 25% by 2032 — which state regulators say will require redesigning packaging and shifting toward reusable products, such as dishes at restaurants and paper-based packaging for produce.

    Business groups say they support the state’s goals but call the timeline unworkable.

    Food safety is one sticking point: alternatives like paper-based containers for berries are less breathable and spoil faster, while heavier glass or cardboard adds transportation costs, said Casey Creamer, president of the California Fresh Fruit Association.

    “We just don’t want to force something out and not be able to deliver a fresh, healthy commodity, or create a situation that has more significant or adverse environmental concerns just because we look at plastics and packaging in a silo,” Creamer said.

    Environmental groups oppose any pause.

    “All of us pay for plastic pollution through higher garbage bills and clean-ups of polluted beaches and waterways, not to mention the damage to our environment and our health,”said Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for Californians Against Waste.

    Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat representing coastal Los Angeles County who authored the law, said it’s time plastic producers are held accountable for the waste they produce.

    “This 11th-hour Hail Mary is only trying to maintain status quo and avoid due responsibility, throwing years of good-faith negotiations, and affordability and sustainability improvements out the window,” he said in a statement about producers’ efforts to pause implementation of the law.

    Businesses pass costs to consumers

    Whether the plastics law is actually driving up grocery prices yet is hard to pin down. Creamer said businesses may already be factoring the organization’s planned fees into their prices.

    Federal data show grocery prices dipped slightly in July from June, though prices have climbed year over year and that rate is accelerating, said Richard Volpe, a consumer-price expert at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo. Neither the USDA nor the Bureau of Labor Statistics has released August figures, and no data yet isolates the state plastics law’s effect from broader inflation.

    Volpe said retailers, who run on thin margins, will eventually pass costs on to consumers — but probably not right away.

    “It will not happen overnight,” he said. “And it will still be relatively small, mostly on the order of pennies on the dollar.”

    Industry groups warn it will add up.

    “If someone’s even on the cusp of food insecurity and they’re looking at $1,000 more a year, that’s pushing them over the food cliff,” said Nate Rose, a spokesperson for the California Grocers Association.

    The Teamsters, which backed the plastics law hoping it would boost jobs, now worry the fees could affect workers too.

    The law “has been morphed into something that is going to cost California consumers a substantial amount of money at a time when I don’t know if we need to spend thousands more on groceries,” said Gusman, the Teamsters lobbyist. “That also has an impact on the workforce.”

  • Father’s Office and Uoichiba team up this August
    A hand roll wrapped in nori, filled with rice, dry-aged beef, melted cheese with visible char marks, and topped with a bundle of fresh arugula, photographed close-up against a white background.
    The Uoichiba x Father's Office hand roll layers dry-aged beef, melted cheese, and arugula over rice, wrapped in nori.

    Topline:

    Uoichiba, Joint Seafood's hand roll bar, has teamed up with Father's Office for a limited-edition hand roll version of Chef Sang Yoon's iconic burger — dry-aged beef, bacon fat-caramelized onions, Gruyère, Maytag blue and arugula, wrapped in nori and rice. It's available through the end of August at Uoichiba's Sherman Oaks and DTLA locations for $16.

    Why it matters: Father's Office built its reputation on refusing to let anyone touch its burger — no substitutions, no exceptions. That rigidity runs headfirst into Uoichiba's flexible, build-it-your-way hand roll format, and Chef Liwei Liao, a close friend of Yoon's, said the collaboration still holds the line: no modifications allowed on the roll either.

    What’s the verdict: The result tastes remarkably true to the original, transporting you straight back to the outdoor patio of Father’s Office at the Helms Bakery building. Liao says it won't be the last chef collab to land on Uoichiba's hand roll bar.

    Father's Office built its reputation on refusing to let anyone touch its burger — no substitutions, no exceptions. Just dry-aged beef, bacon fat-caramelized onions, Gruyère, Maytag blue and arugula.

    Which is why a new collaboration with hand roll specialist Uoichiba had me… scratching my head.

    Yes, that’s right. For a limited time, the Office Burger can be found in hand roll form at Uoichiba locations (Sherman Oaks and DTLA), packed over rice and wrapped in nori in lieu of a bun, for $16.

    The collaboration

    Turns out Chef Liwei Liao (owner of Uoichiba/Joint Seafood) and Chef Sang Yoon (Father's Office) are close friends who decided to bridge their culinary worlds.

    Liao says he’s actually a burger guy off the clock, and considers the Office Burger one of the most iconic in L.A.

    "I'm not even a blue cheese fan, but I enjoy it in that flavor combination with the grilled onions —it's basically French onion soup in a sauce —and then his blend of cheese," Liao said.

    While the hand roll combo isn’t something you see every day, it's not a total left turn for Uoichiba. The spot already runs four Wagyu hand rolls on its regular menu (cheeseburger, tartare, shabu shabu, steak), so this slots into an existing format rather than a one-off gimmick.

    A hand with a medium dark skin tone holding a nori-wrapped hand roll filled with dry-aged beef, melted cheese, and fresh arugula, photographed close-up against a blurred neutral background.
    The Uoichiba x Father's Office collaboration hand roll, available through August.
    (
    Grid Vongpiansuksa
    /
    Courtesy Uoichiba
    )

    Does it work?

    So... to my verdict on trying it. Despite its unusual format, the elements hit my taste buds, and I was immediately struck by how familiar it all felt —transported straight back to the outdoor patio of Father’s Office at the Helms Bakery building, touching upon all the same notes.

    That’s not a surprise, since Liao uses Yoon’s exact Office Burger recipe. “We’re literally using his cheese, his onions, his blend,” he says.

    Watching the roll get assembled, it's easy to see the level of precision involved — the dry-aged beef gets a slight char from a hand-held blowtorch, then it's layered with the onion and cheese mixture and fresh arugula, the whole thing coming together like one of Vincent van Gogh's still-life vase paintings.

    It's not a one-off, either — Liao said Uoichiba plans to keep doing chef collaborations like this on the hand roll bar about once a month.

  • Fake poll called a 'wake up call' for politicians
    A woman with medium skin tone with short curly light brown hair wearing black-rimmed glasses and a black jacket with the seal of Los Angeles stands behind a podium speaking into a microphone.
    L.A. Mayor Karen Bass speaks at a news conference in 2025.

    Topline:

    A fake poll showing Karen Bass leading LA’s mayoral race fooled journalists and her campaign, raising fears about betting market fraud and serving as a “wake-up call” for other campaigns.

    The context: The poll in question, published last week by a group called Median Strategies, purported to show Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass leading City Councilmember Nithya Raman by double digits — a surprising result given Bass’s low approval rating and her administration’s recent setbacks on homelessness. It also claimed that Bass had won support from a vast majority of voters who supported insurgent Republican Spencer Pratt in the primary election.

    How we got here: On Monday, Median Strategies retracted its poll and replaced its website with a disclaimer that the survey results were fabricated as part of a “short-term social experiment” and “should not be cited or treated as genuine polling data.” The group’s website also featured “polls” from the Wisconsin and Nevada gubernatorial races.

    Why it matters: The fake results, first reported by the Los Angeles Times, duped the California Post, several local television and radio stations and even the mayor’s own campaign, which drew attention to the survey in a now-deleted X post. The incident further underscores the importance of accuracy and precision in polling and presents yet another challenge for a public already struggling to separate fact from fiction and genuine content from AI-generated slop.

    Read on... for more on what experts are warning about as a result.

    Mark Baldassare has seen his fair share of eyebrow-raising political polls in his decades-long career as a public opinion researcher.

    Never, though, has he encountered a completely fake survey with made-up findings.

    Until this week.

    “It’s disturbing,” said Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank.

    “It’s a wake-up call for all of us.”

    The poll in question, published last week by a group called Median Strategies, purported to show Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass leading City Councilmember Nithya Raman by double digits — a surprising result given Bass’s low approval rating and her administration’s recent setbacks on homelessness. It also claimed that Bass had won support from a vast majority of voters who supported insurgent Republican Spencer Pratt in the primary election.

    But on Monday, Median Strategies retracted its poll and replaced its website with a disclaimer that the survey results were fabricated as part of a “short-term social experiment” and “should not be cited or treated as genuine polling data.” The group’s website also featured “polls” from the Wisconsin and Nevada gubernatorial races.

    The fake results, first reported by the Los Angeles Times, duped the California Post, several local television and radio stations and even the mayor’s own campaign, which drew attention to the survey in a now-deleted X post.

    The incident further underscores the importance of accuracy and precision in polling and presents yet another challenge for a public already struggling to separate fact from fiction and genuine content from AI-generated slop.

    Bass’s spokesperson, Alex Stack, said campaign leadership had reviewed the polling memo that accompanied the results and decided it was legitimate given that “the poll was reported on by multiple news outlets.”

    “Any bad faith attempts to influence elections should be investigated and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law,” Stack said in a statement.

    A scheme to rig betting markets?

    It’s unclear who’s behind Median Strategies, what their true intentions were with the bogus data and whether they would’ve disclosed the deception to the public if journalists hadn’t intervened. The group did not respond to a list of emailed questions from CalMatters.

    “This definitely isn’t a research experiment, right? It sounds like an excuse for very bad behavior,” said Mindy Romero, director of the nonpartisan, nonprofit Center for Inclusive Democracy.

    “If we take them at their word, that this is some sort of social experiment, that’s not what reputable researchers engage in,” Romero added. “We always have to think about the harm that we’re doing.”

    One alternate theory is that the false survey results were meant to manipulate prediction markets, such as Kalshi and Polymarket, in the same way that securities fraudsters “pump and dump” penny stocks. They buy low, release disingenuous information to drive the price up, then sell high and reap the windfall.

    Median’s fake poll spurred high volumes of trades shortly after it was posted, though the price movements were small. The Associated Press tracked thousands of trades from roughly 20 different accounts on Polymarket within six minutes of Bass’s campaign posting about the poll on X. On Kalshi, the price of placing a “yes” bet on Bass winning the mayoral race rose roughly two cents, from 63 to 65, within 15 minutes of the post, the AP reported.

    “If nothing else, Median Strategies proved the concept that a pump-and-dump scheme is easily transferrable to election prediction markets,” wrote David Dayen for The American Prospect, a left-leaning policy publication.

    Could bogus polls become more common?

    For Jonathan Underland, a political strategist who works with Democrat Xavier Becerra’s campaign for governor, the Median Strategies debacle reinforces how important it is to vet a poll’s reputability before sharing it on official platforms.

    “I get the excitement of a poll that shows you in the lead,” Underland said. “Everything is an opportunity for your opponent to hit you. The last thing I want to do is promote a poll that’s not real.”

    Baldassare detests that public opinion polls drive financial decisions, from betting markets to more traditional political decisions such as which candidates from powerful donors and political groups pour money into. He acknowledged that copycats and wannabes could follow Median Strategies’ example and pump more noise and disinformation into the political ecosystem.

    But he noted a silver lining: This is happening in August, when only a fraction of people are tuned into politics, rather than October when voters have their ballots in hand.

    He hopes the Median Strategies incident reminds journalists and campaign operatives to recommit to verifying the source of the information before sharing it.

    When in doubt, “Call the pollster,” Baldassare said. “Make sure I’m legitimate. You know — a real person.”