The Brief

It was supposed to be easier than this.

When the Affordable Care Act was passed in March 2010, the goal was to help more Americans get health insurance. And, indeed, the establishment of online marketplaces and a broadening of the eligibility guidelines for Medicaid accomplished that.

Fifteen years later, however, that system is anything but user-friendly.

Young adults looking for health insurance will likely benefit from talking with so-called navigators who work for the online marketplaces. But if you want to go it alone, here are some tips about shopping for a plan, based on the advice of policy experts and people who have spent hundreds of hours helping others navigate this unwieldy set-up.

Buckle up.

Start here

Begin your search at least two months before your 26th birthday. In some cases, you can sign up for a plan in advance so that it takes effect on your birthday.

First, find out if your family plan ends on your birthday or at the end of your birthday month. A few states allow young adults to stay on their family plan until they are 29, with certain conditions and, generally, higher costs. A navigator will know more.

You may have the option to stay, for a limited time, on your family’s plan under COBRA, a federal program that allows those with group health plans to extend their coverage past age 26. Odds that you will be approved for an extension are even higher if you can claim a disability.

Be aware, though, that this option will involve a considerable expense, since you will be required to pay the entire premium (the employer will no longer pay what is usually a substantial share). Those who claim a disability can often stay on the family plan after age 26, depending on the type of insurance the family holds.

If you’re undergoing medical treatment and can’t change hospitals or doctors, paying this premium may be your best course. You don’t have this option, however, if your family is insured through an Obamacare plan.

Before you start your search, make a list of the medicines and physicians you rely on, and highlight those you can’t do without. Rank them, even.

It’s quite likely that you will have fewer choices on the marketplace than you had on a parent’s plan. Be prepared to make some switches and trade-offs.

Find the right marketplace

Thirty-two states have adopted the federal marketplace as the place residents can go to compare and buy insurance policies. The rest run their own online marketplaces. You can find out here where to shop for insurance policies in your state.

Make sure you land at an official ACA website. There are many look-alikes run by private insurance brokers. The federal marketplace is found at healthcare.gov and nowhere else.

Note that official state marketplaces sometimes have unusual names. The New York State of Health, Kynect (Kentucky), Covered California, and CoverMe (Maine) are examples.

In states that use the federal marketplace, shoppers can find assistance here. On the state-based marketplaces, there is often a “find local help” button or a tab that directs you to a person who can help you find a good plan.

You will generally be asked to choose a broker, who is paid a commission if you sign up, or an “assister,” who provides the service at no cost. Assisters have received special training in the marketplace they serve, and, because they provide the service free, they have no financial incentive to steer you to a plan that pays a commission to the seller.

Assisters are often navigators who are funded by the marketplace, but in some cases they work for hospitals, health plans, or local nonprofits. You’ll have to ask.

While navigators are generally a surefire option for sound advice, they may become harder to find now that the Trump administration has cut funding for them in states that rely on the federal marketplace. (States that run their own marketplaces are unaffected.)

Many nonprofits and states run excellent programs that offer free assistance. And if, for example, you’re in the middle of cancer treatment, an assister affiliated with your hospital may offer better advice on picking a plan, since they will know which ones have contracts that may cover more of your expenses.

Ideally, these experts will walk you through the process and know which buttons to push to ensure you get the best coverage for your needs at the best rate for which you are eligible.

Sign up

Once you’re on an official website that markets plans under the ACA, you will be asked to enter your personal information as well as an estimate of your income.

Forty states and the District of Columbia cover single young adults with no children under Medicaid if their income is low enough to qualify. If you’re eligible, you should be redirected to the Medicaid website to start the enrollment process, or you may enroll directly on the marketplace site.

But be aware that the Republicans’ recently passed domestic policy bill has increased the requirements and the paperwork required to get on, and stay on, Medicaid.

Medicaid, a joint federal and state program that provides health insurance to low-income Americans, does not charge its members a premium, and it covers medications at a nominal cost or free. The caveat is that those enrolled in the program have a smaller number of in-network doctors and hospitals to choose from.

If your income is above the threshold for Medicaid, you will need to shop on the marketplace for a policy.

On most sites, a search tool allows you to check whether your doctor or hospital is in a particular plan’s network. But beware: The directories on which this search relies are notoriously inaccurate, despite federal laws mandating otherwise.

So, before you select a plan, call the doctor or hospital to confirm they accept the insurance plan you’re considering purchasing.

Do the math

When it comes to the math, it’s better to work on a computer than a phone. Generally, you can compare the costs of, and coverage offered by, only three plans at a time.

The following factors include premiums (taking account of any subsidy you get based on your income), as well as other expenses you’ll have to pay, called collective cost sharing:

• The deductible — the amount you generally have to pay out-of-pocket before your insurance kicks in. (You may get a few “covered” visits with a primary care doctor; these won’t count against the deductible.)
• Copayments — a fixed payment that you owe for any visit to a doctor or emergency room.
• Coinsurance (this one can break the bank) — a percentage of the total bill, generally applied to hospital bills, that you have to pay. The plan may make it sound small, say, 10% to 30%. But if you have, for example, the common 80-20 split (in which the insurer pays 80% and you pay 20%), that can add up to a substantial sum. A single day in the hospital can cost tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars, and 20% percent of that is a large amount.
• The out-of-pocket maximum — the most you’ll have to pay out in a year, so long as you stay in network and pay the deductible.

Doing the math means looking at this holistically, balancing what you can pay in a premium against what you can afford for the above charges. If the deductible is over $3,000 and the out-of-pocket maximum allowed yearly is $9,200 — do you have that much money on hand?

Generally, the lower the monthly premium in a plan, the higher the share of costs you’ll have to pay should you need medical care. Note that an insurer may offer very different plans on the same marketplace, with different payment policies and networks.

People with incomes up to 2½ times the poverty level may gain some relief from cost-sharing charges, but only if they sign up for silver plans. Plans are typically labeled bronze, silver, gold, and platinum; each tier reflects the percentage of your medical expenses that your plan pays overall. Bronze plans offer the least amount of coverage.

Choose wisely

Once you’ve narrowed your choices to a few plans, study each closely.

A plan with a low deductible might require a $1,000 daily copayment, or 50% coinsurance (you pay 50%) for hospital stays. A plan that lists your desired hospital system as in-network may include only some of its locations, and not necessarily the ones close to you or that offer the type of care you need.

When looking at a plan’s details, make sure to scroll down and read its “summary of benefits and coverage” for examples of the plan’s coverage of common medical needs. Pay close attention to which services require preauthorization and, for example, how many physical therapy visits they’ll cover each year. Preauthorization can be a long and cumbersome process.

Generally, the lower the premium, the more preauthorization will be required and the more limited the coverage will be. And check what drugs the plan covers (called the formulary) to see if yours are included, as well as its network of providers, to see whether your doctors are in it.

Marketplace plans tend to have limited offerings compared with job-based insurance; there aren’t as many doctors and hospitals to choose from. Click on the “provider directory” to see if an insurer’s network includes doctors and specialists you’re most likely to need, and hospitals that are acceptable and accessible to you.

Check to see if the policy offers any coverage for out-of-network providers. Some will pay, say, 60% or 70% of approved charges. It’s a useful perk if you need to see an out-of-network specialist, or if the wait for an in-network appointment is too long.

One study found that patients with marketplace plans have access to only 40% of doctors near their home, on average, and in some areas that figure was as low as 25%. It’s quite likely even lower for mental health providers.

A backstop

If you’ve tried to choose a plan and you’re still confused, look for one of the “easy pricing” or standard plans. These conform to certain basic standards laid out by the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which oversees the marketplaces for the federal government. These plans offer some primary care appointments before you have to start paying the deductible.

The government says these plans must carry the label “easy pricing” on federal marketplace sites. But they may be identified differently on state-run marketplaces. In New York state, for example, they are simply marked with an ST (for standard).

Still, funding for premium subsidies is in place for this year at least, and free expert assistance is still out there, so don’t delay. There are good deals to be had, if only you put in the work.

Good luck.

Los Angeles remains on shaky financial ground with increased liability costs, overspending by city departments and revenue shortfalls forcing it to dip into its reserves, according to a financial report released Wednesday.

The annual report for the fiscal year that ended in June, from Los Angeles City Controller Kenneth Mejia, said the culmination of decades of “unstable budgeting” is seen and felt by Angelenos across the city “in crumbling infrastructure and deteriorating services.”

Additionally, short-term budget balancing over the past two years resulted in unpaid furlough days for city employees and the elimination of thousands of unfilled positions.

“The service impacts of those cuts are still hitting departments as they struggle to address growing needs with severely diminished capacities,” the report read.

Key takeaways

Here are some of the major points made in the report:

• The top area of overspending continued to be liability payments. Liability claims exceeded the budget by $199 million or 228%, totaling a record of $287 million for the year. The top three areas include police at $152 million, street services at $44 million and transportation at $20 million. 

• The top area of underspending was capital improvement projects. The city only spent $25 million (19%) of the $131 million budget.

• Salaries and employee benefits increased by $162.6 million (4.7%) compared to previous  years, primarily because of cost-of-living adjustments associated with labor agreements with civilian and sworn employee unions, sworn employee hiring, increased overtime usage and higher benefit and insurance premium costs. Property taxes, which represent 40.6% of general fund revenues, increased by 4.3%. Business tax revenue increased by 8.6%, while sales tax revenues declined by 2.2%

• The city had to make up $160 million in revenue shortfall by tapping the reserve fund, which dropped from $648 million two fiscal years ago to $402 million for fiscal year 2024-25. The reserve fund currently sits at 5.06% of the total general fund budget, according to a December financial status report from the city administrative officer — barely above the 5% minimum set by the City Council.

• Four ratings agencies, including S&P, Fitch, Moody’s and Kroll, have given the city a “negative outlook” over a variety of concerns including liability payments and damages from the Palisades Fire. A negative outlook indicates a heightened risk that a city’s credit rating may be downgraded within the next 12 to 18 months. L.A. still holds an Aa2 rating from Moody’s, which is considered a high grade.

The controller issued a series of recommendations, including shifting to a two-year instead of one-year budgeting process, more realistic revenue projections, and more revenue generation by growing the tax base (for example: implementing a vacancy tax or taxing rideshare/autonomous vehicles, not just raising the sales tax).

General fund challenges

Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, a member of the city’s Budget and Finance Committee, said in the report that the city can’t keep relying on short-term fixes, while “structural deficits,” like ongoing budget shortfalls, grow.

She added that “years of draining reserves, soaring liability payouts, and underinvestment in infrastructure have left us in a perilous financial position that our communities are now forced to absorb.”

“We need transparent, multi-year budgeting rooted in long-term planning and fiscal responsibility,” Hernandez said.

Mejia said that although the city is halfway through its fiscal year, it continues to have general fund budget challenges.

“The current fiscal year’s budget assumes moderate revenue growth, however, the long-term impact of current economic activities on revenue growth remains unknown and revenue has been stable during the first half of the year.”

LA’s demographics

In addition to providing a financial picture, the report provided a demographic look at the city. L.A.’s population is 3.84 million, the average age is 37.5, the total school enrollment is 409,108 and the unemployment rate is 6%.

The city employs more than 50,000 workers, the metro L.A.’s GDP is $1.3 trillion (among the top 20 economies in the world), and LAX has 75 million passengers a year.

Erroneous and politically charged statements by Trump administration officials, as well as the district attorney for San Bernardino County, have complicated the prosecution of a truck driver charged with vehicular manslaughter in a crash on the 10 Freeway last year.

The statements highlighted the national origin of the driver, 21-year-old Jashanpreet Singh, who was born in India, contained false information on his immigration status and made unfounded allegations that he was driving under the influence.

It’s the latest in a series of instances where federal officials have injected politics into developing events. In some cases, statements by federal officials later turn out to be false and detrimental to prosecutions, as the New York Times recently found in at least four instances. Here in Southern California, statements by federal officials have ended up in court documents where Singh’s defense argues his prosecution has been tainted by anti-immigrant bias.

Statements by the Department of Homeland Security labeled Singh a “criminal illegal alien” who was driving under the influence. Singh was seeking asylum and authorized to work in the U.S. by the federal government. Toxicology tests taken after the crash came back negative for all substances.

“It is a terrible tragedy three innocent people lost their lives due to the reckless open border policies that allowed an illegal alien to be released into the U.S. and drive an 18-wheeler on America’s highways,” Department of Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said in an Oct. 23 statement.

Arjun Sethi, a racial justice advocate, civil rights lawyer and adjunct professor at Georgetown University said these statements have compromised Singh’s ability to receive a fair trial.

“When you think of the variety of federal statements in this case, you see blatant racial and xenophobic rhetoric that is highly prejudicial,” Sethi said. “How can any juror set aside that rhetoric … and be able to ascertain the truth?”

Public defenders representing Singh argue similar statements by San Bernardino County District Attorney Jason Anderson, a deputy in Anderson’s office and the California Highway Patrol violate California's Racial Justice Act, a 2020 law prohibiting prosecutions influenced by racial bias.

Hearings on the Racial Justice Act claims will continue March 10. Singh's trial will commence after a judge rules on those claims. Preet has pleaded not guilty to the felony charges against him.

“I think authorities made statements infused by racial bias in this case,” Sethi, who has served as an expert in Racial Justice Act litigation, told LAist. “Bottom line, California authorities in this case mirror the racist political rhetoric we are hearing from the federal government.”

How we got here 

Six months before the crash that led to the charges against Singh, President Donald Trump took steps to restrict states from issuing commercial driver’s licenses to immigrants.

The U.S. Department of Transportation issued new emergency regulations in September that CalMatters reported could revoke the licenses of up to 61,000 immigrant truck drivers, amounting to 8% of the total commercial licenses in the state.

The department gave California 30 days to come into compliance with these new rules or risk losing millions of dollars in federal highway funds.

Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office disputed the Trump administration's claims, arguing that California’s licensed truck drivers had a lower fatal crash rate than the national average.

Then, in the early afternoon of Oct. 21, Singh’s semi-truck crashed on a crowded interstate.

Dashboard camera footage shows his truck colliding with passenger vehicles and another truck as one car went up in flames.

Singh was arrested and held without bail. Prosecutors charged him with vehicular manslaughter and reckless driving.

He was initially charged with driving under the influence, but the district attorney dropped those charges after toxicology reports came back negative for all substances.

As a deputy district attorney said in a filing, the crash immediately “generated high media interest and touched off a federal and state official-driven debate surrounding immigration policy and the state's issuance of commercial driver's licenses.”

Two days after the crash, the Department of Homeland Security published a news release arguing Singh, an asylum seeker, entered the country illegally in 2022 “and was RELEASED into the country under the Biden administration.”

DHS officials have not responded to LAist’s requests for comment. McLaughlin will reportedly leave the agency soon.

The U.S. Department of Transportation also issued a news release on Singh’s crash and California’s compliance with the new licensing rules. The release stated that Singh was operating his truck under the influence of drugs, despite a lack of evidence to support that claim.

In an email to LAist, a Department of Transportation spokesperson said California issued Singh’s Commercial Drivers License without properly vetting his qualifications.

Newsom’s press office directed LAist to the California Transportation Agency, which has yet to respond to emailed questions.

But in an earlier statement on social media, Newsom’s office stated that the federal government approved and renewed Singh’s federal employment authorization multiple times, and it was that approval that allowed him to obtain a commercial driver’s license in California.

Racial Justice Act claims

Public defender Jason Tucker argued in an Oct. 31 filing that Singh, his client, has faced multiple violations of the California Racial Justice Act, a law passed in 2020 that prohibits state authorities from seeking convictions or imposing sentences based on race, ethnicity or national origin.

Tucker has not responded to an emailed request for comment.

The filing highlights a motion to increase bail written by a California Highway Patrol officer shortly after the crash that claimed Singh was subject to deportation, despite being an asylum seeker who was authorized to work in the U.S. by the federal government, and a comment by a deputy district attorney about Singh’s use of an interpreter in court.

The primary violation, according to Tucker’s filing, occurred Oct. 23, when Anderson, the district attorney, issued a news release that tied the crash to state and federal policy.

“Had the rule of law been followed by state and federal officials the defendant should have never been in California at all,” Anderson’s statement said, before adding that Anderson’s office would “aggressively prosecute” the case.

According to the defense, this statement “injected Mr. Singh’s national origin, by way of his immigration status, into the criminal justice proceedings, despite evidence to the contrary.”

The DA’s reply

Deputy District Attorney Phillip Stemler, argued in a Nov. 10 court filing that the statements made by the office focus on policy without referencing or disparaging Singh’s identity, do not contain discriminatory language and do not meet the standards of a Racial Justice Act violation. Further, the district attorney is protected by the First Amendment, giving him latitude to speak on policy matters, according to the filing.

Stemler’s response stated that the Oct. 21 crash that killed three people and injured several others in Ontario “touched off a debate” about immigration and truck driving but that it was not Anderson’s office who politicized the case.

“It was federal officials who injected defendant’s immigration status into the media narrative on the defendant’s case,” reads the filing by Stemler, the Racial Justice Act coordinator for the office.

First, the filing references an Oct. 22 social media post by Duffy stating that his department was withholding $40 million from California because the state did not comply with the new federal rules.

“The following day, federal officials ramped up further,” the filing reads, pointing to the Oct. 23 DHS press release on the crash that referred to Singh as a “criminal illegal alien from India.”

Stemler’s filing says that the California Racial Justice Act does not apply to federal officials.

Sethi, the civil rights lawyer, said the statements by federal officials nevertheless compromise Singh’s ability to receive a fair trial.

“Long before Mr. Singh ever sets foot in a courtroom, there is a long shadow of political theater and xenophobic rhetoric that will be cast over him,” Sethi said, “and his case that is the fault of state and federal officials.”

Mara Harris loads a box of produce into her car, along with canned food and boxed goods. It marks the second week in a row she will drive the groceries to families across Los Angeles who say immigration raids are keeping them inside their homes.

“I got involved because I live in Highland Park, which is a primarily Latinx neighborhood, and I was feeling really frustrated and angry about our neighbors being unfairly treated,” Harris said.

Harris is a member of Nefesh, a Jewish outreach community that has partnered with local faith leaders to deliver goods. Her role is straightforward: pick up the groceries, drive them to families who have requested help, and drop them off.

“My husband is an immigrant,” she said. “I just think about the anxiety that we have going through the process, even with the resources we have access to, and I think about how impossible it is for other people to navigate that.”

She added, “It’s just chance that some people were born in countries that are safe and that provide them with opportunities, and other people are not. And I think the U.S. has an obligation to extend that opportunity to those people.”

The grocery deliveries are being organized by a Koreatown church that has seen a decline in attendance at its regular food distribution program in recent months. At the request of church leadership, The LA Local is not naming the church or its congregants out of privacy concerns and to avoid drawing attention to their immigrant community. It’s just one of a network of faith-based organizations responding to the need, and as raids show no signs of slowing down anytime soon, the group is seeking to expand its delivery hubs to more church sites.

Before the recent enforcement activity, the Koreatown church’s regular food distribution served between 500 and 600 people, according to one church organizer. In early February, they saw around 350.

“People are afraid, and unfortunately don’t know about services like this,” she said.

Multiple families have said they’re just too afraid to go out into the neighborhood, according to church leadership.

Since last summer, federal agents have carried out workplace raids, targeted day labor sites and arrested people in public spaces across the region. The Department of Homeland Security reported in December that more than 10,000 people had been detained in the LA area since June.

“There are members of our congregation that have immigration concerns that have told me they’re afraid to go out,” the pastor of the Koreatown church said. “I’ve spoken to at least four different families that are just afraid to go get groceries, are afraid to take their kids or their grandkids to school, and are worried about ICE activity in the neighborhood that’s been happening over the past seven months or so.”

In response, the church began coordinating home grocery deliveries in partnership with Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice, or CLUE. The partnership started last summer after church staff noticed a drop in attendance at their weekly food distributions.

“A lot of people were afraid to go to the food bank at (the church), so they saw a big decline and understood that it was because people were afraid to come out, so CLUE partnered with them to do this delivery service,” said Liz Bar-El, a community liaison for CLUE.

Another staff member who has worked at the Koreatown church for six years said operations have been directly affected by enforcement activity in the area.

“I’ve been doing this for about six years. Last week, we had to stop at 11 a.m., and we used to close at 12, 12:30 because the ICE agents were around here,” he said. “And the number of people is decreasing because of ICE raids.”

The church pastor said families do not simply call and request food; there is a screening system to ensure that the program reaches those who are most concerned about leaving their homes.

CLUE has “folks that help call through the list of people that requested it to confirm for the day of their deliveries. They also have somebody that does a screening process to make sure that the people that are getting the deliveries qualify for the parameters of the program so that they’re not just getting people who are like ‘Yeah, you can deliver food to me’ but rather are really concerned about their status,” he said.

But Bar-El, the organizer with CLUE, said identifying families can be difficult.

“It’s likely due to fear of trusting somebody, they are hiding in their homes,” she said. “One way to reach them is through their pastors and the rapid response network that CLUE is a part of.”

Many of the requests stem from sudden changes in a family’s circumstances.

“This current situation with grocery delivery is mostly people who need help getting food because somebody got detained, deported and or the main breadwinner lost their job,” Bar-El said. “In one case, the husband was recently bonded out, and the wife was left home with three very small children.”

For Harris, the volunteer delivering food across multiple neighborhoods, the work is personal. She often thinks about her own family’s immigration status.

“My husband is British and he’s been working here off work visas for six years. He just applied for a non-conditional green card last year. So I take our anxiety and worries and extrapolate it,” she said.

Organizers don’t expect the need for this service to ease anytime soon. Bar-El said they plan to expand the effort to another church in Hollywood and are seeking more volunteers.

“I believe it’s my responsibility as someone who is one of the lucky ones and who does have resources and privilege to do what I can for my neighbors and for my city that I love that is so diverse and wonderful,” Harris said.

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A recent social media post from an account belonging to President Donald Trump prompted enough outcry over its use of a familiar racist trope that the White House deleted it. The Truth Social post included an image of former President Barack Obama and former first lady Michelle Obama as apes. Despite removing the post, Trump has deflected blame to an aide.

The former president commented on it over the weekend, calling it "deeply troubling" behavior.

For scholars and civil rights advocates steeped in the language and aesthetics of white nationalism, Trump's post was remarkable only because of how overtly racist the trope is. But they say that it fits into a pattern of extremist rhetoric, visual material and other media that have overtaken public messaging from federal agencies over the past year. They say that much of that messaging may not have been detectable to most Americans who are not immersed in the study of extremism. But to those who are, the dog whistles and coded words have been unmistakable.

"If this were just one racist image or one bad post, it wouldn't matter much," said Eric Ward, executive vice president of Race Forward, a civil rights organization. "What matters is that over the last year, the Trump administration [is] abusing federal authority, and the federal government has increasingly learned to speak in the emotional language of white nationalism."

While the latest controversy is over a post from a Trump social media account, Ward and others say the Department of Homeland Security has been behind the most, and the most notable, examples of extremist themes in federal messaging. In its effort to recruit large numbers of new immigration enforcement agents, the federal agency has generated a body of propaganda that has raised alarm over its echoes of extremist movements.

"A lot of this was very much wrapped up in this kind of Norman Rockwell-style imagery of white Americana and … this idea that we need to 'defend the homeland' from migrants arriving from the Global South," said Caleb Kieffer, a senior research analyst with the Southern Poverty Law Center. "And I think that one thing it's worth noting, and what we really were alarmed by, [is] that we've seen this rhetoric for decades be prevalent in white nationalist circles, in anti-immigrant circles, claiming that there's this migrant invasion happening and that we need to stop it."

Plausible deniability

In general, the White House, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the State Department have dismissed the links between messages they have issued and white nationalist movements. A DHS spokesperson responded to questions from NPR about this with the suggestion that NPR is "manufacturing outrage." A White House spokesperson has called journalists' questions "bizarre" and suggested that coverage of the pattern of extremist rhetoric in federal messaging is "leftwing advocacy." But Pete Simi, a professor of sociology at Chapman University, said this response, in itself, reflects a communication strategy that is also a mainstay of extremist movements: plausible deniability.

"It is a widespread communication style, but it's certainly very prevalent in far-right extremist propaganda and broader types of communication," Simi said. "And what it does is it allows you to communicate a message, but with a built-in defense that if it's interpreted the way that it might [be] ... it allows you then to turn around and say … 'You're just … misreading it. You're misinterpreting it.'"

Since Trump returned to office, Simi has tracked social media output from federal agencies that echo extremist propaganda. He said he has collected a number of examples that he considers "double speak."

"It's a type of communication … where you have dual meanings, for folks that are in the know — and they will understand exactly the true intent of the meaning. But also another aspect is for outsiders," Simi said. "They may not fully understand or appreciate the meaning that's meant for insiders. And that in and of itself is a way to establish plausible deniability."

One of the most notable examples Simi cites of this is an Immigration and Customs Enforcement recruitment ad that DHS posted in August, showing a graphic of Uncle Sam and the caption "Which way, American man?" To Simi, Kieffer and others who study white nationalism, it called back to a racist, antisemitic book titled Which Way Western Man? that is largely read within neo-Nazi circles. In a written statement, DHS did not offer comment on a question about the similarities between the post and the book title.

A DHS spokesperson wrote, "By NPR's standards every American who posts patriotic imagery on the Fourth of July should be cancelled and labeled a Nazi. Not everything you dislike is 'Nazi propaganda.'"

"Folks that are familiar with white supremacist propaganda would undoubtedly be familiar with that book and would see that it's referencing the book with the slight change in the one word for outsiders, [who] probably never heard of the book," Simi said. "And so that would not mean much to them."

Ward said the table was set for extremism-infused public messaging before Trump began his second term. Throughout the 2024 election cycle, Trump and many Republican lawmakers' unsubstantiated claim that Democrats were intentionally bringing in undocumented immigrants to vote illegally echoed the "great replacement" conspiracy theory.

NPR asked the White House for comment on similarities between claims from Trump and the administration's claims about immigrants and "replacement" theory. White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson responded in writing, saying: "There is nothing racist about wanting to ensure only American citizens vote in American elections."

Nevertheless, the characterization of immigration as an "invasion," federal calls to "protect" or "defend the homeland," and the promotion of "remigration" are among the examples that researchers cite when they claim that the administration has mainstreamed once-fringe concepts.

"It's very much signaling to a lot of these white nationalist groups that their policy goals are being actualized and that they're seeing kind of their rhetoric now showing up in the Twitter feed of a government agency," Kieffer said.

What purpose can extremist messaging serve

While the pattern of callbacks to extremist concepts, aesthetics and language has been clear to those tracking federal propaganda over the last year, there is less clarity around what purpose it serves. Kieffer said it is possible that DHS hopes to recruit individuals affiliated with extremist groups or movements into the ranks of immigration enforcement agents. So far, however, there has been no clear evidence that this is occurring in significant numbers. DHS did not respond to a question from NPR asking whether it is using this messaging intentionally to recruit extremists to join Immigration and Customs Enforcement or Customs and Border Protection.

In fact, Ward said the number of Americans who fall into this category is so small that it would be a disproportionate focus for relatively small gain. Instead, he said he sees this messaging as accomplishing something with a much wider and lasting impact on the country.

"Propaganda doesn't change minds. It trains reflexes," he said. "Donald Trump is signaling because he wants to normalize this type of rhetoric both within MAGA, but he also wants the American public to become more accustomed [to it]. It is a way of testing normalization and tolerance in the larger American society."

Simi said the propaganda is all part of an effort to create a "mood" about present-day conditions in the country.

"I think it's important here to think about: What is the mood that's being conveyed by these messages?" he said. "More than anything, I think they're trying to normalize different ideas associated with the messaging that immigration is an 'invasion,' that we've been overrun by these criminal immigrants, that we face an existential crisis, we are under violent attack and that requires self-defense. And in this case, because it's a violent attack that we're facing, then that legitimizes the use of violence."

Ward said that as discouraging as it may be to resist radicalizing messages from the seat of power, there are still steps that everyday Americans can take.

"The first is, don't circulate dehumanizing content — even to criticize it," he said. Second, Ward said, people should look critically at who is labeled as a "threat" and who is labeled as "the real people" in messages issued by federal agencies. He said people should try to understand the emotions that propaganda is trying to attach to different groups of people, such as the counterfactual effort to associate immigrants with disproportionate criminality.

"And then third is: Defend democracy locally," he said. "And that means standing up for your most vulnerable neighbors. ... Countries don't fall because people disagree. They fall when people are taught who no longer counts."
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