The Brief

On Friday, Southern California Edison filed lawsuits against Los Angeles County and several other agencies over their alleged roles in the Eaton Fire.

Two lawsuits were filed.

In one suit, the utility company alleges Southern California Gas delayed shutting off gas in the burn area for several days after the fire, making the blaze worse.

“SoCalGas’ design and actions caused gas leaks, gas fires, reignition of fires, gas explosions and secondary ignitions during the critical early stages of the Eaton Fire,” according to the suit.

The claim goes on to say this contributed to the spread of the fire and made firefighting and evacuation efforts more difficult.

In the second suit, the utility company alleges the Eaton Fire was made worse by the local government response, “including due to the failures of LASD, LACoFD, OEM and GENASYS in issuing timely evacuation alerts and notifications,” the claim reads.

The same filing says L.A. County was to blame for vegetation and overgrown brush in the Eaton Canyon area that fueled the blaze.

It also named the city of Pasadena and its utility system, Pasadena Water and Power, the city of Sierra Madre, Kinneloa Irrigation District, Rubio Cañon Land & Water Association, Las Flores Water Company and Lincoln Avenue Water Company as parties responsible for water systems running dry in Altadena as the fire broke out.

Edison says hydrants running dry compounded the extent of the disaster.

Those claims will be heard in the L.A. County Superior Court, which is also handling L.A. County’s lawsuit against SoCal Edison.

Edison itself is the subject of hundreds of lawsuits from survivors of the Eaton Fire, which could cost the company billions of dollars in settlements.

Edison has said its equipment likely sparked the Eaton Fire and filed these suits, in part, because it believes these various entities should share some of the blame for the disaster, which resulted in the destruction of thousands of buildings and the deaths of 19 people.

A compensation program Edison established for fire survivors who forgo suing the company has made settlement offers to more than 80 of those who applied.

The candidates running for lieutenant governor are apt to hint at the post’s largely symbolic and overlooked status when discussing their ambitions for the statewide office.

It’s true that California’s lieutenant governor is mostly a ceremonial position. Eleni Kounalakis, who currently holds the position, is next in line if the governor is absent or vacates the office, such as when they’re out-of-state, undergoing surgery or if they die. Kounalakis, who terms out this year, is also president of the state Senate and can cast a rare tie-breaking vote if called upon. Most of her influence lies within higher education, where she sits on all three of the state’s higher education boards.

Because of this, the four major leading candidates for the office in the upcoming June primary are emphasizing the sway they’d like to have on higher education, such as freezing tuition or cutting back on remedial coursework.

Previous lieutenant governors have used the office as a stepping stone to the state’s top job, including Gov. Gavin Newsom who held the position for eight years before his election in 2018.

But it’s still mostly unknown to voters and suffers a poor reputation.

“I called the lieutenant governor sort of the Seinfeld of state government, because nobody knows who it is, and then they think it’s a job about nothing,” Gloria Romero, a Republican candidate, told CalMatters.

The major Democratic candidates include Josh Fryday, who leads volunteer programs in the Newsom administration, state Treasurer Fiona Ma who terms out this year, and former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs.

Here is what each candidate, in alphabetical order, said about how they’d approach the gig.

Josh Fryday

Fryday said one of his biggest priorities as lieutenant governor would be to try to get California community colleges to credential more trade workers to help build more clean energy projects and boost the state’s renewable energy supply.

Prior to becoming part of the governor’s cabinet in 2019, he was the chief operating officer of NextGen America, a clean advocacy organization started by billionaire Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer.

He also said he would push for developing more student housing on public land to increase enrollment and create more revenue to stem rising tuition costs.

The former mayor of Novato also emphasized expanding the volunteer service program he helped develop as chief service officer in Newsom’s cabinet. He would like it to include more community colleges and universities. In addition to Newsom’s support, he’s endorsed by the California Teachers Association and California Federation of Teachers.

Janelle Kellman

Former Sausalito mayor Janelle Kellman wants to make community college free and expand training programs for in-demand jobs as a member of the state’s higher education boards. But the lieutenant governor is one of 18 members on the UC Board of Regents and has limited capacity to enact a single policy change.

She’s received support from the California Legislative Jewish Caucus and the LGBTQ Stonewall Democratic Club.

The lieutenant governor has no role in electricity regulation or insurance. But Kellman, a climate attorney, said she would work to cut utility costs by getting rid of extra electricity fees. She also said she’d work with the insurance commissioner to reduce premiums for homeowners who take preventive measures to mitigate wildfire risks.

Kellman spent 10 years in local government on Sausalito’s planning commission and city council and is the founder of a climate nonprofit focused on sea level rise.

She also supports building more student housing.

Fiona Ma

Finding other ways to generate revenue for Cal State universities outside the general fund is one way Ma would look to lower the cost of housing and tuition. She supports partnering more with private companies to lease out spaces such as campus theaters when they’re not being used.

Ma has an exhaustive resume in local and state politics: She spent six years in the Assembly after one term on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and was on the Board of Equalization for four years before she was elected state treasurer in 2019.

State Treasurer Fiona Ma in the Senate chambers at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 5, 2026.

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Miguel Gutierrez Jr.

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CalMatters/Pool

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As treasurer, she has issued housing bonds to California universities, which she said has given her “a different perspective” on how to build more student housing.

“Some of them do have land and they are working with some of the developers that have a speciality with building student housing” she said.

Ma is endorsed by construction and hospitality unions. She was accused of sexual harassment by a former employee in 2021, who accused Ma of requiring her to share a hotel room with her and buying her gifts. The state, using taxpayer dollars, settled the lawsuit for $350,000 in 2024.

Ma has repeatedly denied the accusations and called the lawsuit "frivolous."

It took up three years of her life, and voters still elected her, she said. “I still got all the same endorsements that I got the first time I ran in 2018,” Ma said. “I’ve gotten even more support for my lieutenant governor’s race.”

Gloria Romero

Romero, a former Democrat-turned-Republican, supports school vouchers to let parents use taxpayer dollars to pay for private school education — which teachers unions vehemently oppose. She also supports slashing remedial coursework to help students finish their degrees faster.

Former state Sen. Gloria Romero in Culver City on April 18, 2024.

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Ryan Sun

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A former assemblymember and first woman to become Senate Majority Leader, Romero spent 12 years representing east Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat until 2010. She switched parties in 2024 and announced her lieutenant governor run as a joint ticket with Steve Hilton, one of the leading Republican candidates for governor.

On how she’d navigate negotiating with the Democratic supermajority in the Legislature and on numerous boards as a rare Republican, Romero said she would individually meet with each colleague to see where their priorities overlap.

Michael Tubbs

Tubbs is looking to return to office to help drive down the cost of higher education more than a decade after skyrocketing to political stardom in Stockton as one of the youngest big city mayors in the county.

His ascent as the city’s first Black and youngest mayor at 26 in 2016 garnered him national attention as the son of a single mother raised in a poor neighborhood who climbed his way to full ride at Stanford.

He supports freezing tuition at all public colleges by cutting “administrative bloat,” cutting remedial coursework that doesn’t count toward graduation requirements and streamlining programs for in-demand industries such as nursing.

Tubbs is a special economic adviser to the governor and leads the nonprofit organizations Poverty in California and Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, dedicated to implementing universal basic income pilot programs in cities across the state, a flagship initiative of his mayorship.

California’s major public employee union, Service Employees International, is supporting Tubbs.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

A new music festival comes to Santa Monica this weekend, curated by a living legend. The inaugural Santa Monica International Jazz Festival is the brainchild of master bassist Stanley Clarke, a five-time Grammy winner who has played on every festival stage from Montreux to Monterey. He said the idea to bring a jazz fest to Santa Monica came to him during a walk on the Third Street Promenade.

" I live very close to Santa Monica and I'm pretty much in Santa Monica all the time," Clarke said. "That whole area down there is really beautiful, and I thought, 'Man, what a perfect place for a jazz festival.' And it was really that simple. Just in my head. Bing."

The festival runs from May 1-9 and includes performances from headliners Kamasi Washington (who recently won a Grammy with Kendrick Lamar), Isaiah Collier and Lakecia Benjamin. Clarke will also be performing two sets during the festival. One will be a tribute to John Coltrane. The other will feature drummer Stewart Copeland from The Police. Clarke said over time, jazz has become a more undefined term to him.

"It's a lot of different things for me," Clarke said. "Where I'm at on the definition is that any music that has improvisation in it, where guys playing solos and are jamming, I can say that it has a jazz feel. So, the term jazz is more of a feel to me now than anything."

In a modern world of TikTok fads and music made by artificial intelligence, jazz may seem like it belongs to an older generation. But Clarke said he isn't worried about the genre's future.

"I actually think that jazz is definitely in the city of Los Angeles exploding," Clarke said. "We have my festival.  There's another festival called the L.A. Jazz Festival. There's the Blue Note that just opened up too.  So, there's a resurgence."

Clarke said education plays a key part in promoting jazz. Because of that, an afternoon slot on the festival will feature the Santa Monica High School jazz band.

"All these new groups and all these new young people that are just doing stuff," Clarke said. "I don't think it's so conscious where everyone's getting together and having a meeting going, 'Hey, we're gonna expand jazz.' I think it just human nature. Things just come together."

Clarke said the community will ultimately decide if this festival becomes a part of the fabric of Santa Monica.

" I think for a jazz festival, the main thing is it's not just music," Clarke said. "It's community, food, weather, scenery and we have all of it. It's the royal flush."

Performances on May 3 at Third Street Promenade are free to the public. Tickets for all other events are available at the festival's website.

Wednesday’s Supreme Court ruling narrowing the Voting Rights Act undermines legal protections that have helped Latinos gain representation in politics, California Democrats and activists say.

The case centered on the boundaries of a Louisiana congressional district. The court found by a 6-3 majority that Louisiana had relied too heavily on race to decide the borders.

“One may lament partisan gerrymandering, but … partisan gerrymandering claims are not justiciable in federal court,” wrote Justice Samuel Alito for the majority. “And in a racial gerrymandering case like the one before us, race and politics must be disentangled.”

The ruling scales back Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which prohibits voting practices that discriminate against people based on their race.

The ruling will not change California’s congressional districts, which were redrawn to favor Democrats after voters approved Proposition 50 last November. Partisan gerrymanders are permitted under the constitution, the Supreme Court has previously ruled.

The decision also nullifies the California Republican Party’s “Hail Mary” attempts to invalidate the state’s new maps, which the GOP argued were a racial gerrymander to favor Latinos.

But when it comes to House majority math in the U.S. Congress and which party clinches a majority in the November election, the curtailing of Section 2 could make Democrats’ Prop. 50 gains moot.

Gov. Gavin Newsom put forward the measure after Texas Republicans redrew congressional boundaries to favor the GOP. Prop. 50 was meant to help Democrats pick up five additional California seats.

After the new ruling, several southern states in particular could redraw their maps to eliminate “majority-minority” districts that were drawn to magnify the power of nonwhite voters. Such a move could oust as many as 12 Democrats, according to a New York Times analysis, and shift the long-term balance of power in the House toward Republicans. The GOP could then control Congress’s lower chamber even if the party loses the popular vote by a wide margin.

Newsom called the new ruling “outrageous.” Attorney General Rob Bonta, also a Democrat, said in a statement that while it’s unclear what impacts the changes will have on California, the ruling overall endangers minority voters in other states.

“While the full impact of this ruling is still uncertain, we know from past experience that decisions striking down, or effectively gutting, provisions of the Voting Rights Act are often followed by new state laws that restrict access to the ballot for voters of color,” Bonta said in a statement.

Kristin Nimmers, policy and campaigns manager of the Black Power Network, said in a statement that the decision rolls back “generations of progress.”

“The ability of voters to challenge discriminatory districts manipulated to drown out people’s voices based on race is a critical safeguard against being silenced,” Nimmers said.

In California, Voting Rights Act violations aren’t only a memento of Civil Rights-era discrimination. As recently as 1990, a federal judge cited Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act in declaring the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors had unconstitutionally gerrymandered their districts to exclude Latino voters.

Section 2 required that redrawn district maps must be “equally open to participation” from protected groups — including racial minorities. The Supreme Court decision on Wednesday left Section 2 intact, but significantly curtailed how it could be applied by raising the bar for violations to “a strong inference that intentional discrimination occurred.”

The high court’s three-justice liberal minority argued that the changes to Section 2 effectively dismantled the Voting Rights Act. The conservative majority on the court has been narrowing the law since 2013.

Conservatives in California celebrated the ruling.

Chris Kieser, senior attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation, said the ruling was a victory long hoped for by California conservatives who had argued that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act improperly used race in redistricting.

“The very idea of a majority-minority district and having a candidate of their choice is kind of antithetical to democracy,” Kieser said. “Voting is an individual right, it’s not a group right.”

The Voting Rights Act has been primarily used to help the state’s growing Latino population achieve political representation from the 1960s to the 1990s. Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, said the ruling is unlikely to have much immediate impact in California.

The ruling won’t affect California’s recent redistricting effort, he said, nor will it affect the independent state redistricting commission’s decisions.

“I don’t believe there is any challengeable gerrymandering in this state,” Saenz said.

But Rosalind Gold, chief public policy officer of the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund, said the ruling has dire long-term implications for Latino representation in California.

“By eviscerating the Voting Rights Act, this could open the door to counties and localities looking at how they used Section 2 to draw their maps and challenging those maps,” Gold said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Westlake has never been an easy neighborhood to summarize.

At its center sits MacArthur Park — a landmark that has come to embody the city’s sharpest contradictions, a place of beauty and crisis, history and neglect, that now anchors one of Los Angeles’s most contentious debates over how to address its unhoused crisis.

The neighborhood’s development arc is long. In the mid-19th century, it drew newcomers chasing California’s promise — the Gold Rush, the weather, the mythology of the West. Over time, the neighborhood evolved through many identities: home to members of the Hollywood and business elite, a more affordable enclave for middle- and working-class Angelenos, and later, a refuge for immigrants fleeing political unrest in Central America during the 1980s.

That layered past now finds expression in an unlikely form: art. 

But what truly sets Westlake apart from the many other artsy L.A. neighborhoods is how friendly it is to up-and-coming artists of all ages and backgrounds. Admittingly, that that ecosystem is fragile: Astralab, a cultural hub serving Southwest Asian and North African diaspora communities, was recently forced out of the neighborhood where it has operated for nearly two years. 

With Astralab’s loss, it becomes even more important to highlight four other institutions anchoring it, each operating on the conviction that creative life should be available to artists of every age and background, not just those who can afford a trendy address. 

Frida Kahlo Theatre — Moisés Rodríguez Ovidio González and Christopher John Magallanes en Ruben Amavizca-Murua’s “Ayotzinapa Situacion Desaparecido.”

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Courtesy Ruben Amavizca-Murua

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Mexican Center for Culture & Cinematic Arts

There is no shortage of Mexican artistry represented throughout the City of Angels, and few places offer a stronger starting point than the Mexican Center for Culture & Cinematic Arts.

Located within the Consulado General de México en Los Ángeles (Mexican Consulate General in Los Angeles), the venue showcases a wide range of work by Mexican and Mexican American artists, as well as creators whose work explores Mexican culture more broadly.

With both a gallery and theater space, the Mexican Center hosts art exhibitions, film screenings, lectures, conferences and cultural programming throughout the year, serving as a bridge between artistic expression and community identity.

Art Division

A painting class at Art Division.

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Courtesy Art Division

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Founded in 2010, Art Division was created by Dan McCleary, who recognized a critical gap in arts education for young adults over the age of 17.

This nonprofit is dedicated to supporting aspiring artists ages 18 to 27 — particularly those from underserved communities — as they continue developing their craft beyond high school.

Art Division’s campus includes a library of more than 10,000 books, studios for multidisciplinary workshops, a printmaking studio — where students learn linoleum and woodblock techniques — and a gallery space that hosts exhibitions throughout the year. 

The organization functions not only as a creative incubator but as a launchpad for emerging artists navigating professional pathways.

Heart of Los Angeles

For younger artists looking to develop their skills, Heart of Los Angeles (HOLA) has served children in grades K-12 since 1989 with programming that spans academics, athletics, music and visual arts.

HOLA has partnered with respected institutions such as the Los Angeles Philharmonic, the Eisner Foundation and the Los Angeles Children’s Chorus, offering students access to high-quality musical instruction and mentorship.

For visual artists, the organization provides classes, public artist residencies, exhibitions, field trips and additional creative opportunities that nurture both artistic growth and personal development, including classes, public artist residencies, field trips, exhibitions and more.

Frida Kahlo Theater

At the Frida Kahlo Theatre, Ruben Alejandro and Dina Jauregui in Ruben Amavizca-Murua's “Frida Kahlo.”

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Courtesy Ruben Amavizca-Murua

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The Frida Kahlo Theater is where the Grupo de Teatro SINERGIA hosts its groundbreaking productions in both English and Spanish, all of which shine a spotlight on stories and voices from Latin America.

Beyond its performances, the theater functions as both an incubator for rising talent and an educational platform for young creatives seeking a welcoming environment to explore storytelling and performance.

Programming includes the annual 10-Minute Play Festival (as well as the Theater Youth 10-Minute Play Festival), the Staged Reading Series and on-site workshops that foster artistic development across generations.

Frida Kahlo Theatre — Daniel Mora, Itzel Ocampo and Eden Vera en “Yellow” by Jose Henrickson.

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Courtesy Catherina Cojulun

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