The Brief

As California officials try to block immigration facilities across the state, the Trump administration is deploying a new strategy to secure detention capacity on the West Coast. It’s buying up the real estate outright.

The Department of Homeland Security’s $1.5 billion purchase of the Otay Mesa Detention Center and the California City Detention Facility from the private prison company CoreCivic is a direct response to the state’s political resistance to new and existing ICE detention facilities, government officials said.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement spokesman Jason Sweeney said in a statement that California detention centers are “crucial to ICE’s detention network on the West Coast.”

“Unlike in states like Florida and Oklahoma, ICE can not rely on local state and county partners for detention space in California,” Sweeney said. “The state’s sanctuary politicians continue to push legislation to outlaw or make private prisons financially infeasible.”

The conflict dates to the last Trump administration, when California Democrats raced to adopt policies that would counter his first deportation push.

Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2019 signed a law aiming to phase out all private for-profit prisons and immigration detention centers by 2028. Private prison operator GEO Group and the federal government sued, arguing the law violated the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution, which bars states from interfering with federal authority. They won, with the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in 2022 striking down the ban on privately run immigration detention facilities.

Since then, California lawmakers have pushed newer measures, such as imposing heavy taxes on private detention centers to make them financially unviable.

The federal government’s purchase of CoreCivic properties comes in the middle of a showdown between California Attorney General Rob Bonta and the Trump administration over the controversial construction of new ICE offices near Gilroy, a former farm town south of San Jose. The city has grown to about 60,000 people and is ringed by garlic fields and vineyards in south Santa Clara County.

The state argues the land has been designated exclusively for agricultural uses since 1967.

“ICE’s plans to construct a facility near Gilroy violate multiple federal laws,” said Bonta, arguing ICE failed to examine the potential environmental consequences before beginning construction.

Federal contracting records show in 2025 the General Services Administration leased the property for 20 years from Beverly Hills-based ECG 6 LLC for a total of $26.5 million.

The federal government agreed in July to pause construction on the 26-acre site while the lawsuit proceeds.

California officials are using another law dating to the first Trump administration to demand entry and inspect detention centers. Bonta sent a letter to the Department of Homeland Security in December highlighting “dangerous and inadequate living conditions” at the California City Detention Facility. In San Diego County, local health inspectors are in a legal feud with CoreCivic over inspections of the Otay Mesa center.

Selling the properties to the federal government likely will shield them from California health inspections, said Claire Trickler-McNulty, who was a senior ICE official in the Biden administration.

“It gives them protections from state and local laws, especially from zoning and environmental requirements,” Trickler-McNulty said.

Sales reveal a new strategy

A year ago President Trump signed a spending bill with a huge windfall for immigration enforcement. It gave ICE $45 billion for detention capacity, and the administration had a plan to build new sites all over the country.

The purchases of Otay Mesa and California City mark a significant reversal, according to Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, a senior fellow at the American Immigration Council.

That plan, laid out in early 2026 in a document known as the ICE Detention Re-engineering Initiative, centered on converting warehouses into mega-centers designed to hold 7,500 to 10,000 people — each larger than any correctional facility built in the U.S. since Japanese internment during World War II.

Reichlin-Melnick described the system as one that was never thoughtfully planned out. Todd Lyons, then-acting director of ICE, at the 2025 Border Security Expo in Phoenix said he wanted deportations to run “like [Amazon] Prime, but with human beings.”

“At no point did anyone sit down to intelligently design the ‘Amazon Prime for human beings,” Reichlin-Melnick said.

The Detention Re-engineering Initiative has largely collapsed, undone by lawsuits, an unrealistic timeline, and national shortages of correctional staff and prison healthcare workers, Reichlin-Melnick said.

But that leaves billions of dollars that ICE needs to spend before the money expires.

“We expect them to buy other facilities,” said Reichlin-Melnick.

One former senior Department of Homeland Security official said conditions for immigrant detainees in ICE-owned facilities could be an improvement.

“ICE taking over an actual facility is maybe better than warehouses or putting people in soft-sided facilities or the privately run facilities,” he said.

A detention officer waits outside the main entrance of the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego on Feb. 20, 2026.

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Adriana Heldiz

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CalMatters

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Prices eclipse assessment rolls

County assessor records show the federal government paid a premium on the real estate. In San Diego County, the Otay Mesa property’s assessed value for the current tax year is $164.9 million. DHS paid $739.2 million for it, or about 4.5 times the assessed value. In Kern County, the California City facility was assessed at $171.5 million; DHS paid $732.6 million or 4.3 times the figure.

A former senior ICE official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly, questioned whether the price tag matches the actual security need. “So, $1.5 billion just for the facilities and how many migrants are ever going to come in and out of there who are national security and public safety threats? The people that we actually do need to keep off the streets,” the former official said.

A spokesperson for Gov. Newsom, Anthony Martinez, called the administration’s deportation agenda a “reckless and cruel misuse of taxpayer money,” and accused the federal government of pouring billions into contractors while avoiding transparency over conditions inside their facilities.

San Diego County Supervisor Paloma Aguirre connected the purchase directly to CoreCivic’s political spending, noting the company’s $500,000 donation to the Trump’s inaugural committee. That preceded what she called a “billion-dollar taxpayer-funded windfall” that will help erase the company’s debt while letting it continue running the facilities. She said the arrangements treat detained immigrants as revenue streams rather than people.

CoreCivic said the “valuations for the facilities were established through the federal government’s required appraisal process, which is designed to determine objective fair market value.”

“CoreCivic has contributed to presidential inaugural events across multiple administrations, including Democratic ones. The federal appraisal process is conducted independently of any political contribution,” said Steven Owen, the vice president of communications for CoreCivic.

He added that under California law, the assessed values of the properties may differ greatly from their market value. He pointed to California’s Proposition 13, which prohibits most property reassessments outside of sales.

“California's Prop. 13 limits annual increases in assessed value, which means assessed values for commercial properties can diverge significantly from current market value over time. The two figures are not directly comparable,” said Owen.

The company also expects to earn $130 million a year to run the California City detention center, according to its filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

Will feds buy more detention centers?

What’s next? Former ICE official Trickler-McNulty said the abandoned plan to buy 24 warehouses under former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem could hold some hints to the agency’s plan under Secretary Markwayne Mullin.

An internal roadmap obtained last year by the Washington Post reveals at least 10 “turnkey” facilities originally targeted under Noem.

They include the California City facility, but not Otay Mesa. The rest of the facilities are in Texas and Oklahoma.

The purchase of an immigration detention facility eliminates risk for both the private prison companies and the Trump administration’s deportation program, said R. Andrew Free, an immigration lawyer and writer, pointing to divestments California’s two biggest pension funds made from CoreCivic and GEO Group in 2019 that contributed to the companies’ spiraling liquidity crunch and cratering stock prices five years ago.

If private prison investments become politically toxic on a national scale, Free said, federal purchases of the detention facilities safeguard the companies and the detention space itself from divestments and the kind of environmental reviews that have ended similar projects in other states.

“This is a big upfront cash award from the federal government,” Free said.

Local governments and the state will be essentially locked out of the facilities, but will still have some contact with the people inside, Free said.

The detention centers are “still going to need police and fire, they’re still going to need coroners,” Free said, but noted that the majority of traditional inspections from the state are probably over.

Free said there are two ways to look at ICE’s detention expansion. One is, to him, optimistic: They’re simply gifts from a friendly government to their valued contractors. The other is more cynical.

“The cynical view is this definitely will be used to hold people who are not migrants,” Free said. “That it will be used to hold U.S. citizens.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Topline:

The details: State water officials confirmed a harmful algal bloom in Lake Hemet that’s showing up as green, cloudy discolored water, scum and algae.

Why it matters: The bloom can produce toxins that could cause you and your furry friends to get sick. People and pets are being urged to stay out of the water and away from any scum or algae along the shore. Dogs and children are especially vulnerable because they’re more likely to swallow water while playing and swimming, according to the State Water Resources Control Board. You can learn more about healthy water habits here.

Why now: The warning for the Riverside County lake comes about a week after a similar alert was issued for Big Bear Lake. Lake Hemet is under an advisory until further notice, state officials said.

The backstory: Harmful algal blooms are most common in California between the warmer months of late May through October, although they can pop up year round, according to the board.

What's next: You can check California’s map to see if any harmful algal blooms have been reported in the area.

Go deeper: What's the green sheen on Big Bear Lake? What you need to know about harmful algal blooms

Yama Sushi Marketplace is a local chain that helps set the standard for quality sushi and Japanese cuisine in Los Angeles — all while trying to keep prices more affordable than you might expect.

About the owners

Kenzo Yamada opened the business in 1984 after working as a local fish broker. He eventually sold the business in 2021 to Scott Kohno and his family. Kohno sat down with Austin Cross, who hosts AirTalk every Friday, to explain how they've continued to deliver quality sushi and expand the business.

Making Japanese culture accessible and affordable

Yama Sushi Marketplace's Koreatown grand opening.

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Courtesy Alysia Rodriguez

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Yama Sushi Marketplace looks to provide the best of both worlds — high-quality sushi lower costs — in serving customers.

How do they do it? They've benefited from Yamada's connections, sourcing quality fish through trusted suppliers like Bluefiná. It also helps that it's not a restaurant, minimizing the overhead costs that come with staffing.

Restaurant details

• The Kohno family has expanded to West L.A. and Koreatown. A fourth location is set to open in Sherman Oaks, although its official opening date hasn’t been announced.
• Co-owner Wendy Kohno has a background as a kikisake-shi — sake sommelier — and has helped build out the market’s selection of more than 200 sakes, most of which you can find at their San Gabriel and West L.A. locations.
• They also have classes on sushi, sake and miso.

What we tried

• California Roll (their most popular menu item)
• Bara Chirashi
• Yama Deluxe Platter
• Narumi Sake (Yama's own craft sake)

Yama Sushi Marketplace is co-hosting American Craft Sake Fest on Saturday, Sept. 10. Click here for more details.

What should we try next?

This story first appeared on Long Beach Post.

After months of fear about dwindling federal funding for a pandemic-era housing assistance program, Long Beach housing officials say they have secured enough money to keep nearly 500 households from potentially falling back into homelessness.

The last-minute announcement saves the city from what would have been the worst-case scenario: having to kick hundreds of formerly homeless people off of federal housing assistance. The situation illustrates just how dependent Long Beach’s homelessness and health services are on state and federal funding, which has stagnated or been cut in recent years.

Long Beach officials thought they would run out of money to pay rental subsidies for the 480 households currently on Emergency Housing Vouchers as early as this month, but they now say they have the time — and money — to transition all of those households to other rental assistance programs by November.

An estimated $480,000 increase in federal funding for Long Beach, cost-saving measures and help from a neighboring housing authority made that possible, according to a city memo.

The Emergency Housing Voucher program was a one-of-a-kind opportunity for people defined as “chronically homeless” or at risk of losing their housing to have a slew of services paid for to get them housing. That included security deposits, moving costs and paying past utility debt.

Long Beach quickly used all 582 vouchers allocated to it.

The swift spending gave people like Clark Inglish, a new mother living on the Los Angeles River, a streamlined and effective way to get back on their feet, according to local health officials. The program “really changed my life,” said Inglish, who was able to start working as a counselor and put her son in preschool after getting a roof over her head.

The vouchers were supposed to be good through 2030, but when rent rates increased more quickly than anticipated, the program ran out of money years ahead of schedule, and in April last year, the Department of Housing and Urban Development notified housing officials that Congress did not allocate new funding for it.

Instead, a last-second increase in federal dollars to a different housing program will allow the Long Beach Housing Authority to transfer 400 households from EHVs to Housing Choice Vouchers – also known as Section 8.

HUD will also give Long Beach’s housing authority an additional $1,000 for each EHV voucher that they convert to Section 8.

The 80 remaining households on EHVs will receive assistance from the Housing Authority of the city of Los Angeles.

Over the next few months, housing officials will assist each household with completing the paperwork necessary to make the transition.

If you’re on an Emergency Housing Voucher and have a question, you can email the city at HA-EHV@longbeach.gov.

Since joining the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority’s governing commission nearly two years ago, Justin Szlasa has pushed — often uphill — for stronger auditing, transparency and oversight of the troubled agency.

He visited an approved camping site for unhoused people — and discovered the agency, known as LAHSA, had spent more than a year paying a nonprofit to serve twice as many camping spots than actually existed.

He organized a day-long summit focused on how L.A. could shift its funding of homeless services so that contractors are paid for positive results. And for the past year he served as chair of LAHSA’s audit committee, where he pushed for more independence for internal auditors and pressed LAHSA to finish a years-long audit into its failure to spend $7 million in federal grants.

Last week, Szlasa was removed as chair of the three-member committee, without explanation. The move has generated criticism at a time when LAHSA remains under strict scrutiny — and the threat of losing federal and city funding — just two months before the general election.

“Justin has been the lifeline for any viable future for LAHSA,” said Rick Cole, a former top deputy in the L.A. City Controller’s office, which audits city tax dollars.

“He’s pushed for the kind of transparency and accountability that everyone has wanted from that agency for 30 years,” Cole added. “And the absence of it is what has led to its imminent downfall.”

Although he is no longer its chair, Szlasa remains a member of the three-person audit committee. Losing the position means he no longer has authority to decide when and whether proposals will be scheduled for discussion and action. Szlasa said the chair also takes the lead in overseeing LAHSA’s internal audit staff in between the monthly committee meetings.

In an interview, Szlasa said he asked to stay on as audit chair, and was denied without being given a reason.

“I’m disappointed,” he said. “ I really took a very athletic approach to my work as chair. If we did a good job on that committee, we would be stepping towards the transparency, the accountability, the operational excellence that LAHSA really needs and the citizens of Los Angeles really deserve — whether they're housed or unhoused.”

No explanation for the removal

Szlasa was removed from his post as audit chair at the request of Stephanie Graves, an appointee of L.A. Mayor Karen Bass.

Graves is the new chair of LAHSA Commission, whose 10 members govern the agency. The audit committee is a subset of the larger commission, and its members are tasked with overseeing an annual federally-required audit, as well as internal audits meant to root out oversight problems.

Graves recommended Szlasa’s removal as audit chair last week as part of her request for new committee assignments. The full commission approved her recommendations Friday.

LAist asked Graves why she recommended removing Szlasa. She said it was her “prerogative” as chair of the full commission. She has not explained her reasoning.

“Szlasa continues to be on the Audit Committee and his insights are valuable,” Graves said in a text message.

Stephanie Graves, the newly-selected chair of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA) Commission, speaks at the press briefing for the 2026 homeless count results in Los Angeles on July 24, 2026.

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Nick Gerda/LAist

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A spokesperson for Bass echoed Graves’ response, saying the appointments in question “are determined by the LAHSA Commission Chair and subject to the confirmation of the full Commission.”

Neither the Mayor’s Office nor Graves have answered whether Bass directed Szlasa’s removal or discussed it with Graves before she made her recommendation.

Bass has directed LAHSA outside of public view in the past, including by ordering it to contract with one of her mayoral transition advisors — Va Lecia Adams Kellum — as a $40,000-per-month consultant to design the mayor’s homelessness program Inside Safe.

Adams Kellum became LAHSA’s CEO just after the consulting contract ended in 2023. She left LAHSA last summer.

Graves also was on the mayor’s transition team and attended a meeting of Bass’ re-election campaign’s finance committee last year, according to a campaign disclosure. Graves runs a PR firm that has taxpayer-funded contracts overseen by Bass and her appointees.

Cole, who also serves as a Pasadena City Council member, said Szlasa’s removal is part of a “cover-up” of dysfunction at LAHSA.

“Mayor Bass hand-picked her choice to head LAHSA, who led directly to its downward tailspin,” Cole said, referring to Adams Kellum. “So it’s not surprising that her appointee [Graves] would be continuing the ongoing cover-up of dysfunction at the agency.”

LAist reached out to both Bass and Graves for reaction to Cole’s comments, but has not received a response.

In an email sent Friday after this article was published, LAHSA Chief of Staff Paul Rubenstein said it is normal for committee chairs to change year to year.

According to data he provided, at least one committee chair has previously remained for a second year in a row.

Fixing 'dysfunction' at LAHSA

Cole said Szlasa has been trying to fix the dysfunction that has led to problems at LAHSA.

Among those problems was $10 million in LAHSA funds alleged to have been illegally pocketed by the leader of a service provider, according to federal prosecutors.

Last week, LAist reported that LAHSA approved at least $3.5 million in taxpayer contracts to that group — Abundant Blessings — even after LAHSA’s compliance team flagged it as “High-Risk” for failing to do its job.

“The failures that [LAist has] been exposing…Justin [Szlasa] has been trying to fix those things since he got appointed,” said Cole, who was high up at the City Controller’s Office when it launched a fraud investigation into a tip that Abundant Blessings was failing to provide the required three nutritious meals per day in Bass’ Inside Safe program.

The Controller’s Office investigators found that “the only food items at these sites were things like Ramen noodles, cans of beans, and breakfast bars,” according to the federal criminal complaint filed this year.

“He’s not a grandstander,” Cole said of Szlasa. “He’s not holding press conferences.  He’s not exposing individual people to ridicule. He’s trying to implement basic systems of data and financial management that a billion-dollar agency desperately needed, and which were grossly lacking.

“To isolate, ignore or punish Justin is so short-sighted."

Commissioner Justin Szlasa at a LAHSA Commission meeting on Friday, April 25, 2025.

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Samanta Helou Hernandez

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LAist

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Szlasa said there’s a big difference between being chair of the audit committee and being just a member.

“The chair sets the agenda. And the responsibility and the power to set the agenda sets the tone of the committee activity,” he added.

 “If you're a member of a committee you can make recommendations for what you'd like to see on the next agenda,” he said. “But it's at the chair's prerogative to decide whether or not to put those items on the agenda. So it makes a big difference.”

Szlasa was appointed to the LAHSA Commission by L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger. His replacement as audit committee chair is Charles Stringer, a Bass appointee.

Stringer has not responded to a request for comment.

Pushing for accountability

One habit that has set Szlasa apart: checking things out for himself.

Last year, the commission was asked to renew a contract with a nonprofit to provide meals, security and other services for people at an approved camping site in a parking lot. The morning of the vote, Szlasa visited the site and discovered that for over a year it had only half the capacity LAHSA was paying for.

That judge, David O. Carter, later called the situation “obvious fraud.”

Szlasa asked multiple times for a full commission discussion of what happened with those payments, and that LAHSA’s last two commission chairs did not schedule it.

The two prior chairs — Wendy Greuel and Amber Sheikh — have not responded to requests for comment.

 "We have to really make sure that we're getting what we're paying for, and I want to see more accountability in that area,” Szlasa told LAist. “When it doesn't work, I want to look at it carefully to understand why it's not working.”

Szlasa raised similar concerns last summer about "master leasing," which Bass championed as an approach to help move unhoused people inside quickly. It involves leasing an entire apartment building — making LAHSA the lease-holder — and then subleasing those units to people who have lived on the streets.

Szlasa said he visited a newly-built site where he was told disabled residents were carried up and down stairs because of broken elevators, with no clear responsibility for who should fix them.

He said he asked LAHSA executives for an accounting of the program, but they never provided one.

It later emerged that more than 250 taxpayer funded units — a third of the total — were sitting empty.

When he hasn’t gotten answers to his questions from LAHSA’s management, Szlasa has filed public records requests.

A February request — into whether LAHSA has been improperly using one funder’s money to cover another’s bills — got no real answer. Six months later, LAHSA said it was still checking whether records exist about the practice, which auditors flagged in 2024 as “misuse” of funds.

LAHSA can’t “produce what I would consider basic financial statements,” Szlasa said.

LAist asked LAHSA management why the records haven’t been provided, and has not received a response.

A spokesperson said LAHSA checks if funds “are available from an appropriate funding source" before paying bills without saying whether the money-mixing has stopped.

Questions continue

At a meeting last week, Szlasa asked LAHSA Interim CEO Gita O’Neill why he hadn’t been told of a $1.2 million settlement last fall with Abundant Blessings — until LAist reported it last week.

O’Neill responded that she’d answer later.

She and her chief of staff have not responded to LAist’s questions about whether commissioners authorized the deal.

Separately, outside reviewers from the accounting firm KPMG told commissioners last week that LAHSA can’t easily track its own vendor payments.