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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Bills would protect workers from AI management
    A low angle view of the California Capitol building with a blue sky in the background.
    The state Capitol on May 31, 2022.

    Topline:

    Several bills in the California Legislature would regulate how companies use AI to make employment decisions such as compensation, hiring, firing, or promotions, but they may be in jeopardy because of their associated costs.

    Why it matters: A recent audit of algorithmic management tools sold to companies suggests that many use AI to determine pay, a trend that started among gig workers nearly a decade ago that researchers say is now becoming widespread. Tests have found that AI that sifts through resumes can disqualify or downgrade a job applicant for arbitrary reasons like race or sex or because they’re wearing glasses. Inferences based on brain data, which can reveal a person’s health or the words or images they form in their mind, would also be prohibited under the legislation, which will be considered in a hearing scheduled for Friday, Aug. 29.

    The backstory: SB 7 is one of a trio of bills supported by the California Federation of Labor Unions, AFL-CIO, this year that attempt to regulate automated systems in the workplace. The federation represents more than two million workers statewide and made more than $2.1 million in political donations to Assembly and Senate members last year, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. The other two bills, Assembly Bill 1331 and AB 1221 both involve regulating workplace surveillance.

    Read on... for the cost barrier for other AI employment regulation in the past.

    Committees in both houses of the California Legislature will decide this week whether more than half a dozen bills that seek to protect people from AI will move on to final votes.

    One closely watched bill before the Assembly appropriations committee, Senate Bill 7, would require employers to give workers 30 days notice before they use AI to make decisions related to employment such as compensation, hiring, firing, or promotions. It would also give workers the right to appeal decisions made by AI and prevent employers from making predictions about a worker related to their immigration status, ancestral history, health, or psychological state.

    A recent audit of algorithmic management tools sold to companies suggests that many use AI to determine pay, a trend that started among gig workers nearly a decade ago that researchers say is now becoming widespread. Tests have found that AI that sifts through resumes can disqualify or downgrade a job applicant for arbitrary reasons like race or sex or because they’re wearing glasses. Inferences based on brain data, which can reveal a person’s health or the words or images they form in their mind, would also be prohibited under the legislation, which will be considered in a hearing scheduled for Friday, Aug. 29.

    SB 7 is one of a trio of bills supported by the California Federation of Labor Unions, AFL-CIO, this year that attempt to regulate automated systems in the workplace. The federation represents more than two million workers statewide and made more than $2.1 million in political donations to Assembly and Senate members last year, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database.

    The other two bills, Assembly Bill 1331 and AB 1221 both involve regulating workplace surveillance.

    Federation president Lorena Gonzalez told CalMatters that employers shouldn’t be allowed to predict if you're pregnant or what you think about your employer or boss and use that information against you.

    “We have to set up guardrails against every kind of surveillance and AI tool to ensure that workers have the privacy and respect and autonomy that they deserve,” said Gonzalez, who continues to work with labor unions in other states to prevent AI from harming frontline workers.

    A race to use AI?

    Sen. Jerry McNerney, the bill’s author, said there seems to be a race to use AI to displace workers or squeeze more efficiency out of them.

    The Stockton Democrat told the audience at a CalMatters event last month in San Francisco that “there's tremendous opportunity for productivity, for making people more comfortable and safe, but your imagination can run wild with what can go wrong here.”

    In response to questions about criticism that SB 7 will drive costs up, McNerney told CalMatters in a statement that he plans to introduce amendments that will substantially reduce the cost of implementing the bill, including the elimination of a process for workers to appeal decisions made by AI, a major point of contention for business groups like the California Chamber of Commerce.

    SB 7 is one of a number of bills on what is known as the suspense calendar. Each year, hundreds of bills with a price tag above $50,000 are added to the calendar. Appropriation committees in the Assembly and Senate then have the power to designate some bills as too expensive or otherwise use cost to justify holding or effectively killing the legislation. Roughly two out of three bills make it from the suspense calendar to a final vote on the floor of the California Assembly or Senate, but the fact that this process happens with little debate and out of public view has led some to call it undemocratic and corrupt.

    Making sure private companies comply with SB 7 could cost the state $600,000 or more, according to an assembly appropriations committee staff analysis released last week. But the cost for the state’s own agencies to comply is unknown, because the state doesn’t know how many automated employment systems it uses. Earlier this year the California Department of Technology allowed state agencies to self report use of high-risk automated systems like those used in employment. Nearly 200 state agencies reported no use of such technology despite the fact that state agencies are currently using or have used high risk automated systems in the past.

    Cost barrier

    The cost of compliance or enforcement has stalled AI employment regulation before. Last month, the California Privacy Protection Agency bowed to pressure by lawmakers, business groups, and Governor Newsom and voted to weaken its own automated decisionmaking technology rules.

    In the other chamber of the California Legislature, the California Senate Appropriations Committee is preparing to decide the fate of another bill, Assembly Bill 1018, which would require testing before use of automated systems that make consequential decisions about employment, education, housing, health care, financial services, and parts of the criminal justice system. That bill would give people the right to appeal an automated decision within 30 days. An analysis by committee staff found that if the bill passes it could cost local agencies, state agencies, and the state judiciary branch hundreds of millions of dollars.

    In a statement shared with CalMatters, Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan said she has no plan to make amendments to the draft bill but that she’s committed to bringing down costs wherever it makes sense to do so.

    “I will admit to being surprised by the Senate Appropriations estimates, considering CalMatters’ prior reporting that automated decision-making systems use was not widespread at the state level. So I’m working to better understand the cost estimates so I can respond to them appropriately,” she said.

    Last year a similar version of the bill was pulled by Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon, after amendments limited its provisions to assessing employment. That bill attracted opposition from big tech companies but also a range of nearly 100 companies including Blue Shield of California, dating app company Bumble, biotech company Genentech, and pharmaceutical company Pfizer.

    Nearly 80 businesses or groups oppose the bill, including the California Hospital Association and major health care providers like Kaiser Permanente. The advocacy group California Life Sciences argues that passage could lead providers to pass on higher costs to patients, while the California Credit Union League argues that compliance with the bill will slow innovation, an outcome that led Governor Newsom to veto a major piece of AI legislation last year.

    Both bills were authored by California lawmakers with extensive histories of regulating AI. McNerney previously served as co-chair of an AI subcommittee in Congress. As chair of the assembly privacy and consumer protection committee, Bauer-Kahan is one of the most powerful regulators of AI in California, and was one of the first lawmakers nationwide who attempted to enshrine the Biden administration’s AI Bill of Rights into state law.

    Partly because of the price tag for businesses that deploy AI, the California Privacy Protection Agency acted against the wishes of unions, digital rights, and privacy groups and voted last month to weaken its own draft rules to regulate how businesses use automated decisionmaking technology. Conversely, the California Civil Rights Department finalized rules to protect workers from automated discrimination during recruitment, hiring, and promotion processes. Those rules go into effect in October. The principle that people deserve the right to know when AI makes an important decision about their lives and to appeal if they think AI got it wrong were popularized by Biden’s AI Bill of Rights.

    Survey reveals concerns

    A survey of 1,400 California adults released this week by TechEquity, a supporter of AB 1018, found that more people are concerned than excited about AI; that nearly six in 10 believe the benefits of AI will accrue to the wealthy instead of the middle class; and that 70 percent want the government to adopt laws to protect people from harm.

    Peter Leroe-Muñoz, general counsel for the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, a business organization with members like Apple, Google, and Microsoft, said the group supports responsible AI innovation. Still, he added, the costs of audits, training, staffing, disclosures, data retention, and potential lawsuits may ultimately undermine a lot of the services that businesses provide today at a reasonable cost.

    “That becomes an additional financial burden in this more uncertain time that really becomes a drag on innovation, a higher cost not only for businesses and consumers but counties and other local municipal governments,” he said.

    Passing bills that force employees to notify workers if they use AI to determine things like compensation is a critical first step, said Veena Dubal, a coauthor of the study released last week and an outspoken critic of AI that harms workers to enrich tech companies. Because people don’t know this tech is in use today, she hopes that notifying people increases public knowledge, and that leads to a ban of algorithms that determine how much people get paid.

    To those who say the cost of implementing these bills is too high, she warns that algorithms are already influencing how much money people make, and that cost gets passed down to taxpayers. Algorithms can also locate union organizers, automate discrimination, or terminate people who managers decide they don't like.

    "These all have extraneous costs on society, extraordinary costs,” she said. “Workers, voters, taxpayers, we should all have a say in the kind of world that these companies are creating with the disproportionate power that they hold.”

    If these bills don’t pass, Dubal said, it’s a signal that AI regulation has stalled in California.

    “As much as Gov. Newsom wants to juxtapose himself against Donald Trump and California wants to be a sort of savior to the rest of the nation in this moment of extreme right authoritarian actions,” Dubal said, “it’s really important that the state not continue to concede to big tech companies who are very much in bed with the president.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Woodland Hills woman nabbed Saturday night at LAX
    A woman walks past a banner showing missiles being launched, in northern Tehran, Iran, on Friday.
    A woman walks past a banner showing missiles being launched, in northern Tehran, Iran, on Friday.

    Topline:

    A woman was arrested at LAX on Saturday night for allegedly trafficking arms on behalf of the Iranian government, according to authorities.

    Why now: Shamim Mafi of Woodland Hills is charged with helping the regime sell drones, bombs, bomb fuses and millions of rounds of ammunition to Sudan.

    The backstory: Bill Essayli, First Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, made the arrest announcement Sunday morning on social media.

    A woman was arrested for allegedly trafficking arms on behalf of the Iranian government at LAX on Saturday night, according to authorities.

    Shamim Mafi of Woodland Hills is charged with helping the regime sell drones, bombs and millions of rounds of ammunition to Sudan.

    Bill Essayli, First Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, made the arrest announcement Sunday morning on social media.

    The 44-year-old Mafi is expected to appear in court for a bond hearing Monday afternoon in downtown L.A.

    According to the criminal complaint filed by the Department of Justice and obtained by LAist, Mafi allegedly brokered weapons deals on behalf of Iran through Atlas International, a business in Oman she co-owns, including facilitating a contract valued at more than €60 million (or some US $70 million) for the sale of Iranian-made armed drones to Sudan.

    She is also being accused of brokering the sale of 55,000 bomb fuses, AK-47 machine guns and other weapons to the Sudanese Ministry of Defense.

    Mafi faces up to 20 years in federal prison if convicted.

    Essayli said Mafi is an Iranian national who became a permanent resident of the U.S. in 2016.

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  • Companies can apply starting Monday

    Topline:

    Starting Monday, companies can apply to get their tariff-related refunds back.

    Why now: U.S. Customs is launching just the first phase of payouts, so not all the goods imported under the illegal tariffs will immediately qualify.

    The backstory: U.S. Customs has estimated that it owes a total of $166 billion in tariff refunds, and the agency's legal filings suggest that the initial phase would tackle the majority of affected imports.

    After weeks of waiting to hear how — or whether — the U.S. government might refund the tariffs struck down by the Supreme Court, Monday is the day it finally begins.

    Imagine tens of thousands of business owners with their fingers hovering over laptops, ready to enter America's hottest new queue: the U.S. tariff-refund portal.

    U.S. Customs is launching just the first phase of payouts, so not all the goods imported under the illegal tariffs will immediately qualify. And the latest federal guidance says that after refund requests are approved, it could take 60 to 90 days to return the money to the importer.

    Still, this marks a turning point for U.S. importers, who've waited for clarity for exactly two months since the U.S. Supreme Court declared most of President Trump's tariffs unconstitutional. The high court did not opine on the process of refunds, and government officials at first suggested the process could prove unwieldy.

    "Small businesses organized, spoke out, and won a major victory," said Main Street Alliance, which advocates for U.S. small businesses, in a statement. "Now, the federal government must follow through with a refund process that truly works for Main Street."

    U.S. Customs has estimated that it owes a total of $166 billion in tariff refunds, and the agency's legal filings suggest that the initial phase would tackle the majority of affected imports. On Tuesday, a Customs official told a judge that the vast majority of eligible importers signed up for electronic payments, as the agency is requiring, and that group is owed about $127 billion.

    Will consumers see any of that money land in their pockets? Probably not, economics and legal experts say.

    The cost of tariffs has been woven into the prices of many products in a way that can make it hard to separate out what customers ultimately paid. Often, manufacturers, suppliers, importers, retailers and shoppers all absorb costs along the way. And with tariffs landing on the heels of historic inflation, companies big and small have argued that they ate much of the cost to avoid spooking shoppers with higher prices.

    In fact, many retailers find themselves in a similar quandary because tariff refunds will go to whoever paid the actual customs bill. It's unclear how, or if, the refunds might trickle down to store owners who paid tariff surcharges to their suppliers.

    "As a retailer, I didn't pay tariffs directly. However, I did pay them indirectly in the form of higher wholesale prices," says Joe Kimray, owner of B & W Hardware in North Carolina. Most of his products are either made abroad or use imported parts.

    "I plan to have conversations with a number of manufacturers and hope that they will do the right thing and share some of the tariff refund money with us," he says. "I don't expect to get a direct refund check from anyone, but it could be even as simple as offering discounts on the wholesale cost of future product purchases."

    Shoppers hoping to recoup their own tariff expenses have launched class-action lawsuits against several companies, including Costco and FedEx. The shipping giant has pledged to pass down any refunds it receives. Costco's CEO last month told investors the company would return shoppers' money through "lower prices and better values" and would be transparent about its plans.

    U.S. Customs' initial phase of refunds will focus on tariff payments that haven't been finalized because they technically are still under federal review. (Companies typically pay import duties as soon as their goods arrive at the border, but the complete customs review that follows can take nearly a year.) The government will continue to set up its new system, called CAPE, so that it can later on refund older, finalized tariff payments.

    NPR asked U.S. Customs and Border Protection about the scale of tariff refunds it expects to handle in the first phase, including the volume of claims the agency's new tool is prepared to handle on Monday. A CBP spokesperson in response said that CAPE was developed "to efficiently process refunds" and referred importers and brokers to the agency's updated tariff-refund guidance.

    NPR's Scott Horsley contributed to this report.
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • How does a city get its own game?
    A photo of a Long Beach version of Monopoly
    Long Beach is the latest SoCal city to get its own Monopoly game

    Topline:

    A new Long Beach-themed Monopoly game turns local landmarks into playable spaces on the board. The game is part of a recent wave of city-specific editions that has the iconic game connecting with communities through nostalgia and local pride.

    How to get a Monopoly game: To be featured, a city has to have enough people excited enough to support the production of thousands of games.

    Why now: Top Trumps has expanded U.S. city editions in recent years as interest in board games has resurged after the pandemic. A company representative said that Long Beach, with its strong sense of community and recognizable landmarks, fit the model.

    Monopoly lovers can now buy up the Queen Mary, collect rent on Belmont Shore and park their token at a storied tattoo shop, Outer Limits.

    The Long Beach landmarks line the spaces of a new Monopoly edition themed around L.A. County’s second biggest city, released just this month.

    The Long Beach edition is part of an expanding series of Monopoly games featuring dozens of American cities, which Hasbro licensee Top Trumps started to produce about five years ago when interest in board games surged during the pandemic.

    What it takes to make the cut

    How does a city land on one of the world's most popular board games? Turns out, it’s not just a roll of the dice.

    “We’re looking for places with strong community pride, places where people will really love seeing their city on a Monopoly board,” said Jennifer Tripsea, a partnership sales executive with Top Trumps.

    Long Beach fit the bill and got to join a list of SoCal cities on Monopoly boards including Huntington Beach, Riverside and Palm Springs.

    Tripsea said in some instances, a city will pitch themselves to the company — she didn’t disclose which have — but not every place makes the cut.

    There has to be enough population — or local enthusiasm — to support a run of thousands of games.

    Top Trumps sells the games online and through local businesses, sometimes the same ones featured on the board. That creates a built-in customer base: residents, tourists and collectors hunting for their next addition.

    And while some businesses may offer to sponsor their way into consideration, their inclusion isn’t a given.

    Tripsea said when deciding who earns a spot, the company weighs cultural relevance, brand standards and community input.

    The community gets a turn

    Once a city is selected, residents are invited to help shape the board.

    That means emailing suggested landmarks and drafting potential Chance and Community Chest cards. For Long Beach, one Community Chest card directs players to collect $100 if they "attend a beach cleanup at Alamitos Beach."

    Hundreds of submissions flooded in over the last year, many pointing to the same top attractions, Tripsea said. The Queen Mary and Aquarium of the Pacific take up the same spots on the board that are occupied by Park Place and Boardwalk in the original game.

    A shot of an ocean liner marked as the "Queen Mary."
    Of course the Queen Mary historic ocean liner landed a plum spot on the Long Beach version of Monopoly.
    (
    Patrick T. Fallon
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Others featured on the board are lesser known to outsiders, like Rosie’s Dog Beach and the Arts Council for Long Beach.

    The arts nonprofit was “surprised and excited” to hear from Top Trumps last year that they were being included in a version all about Long Beach, said interim executive director Lisa DeSmidt.

    “I describe Long Beach as a big city that's run like a small town, and that everybody kind of knows each other to some degree,” DeSmidt said. “Long Beach has a sense of community in that Long Beach takes care of Long Beach people.”

    A yellow Monopoly piece that reads "Arts Council for Long Beach" and features tiny renderings of buildings, a palm tree and ferris wheel.
    An intern for the Arts Council for Long Beach designed its space on the Monopoly board.
    (
    Arts Council for Long Beach
    )

    An intern for the arts council, Peyton Smith, designed its space on the board, featuring small, intricate renderings of landmarks like the Long Beach Airport and the pyramid arena at Cal State Long Beach.

    For DeSmidt, the game serves as a kind of cultural snapshot highlighting the city’s mix of arts, neighborhoods and institutions. It’s reminiscent of the council’s own project mapping the city’s cultural assets.

    “This ties into uplifting what makes Long Beach unique and what people love about it,” DeSmidt said.

    Monopoly's lasting pull

    Outer Limits Tattoo was also invited to be part of the game, where it now appears next to VIP Records on the board.

    Recognized as the country’s oldest continuously working tattoo shop, Outer Limits’ history dates back to 1927, when it opened in the waterfront amusement district known as The Pike, now home to the Pike Outlets.

    Outer Limits' general manager Matt Hand said once word got out that the shop was stocking the game, customers started showing up just to buy it.

    “It’s just a cool thing,” Hand said. “Especially when it’s like, ‘The business where I get tattooed’ is on the board.”

    A big reason Hand thinks these editions are catching on is nostalgia. Seeing your own city in a board game that you played as a kid — and may be now playing with your own kids — is thrilling.

    “You're basically like a part of the game now,” Hand said.

  • Why you are seeing purple early this year
    Pedestrians and a dog walker stroll a street in South Pasadena that is lined by Jacaranda trees in full bloom.
    Jacaranda trees line a street in South Pasadena.

    Topline:

    You might have noticed a little more purple on your commute in Los Angeles recently. Turns out the jacarandas are putting on their annual show of blooms a little early this year.

    Why? Originally from the tropics, jacarandas respond to changes in temperature. They typically flower in our region from late April to mid-June. But remember that sweltering heat wave we got in March?

    Where are the purple hot spots? A couple years ago, a local data graphics editor created an interactive map so you can find the purple hot spots.

    Go deeper: Jacaranda season is upon us. But wait, how do you pronounce ‘jacaranda’?

    You might have noticed a little more purple on your commute in Los Angeles recently. Turns out the jacarandas are putting on their annual show of blooms a little early this year.

    Originally from the tropics, jacarandas respond to changes in temperature. They typically flower in our region from late April to mid-June.

    But remember that sweltering heat wave we got in March?

    “They got the clear sign: ‘It’s over 90 [degrees], it’s hot out. Even though you weren’t quite prepared, it’s time to put out some flowers,'” Loral Hall, community forestry senior program manager at environmental nonprofit TreePeople, told LAist.

    Hall said not only do jacarandas grace us every year with thick canopies and carpets of purple, they’re relatively drought tolerant, pest resistant and able to grow in urban areas (like in a small square patch of dirt surrounded by concrete).

    “They’re attention-grabbers here in Southern California,” said Hall, who grew up in Hollywood and has childhood memories of playing with the fallen purple blooms at a local park. “In a place where we don’t have really obvious seasons, [jacaranda blooms] are a sign that warmer weather is on the way.”

    Hall also shared a lesser-known fact about jacarandas: There’s a white cultivar, too. The white version is much more rare in L.A., though with some of the trees rumored to be in a non-public area of the L.A. County Arboretum, Hall said.

    A jacaranda tree is full of purple booms. The blooms have dropped onto a pond below, making a purple carpet.
    A jacaranda at the LA Arboretum.
    (
    Katherine Garrova
    )

    How’d they get here? 

    The jacaranda is native to the tropical and subtropical regions of Argentina and Brazil.

    While we don’t know exactly when the jacaranda first arrived in our area, we do know they were brought to Southern California in the late 19th century and proliferated thanks to a local horticulturist named Kate Sessions.

    Where are the purple hot spots? 

    A couple years ago, a local data graphics editor even created an interactive map so you can find the purple hot spots.

    They’re... everywhere, so it shouldn’t be too hard to stumble upon a jacaranda show.