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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Here's what Newsom has signed and vetoed
    A man with light-tone skin and a drak blue suit is seated as he shakes hands with someone out of view. A diverse group of people surround him. He holds papers in his left hand.
    Gov. Gavin Newsom, legislators and key stakeholders during a press conference at a Home Depot in San Jose on Aug. 16, 2024.

    Topline:

    While the Legislature approved hundreds of bills before ending its regular session on Aug. 31, Gov. Gavin Newsom decides whether they become law.

    Some big decisions: Already he’s signed a contentious package of bills to address retail theft and he agreed to a deal — not written into legislation — to help fund local newsrooms and AI research.

    What's next: Now the governor has until Sept. 30 to decide on bills passed in the final days, a total of 991; he sometimes waits until right before the deadline to weigh in on contentious ones.

    Keep reading... to see where some high-interest bills stand.

    For California laws, the buck does really stop at Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk.

    While the Legislature approved hundreds of bills before ending its regular session on Aug. 31, Newsom decides whether they become law.

    Already he’s signed a contentious package of bills to address retail theft and he agreed to a deal — not written into legislation — to help fund local newsrooms and AI research.

    Now the governor has until midnight Sept. 30 to decide on bills passed in the final days, a total of 991; he sometimes waits until right before the deadline to weigh in on contentious ones. And because he controls the fate of legislators’ bills, that could give him leverage during the special session he called on gas prices.

    The governor gives a few typical reasons for vetoing bills: He deems them redundant, or calculates that their potential cost threatens to worsen the state’s budget situation. But he also blocks bills because they’re controversial, or opposed by powerful special interests.

    Heading into the final few hours, Newsom is vetoing about 19% of those end-of-session bills and nearly 16% of all 1,100 bills passed by the Legislature this year, slightly higher than the 15% for all of last year when he vetoed 156 bills and signed 890, or the similar ratio in 2022, when he blocked some very significant ones. In 2021, he vetoed less than 8%. While the Legislature can override vetoes, it takes a two-thirds vote in both the Assembly and Senate and that rarely happens. Governors can also allow bills to become law without their signature, but that doesn’t occur very often, either.

    Here are some noteworthy bills being tracked by CalMatters reporters. Bookmark this page for updates.

    Signed into law


    Stop legacy admissions at private colleges

    By Mikhail Zinshteyn

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 1780 by Assemblymember Philip Ting, a Democrat from San Francisco, would bar private nonprofit colleges from making admissions decisions based on whether a student has ties to a donor or an alumnus. About a half dozen colleges currently factor legacy or donor ties in their admissions decisions — including Stanford and University of Southern California. The bill would take effect next September. Schools that report that they violated the law would appear on a list published by the Department of Justice. They’ll also be required to publish aggregate data about their newly admitted class, including who were and were not admitted with legacy or donor ties, but not in a way that identifies individual students. Students with legacy or donor ties could still be admitted, just without preferential treatment.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    A coalition of social justice and education groups and wide support from Democrats. Bill backers say the bill could influence other states to ban legacy and donor ties in admissions decisions, something four states so far have already done. They cite concerns that the very wealthy are much more likely to be admitted to highly selective colleges. Also, they underscore the chilling effect that last year’s U.S. Supreme Court decision to outlaw race-based affirmative action in the U.S. may have on students of color. If a student’s racial identity cannot be a factor in applying for college, why should proximity to wealth and power, their logic goes. The bill can both be a signal to students that college is for them and free up enrollment slots.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    In the Legislature, most Republicans opposed or didn’t vote for the bill. The major opponent, though, is the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities, the group that represents the state’s 80-plus private nonprofit colleges and universities. The group has “strong reservations” about legislators scrutinizing the admissions and academic practices of private colleges. That’s the kind of oversight that’s typical for public colleges and universities, which receive billions of dollars in direct state support to fund their education missions. Private colleges generally just receive state financial aid dollars for their low-income students. A previous version of the bill would have required colleges that violate the law to repay the amount equal to what they received in student financial aid from the state. That was cut in amendments.

    California’s public universities do not consider legacy or donor ties in admissions.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    So far four states have approved such bans on either public or private institutions. But because California is the most populous state and enrolls more college students than any other, the bill takes on an outsized role in the national conversation about wealth, race and access to college. Bill backers say it will be a necessary corrective to last year’s U.S. Supreme Court ban on race-based affirmative action. If that decision may have caused a chill on student desire to apply for college, this bill would send a welcoming signal in response, backers say.

    The bill would again cement California as a trendsetter in state policy that takes on national resonance. The state was the first to ban affirmative action at public institutions through a voter-approved proposition in 1996, setting off a wave of similar efforts across multiple states.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ✅

    Newsom announced Sept. 30 that he signed the bill. “In California, everyone should be able to get ahead through merit, skill, and hard work,” he said in a statement. “The California Dream shouldn’t be accessible to just a lucky few, which is why we’re opening the door to higher education wide enough for everyone, fairly.”


    Stop local voter ID requirements

    By Sameea Kamal

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 1174 by Sen. Dave Min, a Democrat from Irvine, would ban local governments from requiring voters to present identification to vote. The bill attempts to push back against a charter provision passed by voters in Huntington Beach that supporters said would prevent voter fraud. Min said “an overwhelming body of evidence proves our elections are safe, secure, and above board.”

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Groups that advocate for voter access such as the League of Women Voters of California, as well as California Environmental Voters and Disability Rights California. Common Cause California said that voter identification is already required when someone registers to vote, and that there are numerous protections in place to prevent voter fraud. The group — and other supporters — say the city’s law would disproportionately impact Latino, Black, young and low-income voters, and would create confusion since it would only apply to the local elections, which might be held at the same time as state and federal elections.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Min’s bill is in response to the city of Huntington Beach’s move to place a measure on the ballot allowing the city to verify voter eligibility through IDs, which 53% of voters passed in March — one of several local initiatives aimed at pushing back against California’s progressive politics.

    An attorney for Huntington Beach said the city’s law, which takes effect in 2026, is intended to increase participation in elections, and that the ballot measure represented “the will of the people.” In addition to the city, the bill is also opposed by the conservative-aligned group Election Integrity Project California, and the Greater Bakersfield Republican Assembly. Republicans from other parts of the state, including Riverside-area Assemblymember Bill Essayli, have also opposed the bill

    WHY IT MATTERS

    This bill is the latest front in an ongoing battle over allegations of voter fraud, which have been rampant since the 2016 election. In April, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Secretary of State Shirley Weber filed a lawsuit against the city of Huntington Beach, alleging that the voter ID requirement is in conflict with state law. The lawsuit is pending.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 29 he signed the bill.


    Ban book bans in public libraries

    By Alexei Koseff 

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 1825, by Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, a Torrance Democrat, would require public libraries in California to establish a clear policy for choosing books, including a way for community members to voice their objections, but would prohibit banning material because it deals with race or sexuality. It also clarifies that library material can include sexual content that’s not obscene and leaves to the discretion of librarians where to display those books, though they could not prevent minors from checking them out.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Over the past year, politicians in Huntington Beach and Fresno County created review committees for children’s library books to move material with “sexual references” and “gender-identity content” into restricted sections, where it could only be accessed with a parent’s permission. This has raised fears in the LGBTQ community that they are being targeted and their stories suppressed. The California Library Association, civil liberties advocates at ACLU California Action and LGBTQ rights organization Equality California argue that the state must protect diverse perspectives at public libraries amid growing threats of censorship.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Opponents of AB 1825, including the California Family Council, which lobbies for a conservative Christian perspective in policymaking, complain that the measure would undermine their efforts to keep inappropriate reading material out of children’s hands. They contend that book review panels allow communities to set their own standards for age-appropriate material and parents to introduce their kids to controversial topics on their own terms.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Public libraries are the latest front in a burgeoning battle between California’s liberal government and more conservative communities across the state. With Democrats so dominant in Sacramento that they can dismiss the cultural grievances animating political discourse in red states, such as election fraud and abortion restrictions, Republicans are turning to local governance to push back against California’s progressive values. The state has moved quickly to shut down these flashes of rebellion through bills such as AB 1825.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 29 he signed the bill.


    Require state prisons to provide menstrual products

    By Wendy Fry

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 1810 by Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, a Democrat from Culver City, would require state prisons to provide incarcerated people with free and ready access to menstrual products without inmates having to request them. Currently, state prisons, local jails and juvenile facilities are required to provide sanitary pads and tampons products only “upon request.” A 2023 report by the attorney general’s office found half of the facilities surveyed were not complying, including 25 county jails that were not providing free period products.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    A coalition of human and prisoner rights advocates, including the ACLU California Action, the San Francisco Public Defender, the Western Center on Law & Poverty and the Legal Services for Prisoners With Children organizations. Bryan said there were documented cases of California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation officers withholding sanitary products as retaliation or punishment. Alissa Moore, the re-entry coordinator for Legal Services for Prisoners with Children, testified at a hearing on the bill that she was sexually assaulted several times during her 25 years in prison: “I often felt humiliated, and ashamed and embarrassed when I would have to, on occasion, ask the same staff that had victimized me for sanitary supplies.” The bill passed the Senate and Assembly without any “no” votes.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The California Family Council voiced opposition to the bill, arguing that the legislation does not clearly identify a person who menstruates as a woman. Some correctional officers have said male inmates sometimes ask for pads to make cushions for seats or for their sandals. State mandates that cost money for local jurisdictions, like county jails and juvenile detention facilities, are usually reimbursed by the state. According to the Senate Appropriations Committee, the bill does not have significant costs.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    There are more than 3,700 women in state prisons, plus more than 9,800 in county jails. Formerly incarcerated people have described being humiliated by having to ask for personal hygiene products. Advocates say it can lead to unsafe and unsanitary conditions and lead to an imbalance of power between correctional officers and inmates.

    California is reckoning with how it treats its prisoners. Proposition 6 is asking voters whether to change the state constitution to expressly ban involuntary servitude so that inmates in California jails and prisons can no longer be compelled to work and punished with solitary confinement or the loss of privileges for declining jobs, most of which pay less than $1 an hour.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 29 he signed the bill.


    Protect maternity wards from closures

    By Kristen Hwang

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    Two bills on the governor’s desk aim to improve transparency when a hospital plans to shut down its maternity ward and help state agencies understand the ripple effects of growing labor and delivery “deserts.”

    If a hospital plans to close labor and delivery or inpatient psychiatric services, SB 1300 by Sen. Dave Cortese, a Democrat from Campbell, would require public notification four months in advance. The hospital would also need to hold a public hearing with its county board of supervisors and report why it is eliminating services and how its patients may be affected.

    AB 1895 by Assemblymember Akilah Weber, a Democrat from La Mesa, would require hospitals to notify state regulators, including the Department of Public Health, of challenges keeping maternity services open. Regulators would be required to assess how service cuts would affect the community and identify the next closest hospitals with operating labor and delivery wards.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    Cortese’s proposal is co-sponsored by the National Alliance on Mental Illness and supported by a number of behavioral health associations and consumer advocates. Supporters of Weber’s measure include the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists District IX, the California Nurse-Midwives Association, and Reproductive Freedom for All California, which all co-sponsored the legislation.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The California Hospital Association had opposed Cortese’s measure, arguing that it does not address the underlying financial and staffing challenges many hospitals are struggling with, and may make it more difficult to keep services running. The association dropped its opposition on Aug. 28, after an amendment decreased how much information hospitals would be required to report.

    Weber’s bill is unopposed.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Maternity wards are closing in California at an unprecedented rate. More than 50 hospitals have closed or reduced labor and delivery services in the past decade with at least eight more closures planned this year, according to an ongoing CalMatters investigation. In addition, birth centers, which can handle low-risk pregnancies, are also shutting down rapidly.

    CalMatters reporting has revealed that these losses disproportionately impact low-income and Latino communities.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he had signed SB 1300.


    Allow more outdoor alcohol and cannabis sales

    By Jenna Peterson

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    SB 969 would let local governments create “entertainment zones,” where bars and restaurants can sell alcoholic beverages that people can drink on public streets and sidewalks. Starting Jan. 1, cities could tailor these zones to fit their needs.

    AB 1775 would legalize cannabis cafes in California. Cannabis lounges already exist in some places, but they’re limited to selling prepackaged food and drinks.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    State Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat and author of SB 969, says the bill would help boost local businesses and “make our cities more fun!” Currently, cities can designate open-container zones for events such as festivals and parades, but they’re only applicable to outside vendors. The city of San Jose, the California Nightlife Association, and the city and county of San Francisco are sponsors of the bill.

    AB 1775’s author, Assemblymember Matt Haney, also a San Francisco Democrat, says the bill is necessary to support small cannabis businesses. He’s compared California’s cannabis culture to Amsterdam’s, which has well-known cannabis cafes that have been legal for decades. Many cannabis organizations are supporters of the bill.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Recorded opponents — which include the California Alcohol Policy Alliance, Alcohol Justice, California Council on Alcohol Problems and Citizens for a Better Los Angeles — say the bill could harm mixed-use neighborhoods and contribute to rising alcohol mortality rates and drunk driving accidents.

    The American Heart and Lung Associations and other health-focused organizations oppose AB 1775 because cannabis contains particulate matter, which can cause cardiovascular disease and lung infections. They also say that secondhand cannabis smoke can be harmful to workers at cannabis cafes.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Many California cities have yet to see foot traffic recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. Last year, a University of Toronto study tracked cell phone activity to determine how many downtown visitors cities have recovered. While San Jose was at 96% as of October, Los Angeles was at 83%, San Francisco at 67% and Sacramento at 66%. Wiener pushed through a similar bill last year, but it was limited to San Francisco. Cannabis cafes could also contribute to post-pandemic recovery of foot traffic.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he signed SB 969. “Getting people out in the streets to enjoy themselves is critical for communities across our state to bounce back from the pandemic,” Wiener said in a statement. “I’m thrilled to see the program’s massive success in San Francisco expand across the state.”


    Declare three more state symbols

    By Jenna Peterson

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    AB 2504 would designate the shell of the black abalone — an endangered marine snail — as California’s official state seashell. AB 1797 would name the Dungeness crab the state crustacean. And AB 1850 would recognize the banana slug as the state slug. These would be the latest additions to the state’s 44 official symbols.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    The shell bill was authored by Assemblymember Diane Dixon, a Republican from Newport Beach who notes that the black abalone has an important history to Native American tribes in Southern California, who have used the shell for trading and ceremony regalia and eaten the snail for thousands of years. The crab measure was authored by Assemblymember Jim Wood, a Ukiah Democrat. And the slug bill came from Assemblymember Gail Pellerin, a Santa Cruz Democrat. All three bills won overwhelming support in the Legislature.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    There is no recorded opposition from advocacy groups to any of the three bills. Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican from Palmdale, was the lone vote against the slug bill, but “in good fun.”

    WHY IT MATTERS

    The National Marine Fisheries Service designated the black abalone as an endangered species in 2009, as it faces environmental threats such as overfishing, disease and natural disasters. Lawmakers hope the designation will help Californians be more aware of those dangers. The Dungeness crab was chosen because of its positive impact on the commercial fishing industry and coastal economies. Pellerin chose the banana slug not only because it’s the mascot of University of California, Santa Cruz, but it also symbolizes California’s biological diversity.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS ✅

    The governor signed all three bills on Sept. 27. “California has some of the most biodiverse environments in the world — with over 5,500 plants, animals, and other life forms. From the majestic California redwood down to the delicate California quail, every organism matters here — and it’s time we celebrated our less cuddly friends before they get too crabby,” he said in a statement. “The Dungeness crab, the banana slug, and the black abalone each bring much to our state and are well deserving of this recognition.”


    Add folic acid to tortillas

    By Ana B. Ibarra

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 1830 by Assemblymember Joaquin Arambula sets out to help make pregnancies healthier by requiring that manufacturers of corn masa add folic acid to their products starting in 2026. Corn masa is used to make tortillas, corn chips and other foods. The federal government already requires folic acid in enriched grain products, including cereals, breads, pasta and rice because of its known effectiveness in helping prevent birth defects.

    Specifically, the bill requires 0.7 milligrams of folic acid in every pound of masa flour. That addition must be reflected in the nutrition label. Through the legislative process, the bill was amended to make exemptions for small businesses and restaurants, which often make their own corn masa and tortillas.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The bill is supported by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, March of Dimes and a number of organizations that advocate for kids’ health.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    There is no registered opposition on file.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Arambula said this bill will help address disparities in who gets the necessary amount of folic acid. State public health data show that Latinas are less likely to take folic acid in the early weeks of pregnancy or before becoming pregnant when compared to other racial or ethnic groups. This puts them at higher risk of having children born with birth defects of the brain and spinal cord, most commonly spina bifida and anencephaly. Research shows that folic acid can help prevent birth defects by as much as 70%.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom signed the bill on Sept. 28.


    Shine a light on teen treatment

    By Lynn La

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    The bipartisan SB 1043 seeks to bring greater transparency to the treatment of children and young adults living in state-licensed facilities — specifically short-term residential therapeutic programs. The bill would expand reporting requirements over the facilities’ use of restraints and seclusion rooms.

    Following an incident that involves restraining a child (or youth up to 21 years old) or putting a youth in a seclusion room, the facility would be required to provide a report to both the youth and to their parent, guardian or other representative. The report would include a description of the incident and various other information, and a copy would be provided to the California Department of Social Services. The department would be required to review reported incidents for any health, safety and licensing violations and investigate the incident if needed. The department must also make data about these incidents publicly available on its website by Jan. 1, 2026.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Led by Sen. Shannon Grove, a Bakersfield Republican, the measure has several Democratic and Republican co-authors. But the bill’s most recognizable and famous supporter is Paris Hilton, the hotel heiress, socialite and media personality. As a teenager, Hilton experienced physical and emotional abuse at youth treatment centers in California, Utah and Montana. This has led to her personal crusade against institutional abuse in the “troubled teen industry.” Hilton’s nonprofit, 11:11 Media Impact, is a co-sponsor of the bill. Disability Rights California and Children’s Law Center of California also support the proposal.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    There is no formal opposition registered and no lawmakers have voted against the bill, though some legislators did not vote.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    In 2021, after reports of rampant abuse, California passed a law prohibiting the practice of sending troubled youth, including foster children, to out-of-state, for-profit treatment centers. As an alternative, youths can be sent to short-term therapeutic facilities licensed by the state’s social services department. Two years ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law to fund crisis residential treatment facilities for children on Medi-Cal. The bill seeks to bring more transparency and accountability to the 355 facilities operating in California. It would also provide parents or guardians, who may have to make the difficult decision of sending their children to one of these facilities, information about any potential misuse of restraints and seclusion rooms.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom signed the bill on Sept. 27. “Children and teens — especially those in the care of the foster system — should never be subjected to improper use of restraints, or isolation while they are meant to be receiving treatment,” he said in a statement. “I am proud to sign legislation today to help protect our youth against such harmful tactics, and I’m grateful to Paris Hilton for using her voice to ensure that no child suffers like she did.”


    Give doxxing victims the right to sue

    By Jenna Peterson

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 1979 would allow victims of doxxing — when someone shares identifying information online about someone else with the intent to harm them — to sue their attackers in civil court for damages of as much as $30,000.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Assemblymember Chris Ward, a San Diego Democrat, and Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, a Davis Democrat, co-authored the bill. AB 1979 has support from many LGBTQ+ rights organizations, as members of the LGBTQ+ community are disproportionately targets of doxxing. A number of Jewish rights organizations announced their support for the bill earlier this month, and the Anti-Defamation League is a co-sponsor.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    There is no recorded opposition to AB 1979. Newport Beach Republican Diane Dixon was the sole “no” vote in the Assembly, and told CalMatters she generally opposes bills that create a private right to action because they clog up the court system. The bill also received five “no” votes in the Senate.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    It’s difficult to obtain evidence for doxxing, so the crime isn’t prosecuted often. For example, only one doxxing case was filed in Sacramento County in the last five years. According to a 2024 Anti-Defamation League Report, 45% of transgender respondents said they had experienced severe online harassment in the last year, and LGBTQ+ advocates say harassment is worsening as anti-trans legislation rises across the country.

    Doxxing has also played a role in recent Gaza war demonstrations, with many protesters wearing face coverings in fear of being identified and facing online harassment.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 25 he had signed the bill.


    Exclude medical debt from credit reports

    By Ana B. Ibarra

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 1061 by Sen. Monique Limón would remove medical debt from credit reports and prohibit debt collectors from reporting patients’ medical debt information to credit agencies. This pertains specifically to debt owed to a medical provider, such as a hospital or a doctor’s office, and not medical debt charged to credit cards.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The bill is backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, the California Nurses Association and a number of consumer advocacy organizations.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The bill was originally opposed by a coalition of bankers and creditors that pushed back on the bill’s definition of “medical debt” because it included medical credit cards, which are often offered at doctors’ and dentists’ offices as a way to pay for a procedure, but also can be used to pay for elective services, fitness programs and even veterinary services. That kind of debt, these groups argued, should not be hidden from lenders. The coalition removed its opposition once the bill redefined medical debt to that owed directly to providers.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    About 4 in 10 Californians report carrying some type of medical debt, according to the California Health Care Foundation. Medical debt can significantly weigh down credit scores and hurt consumers’ chances at securing a rental, a mortgage or car loan.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 24 he signed the bill, along with other consumer bills. “Nobody wants to get ripped off, whether it’s a small subscription fee that’s seemingly impossible to cancel or massive medical debts which force families into financial ruin.”


    Give tenants more time to respond before eviction

    By Ben Christopher

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 2347 by Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San Jose Democrat, would give tenants 10 business days to respond to an eviction notice, doubling the current deadline of five business days. If a tenant doesn’t respond within that time frame, they automatically lose their eviction case. 

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Legal aid organizations that represent low-income tenants are the main backers of the bill. They’re joined by affordable housing advocates, the California Democratic Party and the city of San Jose. Supporters argue that tenants being threatened with eviction may also be struggling financially, not have access to legal representation, not speak English as a first language, or fail to understand the significance of the landlord’s eviction notice. Five court calendar days, they say, is simply not enough time to respond.

    Researchers have found that tenants lose 40% or more of their eviction cases in California by default — either because they failed to respond on time or filed the application incorrectly.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Landlords. It often takes months between when an eviction notice is filed and when an owner can reclaim their property from a tenant. Extending that process even further means higher costs for those in the rental industry and, landlord lobbying groups warn, higher rents.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    California has one of the highest rates of homelessness in the county. California already has laws on the books that restrict how and when landlords can boot tenants from their rental properties, but this bill would give tenants more legal leverage to make use of those protections. Supporters hope that will keep more Californians from becoming unhoused in the first place.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ✅

    Newsom announced Sept. 24 he signed the bill, among other consumer protection proposals.


    Ban more plastic bags

    By Jenna Peterson

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 1053 would ban all plastic grocery bags in California, so customers would have to use paper or reusable bags, effective Jan. 1, 2026. Voters approved a similar ban in 2016, but a loophole allowed for plastic bags that are thick enough to reuse.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The bill was authored by state Sens. Ben Allen and Catherine Blakespear, Democrats from El Segundo and Encinitas, respectively. They wrote the bill to raise awareness of the current law’s contribution to plastic pollution. More than 70 environmental organizations — including the Center for Environmental Health, Climate Action California and California Environmental Voters — support the bills because they would prevent plastic waste, which releases toxic chemicals into the air, water and soil.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Opposition includes the American Recyclable Plastic Bag Alliance, which says that according to a survey they conducted, 60% of Californians are reusing plastic bags from the grocery store. They also say that many reusable bags have a more negative impact on the environment than the currently legal plastic bags.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Plastic waste contributes to 3.4% of all greenhouse gas emissions, according to The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. According to a CalRecycle report, plastic grocery bags made up more than 231,000 tons of California waste in 2021. When plastic enters a landfill, it breaks down into microplastics, which can seep into soil and contaminate groundwater.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 22 he signed the bill.


    Make key changes in campaign laws

    By Sameea Kamal

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    AB 1784 by Democratic Assemblymembers Gail Pellerin and Wendy Carrillo would stop candidates from seeking multiple offices, by clarifying state law to prevent candidates from filing papers for more than one office in a primary election. It also allows people to withdraw their candidacy until the filing deadline, which they currently can’t do. The bill does not apply to candidates for statewide office, and clarifies that withdrawal is final.

    AB 2041 by Assemblymember Mia Bonta would make it easier for candidates to use campaign cash for their own security. Under current law, threats have to be verified by law enforcement. This bill would lift that requirement and allow spending on home or office security systems and other expenses (but not firearms) due to threats tied to official duties. The bill would allow politicians to protect their families and staff, and spend as much as $10,000 on security expenses over their careers.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    AB 1784 is supported by Secretary of State Shirley Weber, the California Association of Clerks and Election Officials and California’s League of Women Voters, which said that having someone on the ballot twice can confuse voters and undermine confidence in elections. It could also lead to costly special elections if a candidate wins both contests, the group said.

    Supporters of AB 2041 include the state’s Fair Political Practices Commission, which enforces campaign finance laws, as well as the League of California Cities. The bill’s supporters in the Legislature tell of increasing threats and harassment over controversial bills. They also point out that female candidates and officials are often the targets of threats. “Stalking and harassment have become all too common in today’s politics, especially for candidates who are female, LGBTQ+, and candidates of color,” Bonta said in a statement after her bill passed on the final night of session.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    There is no registered opposition on file to either bill.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    AB 1784 seeks to address the very specific debacle that resulted from Assemblymember Vince Fong putting his hat in the ring after Rep. Kevin McCarthy stepped down from Congress. Fong was already on the primary ballot to run for re-election in his Assembly district, so the Secretary of State tried to stop him from running for a second office. Fong sued, and won. Authors of the bill want to clarify for future elections that dual candidacies are prohibited.

    Gov. Newsom vetoed a similar bill to AB 2041 last year, saying it lacked clear definitions of security expenses and could lead to unintended uses of political donations. But supporters say the bill language has been tightened up to only allow spending for reasonable costs. If Newsom signs this bill, it would take effect immediately, so candidates could take advantage during the fall campaign.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS ✅

    Newsom announced Sept. 22 that he signed AB 1784 and AB 2041.


    End single-family zoning, redux

    By Ben Christopher

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 450 by San Diego Democratic Sen. Toni Atkins is aimed at “fixing” one of the most controversial state housing laws in recent memory.

    In 2021, Gov. Newsom signed another Atkins bill that allows California homeowners to divide their properties into as many as four separate units. That law was both lauded and condemned at the time as the “end of single family zoning” as we know it. In practice, it did no such thing. Few homeowners made use of the law. This bill is aimed at making that law more user friendly, by requiring local governments to approve applications quickly and preventing them from saddling duplex-ification proposals with extra requirements.

    The bill also includes language promoting it as a statewide solution to California’s “severe shortage of housing.” That’s meant to address a court ruling from earlier this year that exempted charter cities from the 2021 law.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Builders, landlords and “Yes in my Backyard” activists. For years, pro-density and development advocates have argued that zoning restrictions that keep apartment complexes, townhouses and multiplexes out of certain neighborhoods makes it harder for the state to build its way out of the current housing shortage and exacerbates economic and racial exclusion.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Santa Clarita in Los Angeles County and local governments in San Mateo opposed the bill, arguing that it chips away local authority over land use and puts an added burden on city planners. Though this year’s effort generated less attention, the original bill in 2021 saw enormous opposition from local governments, suburban neighborhood associations, anti-density advocates and some progressive political advocacy groups.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    “Ending single family zoning” has long been the holy grail of YIMBY advocates and pro-equity groups. The 2021 law was a symbolically important crack at statewide zoning reform, but its impact was limited. This year’s bill is another effort to make that vision of a denser California a reality — and to see whether achieving the goal will also make the state more affordable.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ✅

    Newsom signed the bill on Sept. 19.


    Speed up ‘tiny homes’ for homeless people

    By Marisa Kendall

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 1395 by Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park, would make it easier for cities and counties to quickly set up tiny homes for their homeless residents.

    How? Traditional homeless shelters already are exempt from some of the red tape that often slows down housing construction, including the California Environmental Quality Act. Becker’s bill would expand that to include shelters that are “non-congregate and relocatable.” In other words: tiny homes. The bill also would extend cities’ ability to streamline the construction of homeless shelters, which now is set to expire in 2027.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The bill’s co-sponsors include San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan (whose city has embraced tiny homes as solution to homelessness), DignityMoves (a nonprofit that helps build tiny homes villages), the Bay Area Council, and SPUR (a nonprofit public policy organization focused on housing and transportation).

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    SB 1395 has no registered opposition. But that wasn’t the case last session, when a similar version introduced by Becker died following opposition from prominent groups that included the National Alliance to End Homelessness, the Western Center on Law & Poverty and the Corporation for Supportive Housing. They complained the bill characterized tiny homes as permanent housing. In reality, they said, tiny homes’ substandard construction (many lack kitchens and bathrooms) means they should be used as temporary shelters only. The new version of the bill specifies that tiny homes are temporary shelters.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    As homeless encampments continue to grow, the state and many cities are doubling down on tiny homes as a quick way to get people off the streets. San Jose has more than 500, and there are 2,000 statewide, according to DignityMoves. Newsom last year promised 1,200 tiny homes to four communities in California, though that project ran into some snags.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ✅

    Newsom signed the bill on Sept. 19.


    Protect voters from AI

    By Khari Johnson

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    Lawmakers passed three bills intended to protect voters from deepfakes — deceptive forms of audio, images and video generated by artificial intelligence.

    AB 2839 by Assemblymember Gail Pellerin, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, goes after individuals who create or publish deceptive content made with AI. The bill allows a judge to order an injunction requiring them to either take down the content or pay damages. AB 2655 by Assemblymember Marc Berman, a Democrat from Palo Alto, requires large online platforms such as Facebook to remove or label deepfakes within 72 hours of a user reporting it. And AB 2355 by Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, requires political campaigns to disclose use of AI in advertising.

    To comply with the First Amendment, the deepfake bills only affect content that is intended to deceive. Ones that are considered comedy or parody aren’t covered.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    AB 2839 and AB 2655 were sponsored by California Initiative for Technology and Democracy, a branch of the nonpartisan nonprofit Common Cause. Attorney General Rob Bonta also supports AB 2839, which would go into effect immediately if signed into law and would apply 120 days before and 60 days after the Nov. 5 election.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Groups including the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the American Civil Liberties Union, and a range of book publishers groups opposed AB 2839 due to concerns the bill may violate free speech rights. Business and internet organizations are also against AB 2655. Only the foundation is listed as an opponent to AB 2355.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Deepfakes became a flashpoint earlier this summer when X CEO Elon Musk circulated a fake campaign ad that mimicked the voice of Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris. Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ad made by Musk should be illegal; Musk retorted that it was parody and thus protected speech. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump posted a generated image of his political opponents in prison jumpsuits, although the platform he posted it to, Truth Social, is too small to be regulated by AB 2655.

    The AI disclosure bills come amid concern about the accuracy of AI-generated content. According to a study released in February, more than half of answers from AI models such as Google’s Gemini, Mixtral, and Meta’s Llama-2 were labeled inaccurate. Still, the bills would not stop AI-generated disinformation, but just make users be more aware.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS

    Newsom signed all three bills on Sept. 17. “Safeguarding the integrity of elections is essential to democracy, and it’s critical that we ensure AI is not deployed to undermine the public’s trust through disinformation — especially in today’s fraught political climate,” he said in a statement. “These measures will help to combat the harmful use of deepfakes in political ads and other content, one of several areas in which the state is being proactive to foster transparent and trustworthy AI.”


    Mixed decision


    Advance reparations proposals

    By Wendy Fry

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    Lawmakers shelved two critical pieces of reparations legislation in the final hours of the session, but sent 10 other reparations bills to the governor’s desk. The California Legislative Black Caucus announced 14 priority reparations bills in January based on recommendations made last year by a first-in-the-nation reparations task force. The most significant bill, AB 3089, authored by Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a Democrat from Los Angeles and task force member, would require a formal apology from the state for “perpetuating the harms African Americans faced” from racial prejudice and unequal distribution of state and federal funding.

    Also approved: SB 1050, by Sen. Steven Bradford, a Democrat from Gardena, aimed at returning property or the financial equivalent to people who had their land taken by racially-motivated eminent domain; AB 1986, to increase oversight on book bans in prisons; and SB 1089 to require grocery stores and pharmacies to notify employees before closing.

    Another bill, AB 1815 by Assemblymember Akilah Weber, a Democrat from San Diego, would expand a 2019 law, barring hair discrimination in competitive sports.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    The California Legislative Black Caucus and other members of the California Reparations Task Force who do not serve in the Legislature support most of the bills. Also backing the legislation are a slew of social and racial justice advocates and organizations such as the Black Equity Collective, the California Black Power Network, the ACLU and others.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Organizations generally did not register official opposition. Some Republicans abstained from voting. Many argue that because California was not a “slave state,” it is not responsible for making amends.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    California is the first state in the nation to grapple with the complexities of reparations — an effort that has sparked controversy among advocates and opponents alike. The most significant ongoing debate is whether reparations should be for all Black residents or just those who can prove they are the descendants of African Americans enslaved in the United States. Most of the bills before Newsom are more broadly tailored for overall racial equity, not aimed at a specific remedy for a specific harm. So far, California lawmakers have not pushed for cash payments.

    Black lawmakers say this session is only a first step in building a foundation for future reparations measures. The Legislature also placed a measure on the November ballot asking voters to amend the California constitution to delete language that allows involuntary servitude as a form of punishment for crimes.

    What California does could ripple into the presidential elections, with Republicans claiming Democrats made false promises to Black Californians about supporting reparations. Vice President Kamala Harris has only publicly supported studying the issue, but she’s close friends and political allies with Amos Brown, a task force member who was one of the strongest advocates for lineage-based reparations and direct compensation.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS

    Newsom announced on Sept. 25 his veto of SB 1050, saying it couldn’t be put into effect. “I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” he said in his veto message. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”

    But on Sept. 26, Newsom signed AB 1815, AB 1986, SB 1089 and, most significantly, SB 3089, the formal apology for slavery. “The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” the governor said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”


    Vetoed


    Limit empty beds in state prisons

    By Nigel Duara

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 2178 by Assemblymember Phil Ting, a Democrat from San Francisco, would cap the number of empty beds at all California prisons at 11,300 by the summer of 2026. It would require further cuts each year until reaching the state’s minimum capacity requirement of 2,500 empty beds. That likely means closing prisons.

    The measure is meant to reduce spending on prisons, which house about 65,000 fewer inmates today than they held in 2011. Despite the falling inmate population, California is expected to spend $18 billion on state prisons over the next year, an annual budget of $3 billion more than at the start of the Newsom administration in 2019.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    A wide variety of public defense and civil rights organizations support Ting’s bill. They include the ACLU of Northern California, the California Public Defenders Association and a prison advocacy group called Californians United for a Responsible Budget. The California Nurses Association also backs the proposal.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The bill is opposed by the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union for prison guards, which said that tightening capacity limits will mean tighter quarters that pose more danger to guards. It’s also opposed by the California Association of Psychiatric Technicians, a smaller union that represents mental health workers in state prisons and state hospitals.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    California prisons have an empty bed problem. The prison system, which was once so crowded that inmates slept in hallways and day rooms, has cut down on its population over the last decade under federal court orders. The result is that the prison system now has too many empty beds, at least 13,000 in January. By 2028, the prison system is anticipated to have 19,000 empty beds, about one-fifth of the system’s total capacity.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom has moved to close four prisons, a reduction that his administration says will save about $3.4 billion by 2027. A recent report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office says the system can afford to close five more, which would save an additional $1 billion a year.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 29 that he vetoed the bill, saying that he “fundamentally disagreed” with the approach: “We must leave the practice of warehousing incarcerated people in the past and instead focus on a future that provides humane and dignified housing that facilitates rehabilitation. Codifying this prescriptive approach to ‘empty beds’ will undermine this effort.”


    Allow tribes to sue cardrooms

    By Ryan Sabalow

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 549 would allow tribal governments to sue their business competitors — private card rooms — over the tribes’ longstanding contention that these private gambling halls are illegally offering table games including blackjack and pai gow poker. Tribes say California voters gave them the exclusive rights to host the disputed table games. But because they’re sovereign governments, the tribes lack legal standing to sue.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Tribes including those operating the state’s 70 tribal casinos support the measure. The bill has several bipartisan coauthors, many of whom have large casinos in their districts. The tribes contend the card rooms’ games have stolen hundreds of millions of dollars of revenue from historically disenfranchised tribal communities across California. They’ve spent millions of dollars on lobbying and political donations for this bill, as well as a failed sport-betting ballot initiative two years ago that included a similar provision.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Opposing the bill are the state’s 80 or so privately-owned gambling halls, as well as several California cities and the municipalities’ employee unions. Card rooms, which embarked on a massive lobbying blitz this year, say their games are not illegal and that the attorney general’s office has approved each of them. They argue that if the tribes are allowed to sue, the card clubs wouldn’t be allowed to sue tribes back, and they could go out of business from the ensuing legal fees. Card rooms’ annual earnings are barely 10% of what tribal governments make, and the tribes have outspent the card rooms in this fight three to one.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Cities, including San Jose, argue that if the card rooms stop offering the disputed table games, it could force the municipalities to cut police, fire and other city services because their budgets are propped up by the taxes and fees that the card rooms pay local governments. Tribes say passing the bill would go a long way toward California making amends for the atrocities the state committed on native peoples.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he vetoed the bill. In his veto message, he said while prescription drug prices are too high and there needs to be more transparency, “I am not convinced that SB 966’s expansive licensing scheme will achieve such results.” Instead, he said he’s directing the California Health and Human Services Agency to “propose a legislative approach to gather much needed data on PBMs next year.”


    Restrict private equity in healthcare

    By Kristen Hwang

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 3129 by Assemblymember Jim Wood, a Democrat from Ukiah, would authorize the attorney general to approve or reject private equity takeovers of most medical businesses, such as doctors offices, outpatient clinics and surgery centers. The attorney general already regulates nonprofit hospital mergers and is able to stipulate conditions intended to protect patient access and cost, such as preventing facilities from eliminating certain services. This would grant similar review powers over transactions in private industry. It exempts for-profit and government-run hospitals.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The measure has been hotly contested in the Legislature. Supporters include consumer health advocates, the state doctors’ lobby, and Attorney General Rob Bonta, who sponsored the legislation. They warn that private equity buyouts in health care drive increased consolidation and higher prices while diminishing patient access.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The state hospital lobby and a coalition of investor groups and dental practices oppose the bill. The coalition, Californians to Protect Community Health Care, spent more than $500,000 lobbying against the measure in the most recent quarter, according to state financial reporting records. They argue that the measure will stifle much-needed investment in health care, leading to service cuts and hospital closures.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Private equity investment in health care has drawn scrutiny nationwide. The investment firms tend to finance the purchase of hospitals, doctors offices and the like with borrowed money, saddling them with debt before exiting and selling the properties.

    In California, between 2005 and 2021, private equity deals in health care grew from $1 billion to $20 billion annually, according to a recent policy paper from the California Health Care Foundation.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he vetoed the bill. In his veto message, Newsom said the existing state Office of Health Care Affordability can review such mergers and acquisitions, and while it “cannot block a proposed transaction, it can coordinate with other state entities, including referring transactions for further review” to the attorney general’s office.


    Make it easier for farmworkers to file heat illness claims

    By Jeanne Kuang

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    Authored by Sen. Dave Cortese, a Campbell Democrat, SB 1299 would make it easier for farmworkers to make a workers’ compensation claim for heat illness. Under the current system a worker can get covered for any workplace injury — whether it’s their employer’s fault or not — if they can prove the injury was connected to the job. Benefits include payments for medical care, lost wages or death benefits for the family. For certain injuries in certain industries, workers claiming benefits get a “presumption” (legalese for a fast-track to approval) that their injury was work-related — firefighters who develop cancer, for example, because of how often they are exposed to carcinogens in burning buildings. The bill gives a similar, though narrower, presumption to farmworkers claiming heat illness by allowing them to more easily link the injury to their job, specifically in cases in which the employer was not following state safety rules for those who work outside in the heat.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The bill is sponsored by the United Farm Workers and has support from labor groups and attorneys who represent injured workers in workers’ compensation claims. The United Farm Workers say the bill can put financial pressure on employers to comply with the heat rules, in the absence of more robust state enforcement.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Farming groups oppose the bill, as well as workers’ compensation insurance carriers and broader business groups such as the California Chamber of Commerce. Business groups say the bill unfairly mixes workplace safety regulations with workers’ compensation insurance rules, and worry it could put employers on the hook for heat cases that are not work-related.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Heat waves in California are growing longer and more intense, but workers’ advocates say many employers still do not follow the state’s nearly two-decade-old outdoor work heat rules that require growers, farm labor contractors, construction site supervisors and others to provide shade, breaks and water and to monitor their workers for heat illness. The challenge is compounded by an understaffed state workplace safety agency; CalMatters reported in August that the agency’s enforcement of heat rules has declined significantly since 2019 despite the increasing risks of extreme heat.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ❌

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he had vetoed the bill. In his veto message, he wrote the enforcement of heat safety rules should be done only by the state’s workplace safety agency, the Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) and not be determined by the workers’ compensation system.


    Expedite gender-affirming care licenses

    By Jenna Peterson

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    AB 2442, authored by Los Angeles Democrat Rick Chavez Zbur, would speed up the licensure process for gender-affirming healthcare providers. The bill does not change the requirements to get a license; rather it prioritizes applicants who intend to practice gender-affirming healthcare or gender-affirming mental health care. As part of a package of new laws on abortion access, the legislature passed a similar law in 2022 to expedite licenses for abortion service providers after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe vs. Wade. AB 2442 has a sunset clause, so the legislature would reevaluate the need for the bill in four years.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California and Equality California are sponsors of the bill, which also has support from organizations that support LGBTQ+ rights, reproductive justice and healthcare access.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    The California Family Council, Our Duty Democrat, Protect Kids Initiative and Protection of the Educational Rights of Kids Advocacy are recorded opponents of AB 2442. The latter group says that other providers should also get expedited licensing, and that the bill could hurt other areas of medicine. Instead, they want to add more staff to the Department of Consumer Affairs so that all medical providers can get licensed more efficiently. The other organizations have concerns about the safety of children undergoing gender reassignment surgery or hormone therapy before their brains fully develop, saying it could harm mental health and lead to infertility.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Twenty-six states have passed laws that ban gender-affirming care. In a 2022 survey by the National Center for Transgender Equality, 47% of transgender respondents said they had considered moving to another state because of these laws. In California, patients seeking gender-affirming care at Stanford Medical Center often have to wait six to eight months to get an appointment. Supporters say AB 2442 would allow California to keep up with the demand from out-of-state patients while continuing to support in-state patients. In 2022, California passed a law protecting those receiving or providing such treatment from prosecution by other states.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ❌

    Newsom announced Sept. 27 he vetoed the bill. In his veto message, he said too many accelerated licenses could be unfair to other applicants and “the increase in staff needed to ensure expedited applications may lead to licensing fee increases.”


    Test AI for critical harm to society

    By Khari Johnson

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 1047 by Senator Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, requires the makers of advanced artificial intelligence models to test their likelihood to cause critical harm to society. The bill also protects the rights of whistleblowers to raise concerns to the attorney general. The bill attempts to codify, oversee, and enforce safety testing similar to what major companies voluntarily agreed to in deals with the White House and governments in the United Kingdom and South Korea. The bill also takes steps toward establishing a public cloud computing cluster known as CalCompute to advance AI development.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    In the weeks leading up to passage, X CEO Elon Musk and prominent researchers Yoshua Bengio and Geoffrey Hinton voiced support for the bill. Other supporters include AI company Anthropic, youth AI nonprofit organization Encode Justice, the Economic Security Project California, and experts including Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan, the first director of the Joint AI Center at the Pentagon; Dan Hendrycks, director of the Center for AI Safety; and Daniel Kokotajlo and William Saunders, former OpenAI employees and whistleblowers.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Major AI developers including Google, Meta, and OpenAI strongly oppose the bill, arguing that it will stifle innovation and the availability of open source software. Eight members of Congress who represent California districts, all Democrats, took the unusual step of urging Gov. Newsom to veto the bill. Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco also opposes the bill, saying in a letter that it does more harm than good.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    California is home to the majority of the top AI companies in the world, so tough regulation of them could set a standard for the entire industry and for Congress. Supporters of the bill say now is the time to act because they don’t trust the makers of AI to self regulate particularly as profit pressures mount. Kokotajlo told CalMatters that if SB 1047 were in effect when he worked at OpenAI, it would have prevented or at least helped expose a violation of internal safety protocols he witnessed there.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 29 that he vetoed the bill, saying that a broader approach is needed and announcing a series of related initiatives. “By focusing only on the most expensive and large-scale models, SB 1047 establishes a regulatory framework that could give the public a false sense of security about controlling this fast-moving technology.”


    Allow civilian officers to testify

    By Ryan Sabalow

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    SB 804 would allow community service officers — uniformed police department civilian employees who don’t have arrest powers — to testify at preliminary hearings where authorities present evidence to a judge who decides whether to move ahead with a full felony trial. Witnesses or victims are still required to testify in a trial. As it stands, only sworn officers are allowed to testify at “prelims,” despite community service officers often taking witness statements at crime scenes and during investigations.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The Redding Police Department brought the issue to the attention of the region’s senator, Republican Brian Dahle, arguing that as police budgets shrink, community services officers should be allowed to testify to free up sworn officers for other duties. The California State Sheriffs Association, the California Police Chiefs Association, San Francisco Mayor London Breed and the state’s police union support the legislation. Proponents say that it would keep officers from having to re-interview witnesses. Plus, they argue that having fewer armed officers interacting with witnesses helps address concerns about over-policing in communities of color.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    ACLU California Action, criminal defense attorneys, including the California Public Defenders Association, and social justice groups opposed the legislation. They argue that the changes could lead to shoddy testimony being admitted into legal proceedings where a suspect’s freedom is on the line. They argue that preliminary hearings are already tilted in the favor of police and prosecutors. “The bottom line is that preliminary hearings are so problematic right now,” Ignacio Hernández of California Attorneys for Criminal Justice, told the Assembly Public Safety Committee this summer.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Since 1990, the state’s population has grown by nearly 10 million people, yet the numbers of California’s sworn patrol officers have dropped to below where they were in 1991, according to a recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California. Sworn officer staffing shortages are particularly prevalent in rural areas such as those in Dahle’s sprawling Senate district in northeastern California.

    At the same time, in the wake of high-profile cases of unjustified police violence, social justice advocates have been urging California lawmakers and local governments to scale back the numbers of armed police patrolling communities of color. Some communities are deploying unarmed social or mental-health workers trained to defuse confrontations in situations where armed officers used to be the sole respondents.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL ❌

    Newsom announced Sept. 20 he vetoed the bill. In his veto message, he said while he appreciates the goal to “conserve law enforcement resources, the bill raises concerns about the reliability of evidence presented at a critical stage of criminal proceedings, in which decisions are made regarding whether probable cause exists to charge defendants with felonies.”


    Make undocumented immigrants eligible for homebuyer and jobless aid

    By Wendy Fry and Jeanne Kuang

    WHAT THE BILLS WOULD DO

    AB 1840 and SB 227, written by Assemblymembers Joaquin Arambula and María Elena Durazo, respectively, aim to ensure Californians are not excluded from assistance programs due to their immigration status.

    AB 1840, written by Arambula, a Democrat from Fresno, makes clear that undocumented first-time homebuyers can apply for a program that offers 20% downpayment assistance of as much as $150,000. The bill has drawn national media attention, with Republicans claiming it follows “a long litany of taxpayer dollar giveaways…that encourage and reward illegal immigration.” A spokesperson for Arambula said the bill only clarifies that undocumented Californians can participate in “Dream for All” and other home purchase assistance programs if they meet all other eligibility and financial criteria. The program ran out of $300 million in funding 11 days after launching in 2023. Because of the state budget shortfall, no new funds were appropriated this year.

    SB 227 requires the Employment Development Department, by next March, to come up with a plan on how to give undocumented workers who lose their jobs access to unemployment benefits. Employers pay into the unemployment fund; an expansion would likely need to be funded by the state. Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2022 vetoed a similar bill directly requiring the new program because lawmakers hadn’t identified a funding source. This version would make the administration figure out how to create the program, including how much it would cost, and then send the plan back to lawmakers and the Department of Finance for review.

    WHO SUPPORTS THEM

    A large coalition of immigrant rights advocates, including the ACLU, CHIRLA, the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights, and the Mexican American Opportunity Foundation.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    California Republicans argue that programs providing aid to undocumented residents act as a magnet for illegal immigration, even as many Californians can’t afford to buy houses. Elon Musk posted on his social media site X that “half of earth should move to California given all the incentives to do so.”

    There are no registered opponents for the unemployment bill. Newsom’s finance department last year opposed the bill because the state hadn’t budgeted funds for it, and called its timelines “infeasible,” but the bill has since been amended to require a plan rather than the program itself.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Decades of work went into building a social safety net for California’s roughly 2.3 million undocumented immigrants, who still have the highest poverty rates in the state. Some argue that because undocumented immigrants pay taxes, they should also have access to taxpayer-funded programs, like unemployment insurance. According to USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes in 2019.

    In recent years, natural disasters such as winter storms and extreme heat have shed light on how farmworkers, over half of whom are undocumented, can lose work with little notice. But with a tight state budget, Newsom has cited costs in halting or slowing down the state’s expansions of social services.

    GOVERNOR’S CALLS

    Newsom announced on Sept. 6 that he vetoed AB 1840 to expand homebuyer aid to undocumented immigrants, citing budget concerns. With “finite funding available for CalHFA programs, expanding program eligibility must be carefully considered within the broader context of the annual state budget to ensure we manage our resources effectively,” he wrote.

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 that he vetoed SB 227 on jobless aid. In his veto message, Newsom wrote that it “sets impractical timelines, has operational issues, and requires funding that was not included in the budget.”


    Regulate middlemen in pharma industry

    By Kristen Hwang

    WHAT THE BILL WOULD DO

    Pharmacy benefit managers work as middlemen between insurance companies and drug manufacturers. They process claims, negotiate drug prices and help determine the list of drugs that health insurance plans cover.

    SB 966 by Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, would prohibit pharmacy benefit managers from restricting where patients can fill prescriptions and mandate that 100% of discounts negotiated with drug manufacturers be passed onto health insurance plans. It would also require the state insurance department to license pharmacy benefit managers and improve price transparency.

    WHO SUPPORTS IT

    The measure is co-sponsored by the California Pharmacists Association, California Chronic Care Coalition, Los Angeles LGBT Center and San Francisco AIDS Foundation. Supporters say exclusionary practices have forced the closure of 300 pharmacies across the state and limited drug access. It is also supported by Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, which represents drug companies.

    WHO IS OPPOSED

    Health plans and trade organizations representing pharmacy benefit managers are the primary opponents to the measure. They say preferred pharmacy networks, formularies and discounts are all strategies that allow pharmacy benefit managers to keep prices reasonable. They blame drug companies for driving up prices and say this legislation would increase premiums by $1.7 billion in the first year.

    WHY IT MATTERS

    Spending on prescription drugs in California ballooned 39% in just five years, according to the most recent state data. State and federal regulators are increasingly concerned about tactics used by pharmacy benefit managers to generate profits. A report from the Federal Trade Commission, which is investigating the middlemen, suggests that the largest organizations may be engaging in practices specifically to evade regulation, such as moving portions of their operations out of the country. Research also suggests consolidation drives prescription drug prices higher with the three biggest companies — CVS Caremark, Express Scripts and OptumRx — controlling 80% of the market.

    GOVERNOR’S CALL

    Newsom announced Sept. 28 he vetoed the bill. In his veto message, he said while prescription drug prices are too high and there needs to be more transparency, “I am not convinced that SB 966’s expansive licensing scheme will achieve such results.” Instead, he said he’s directing the California Health and Human Services Agency to “propose a legislative approach to gather much needed data on PBMs next year.”

  • Jackie & Shadow's egg no. 2 may be hatching
    A bald eagle in its nest
    Egg no. 2 from Jackie and Shadow is showing signs of hatching.
    Topline:
    We have another pip — the second egg in Big Bear’s famous bald eagle nest is showing signs of hatching.


    The backstory: That’s just a day after the first egg started showing signs of hatching on Friday morning. The egg shell has continued to crack as the chick breaks through, revealing more of the eaglet’s fuzzy gray feathers as time goes on.

    We have another pip — the second egg in Big Bear’s famous bald eagle nest is showing signs of hatching.

    The first pip, or crack, was confirmed in Jackie and Shadow’s egg no. 2 on Saturday morning, according to Friends of Big Bear Valley, the nonprofit that runs a popular YouTube livestream of the nest overlooking Big Bear Lake.

    That’s about a day after the first egg started showing signs of hatching on Friday morning. The egg shell has continued to crack as the chick breaks through, revealing more of the eaglet’s fuzzy gray feathers as time goes on.

    More than 38,000 people were watching the livestream shortly after the organization confirmed the second crack, compared with the more than 26,000 viewers who tuned in on Friday.

    “The first egg is still in the process of hatching, it is not considered hatched until it is completely free of the egg shell. The chick has popped its head out of the shell to say a happy hatch day to mom and dad!” Friends of Big Bear Valley wrote on Facebook to more than a million followers on Saturday. “It also appears that the second egg has a pip. It is not well defined as of this morning, but we will likely see more progress throughout the day.”

    Jackie and Shadow's usual incubation timeline is around 38 to 40 days, according to the nonprofit.

    What’s next

    With pips in place, it could take the chicks a day or two to complete the hatching process, as seen with last season’s trio.

    Friends of Big Bear Valley won’t know for sure if any chicks are male or female, as the organization has said the only way to tell is with a blood test.

    But once eaglets are around 9 or 10 weeks old, there should be signs that can help the nonprofit make an educated guess, including the chicks’ size, ankle thickness and vocal pitch.

    Generally speaking, female bald eagles are larger than males. Female bald eagles also tend to have larger vocal organs — the syrinx — which leads to deeper, lower-pitched vocalizations, according to Friends of Big Bear Valley.

    What do we call the chicks?

    Historically, Jackie and Shadow’s chicks are given temporary nicknames initially, such as Chick 1 and Chick 2, or Bigger Chick and Smaller Chick (which some fans affectionately nicknamed Biggie and Smalls).

    The final decision has then been left up to Big Bear Valley elementary school students. Previous chicks have been named Stormy, BBB (for Big Bear Baby), Simba and Cookie through that process.

    Last year, Friends of Big Bear Valley crowdsourced more than 50,000 name choices in a week-long fundraiser, with the students voting from 30 finalists on official ballots delivered by the nonprofit.

    The feathered parents’ eaglets were named Sunny and Gizmo last April.

    One of last season’s three chicks didn’t survive a winter storm within weeks of hatching. Friends of Big Bear Valley named that chick “Misty” in honor of one of their late volunteers who is “still very missed,” the organization previously shared.

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  • Too few kids in California are getting eye exams
    a young girl in a pink shirt sits with an eye testing machine on her face
    Mia Ochoa, 9, behind a Phoropter during an eye exam at Vision to Learn mobile optometry clinic at Esther Lindstrom Elementary School in Lakewood on March 20.

    Topline:

    In California too few children on Medi-Cal like Kekoa are getting their eyes checked, and the problem is growing worse.

    What the data says: Vision problems, particularly nearsightedness, have grown more common among American children. Roughly one in four school-age kids, or 25%, wear glasses or contacts, a proportion that increases as kids get older, according to 2019 federal survey data.

    What's happening: Just 16% of school-age kids on Medi-Cal saw an eye doctor between 2022 and 2024 for first-time eye exams, continuing vision check ups or glasses, according to a report commissioned by the California Optometric Association. That’s down from 19% eight years earlier. The report, based on two years of Medi-Cal data, suggests that the state is moving in the wrong direction even as eye problems become more prevalent among kids.

    Read on ... for more on what California is trying to do to reverse this problem.

    When Kekoa Gittens was 3, his preschool teacher told his mother he was a problem. He couldn’t sit still. He didn’t participate. When other kids learned the alphabet, he didn’t pay attention.

    The next year, Kekoa’s classroom problems worsened. His mother, Sonia Gittens, took him to his pediatrician, who referred the boy to an eye doctor.

    That doctor looked at the back of Kekoa’s eyes and diagnosed him with myopic degeneration, a dramatic form of nearsightedness.

    “They are too little. They don’t know how to express themselves and say, ‘I cannot see it, teacher,’” said Sonia Gittens, who lives in the Marin County town of Corte Madera.

    Today, Kekoa is a successful high schooler, but too many kids don’t get their eyes checked until they’re far behind in school.

    Vision problems, particularly nearsightedness, have grown more common among American children. Roughly one in four school-age kids, or 25%, wear glasses or contacts, a proportion that increases as kids get older, according to 2019 federal survey data.

    In California too few children on Medi-Cal like Kekoa are getting their eyes checked, and the problem is growing worse. Just 16% of school-age kids on Medi-Cal saw an eye doctor between 2022 and 2024 for first-time eye exams, continuing vision check ups or glasses, according to a report commissioned by the California Optometric Association. That’s down from 19% eight years earlier. The report, based on two years of Medi-Cal data, suggests that the state is moving in the wrong direction even as eye problems become more prevalent among kids.

    Medi-Cal provides insurance for low-income Californians and those with disabilities.

    “Every day when I see these children it is always a surprise to me that the kids are not getting the care they need,” said Ida Chung, a pediatric optometrist and an associate dean at Western University of Health Sciences in Pomona.

    The trend indicated in the report is alarming, Chung said. In her clinic, where about half of children are on Medi-Cal, it’s common for kids with congenital vision problems to visit for the first time when they’re in first grade or later. That indicates to Chung that many kids don’t have enough access to eye care.

    Though kids might be getting basic vision screenings at school or from a pediatrician, some eye problems are still overlooked. “It’s something the child had before they were born,” Chung said.

    Eye exams decrease statewide

    Colusa County, a rural farming region north of Sacramento, saw the sharpest drop in kids’ eye doctor appointments in the state from 20% between 2015-16 to just under 2% between 2022-24.

    Nearly all counties — 47 out of 58 — performed worse on vision care than they did in the past, the report shows, with some, like Colusa, declining significantly.

    Most of the severe declines happened in rural areas, although urban counties like San Francisco and Los Angeles also saw decreases. Only seven counties improved the rate of children receiving eye exams or glasses. Four counties were excluded for comparison in the report because the numbers were too small.

    “The decline in performance here is so widespread that something really needs to happen,” said David Maxwell-Jolly, a health care consultant who authored the report and the former director of the Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal. “These numbers are way lower than what you would expect to be seeing if we’re doing a good job of detecting kids with treatable conditions.”

    A spokesperson for the Department of Health Care Services said in an email the state could not confirm the accuracy of an external report, noting that vision services can be difficult to track because “not all encounters are captured in a single, comprehensive dataset.”

    For example, many initial vision screenings take place in the pediatrician’s office during well-child visits, which include eye and hearing screenings as well as immunizations and developmental checks. State data shows about half of kids with Medi-Cal receive well-child visits.

    Still, experts say the low numbers tell a real story: if children were reliably getting follow-up care from initial screenings, the share who get comprehensive eye exams and glasses would be closer to 25-30% — in line with the known prevalence of vision problems among kids — rather than the 16% found in the optometric association’s report.

    Maxwell-Jolly said the analysis he conducted replicated an internal, unpublished department report tracking vision services between 2015 and 2016. His analysis, based on data obtained through a public records act request, updated the results for more recent years.

    The state’s most recent Preventive Services Report, which measures how well Medi-Cal delivers preventive care to children, shows the rate of comprehensive eye exams for children and young adults ages 6-21 is similar to the optometric association’s analysis at 17%.

    Contra Costa County experienced the third largest decline in children’s eye care in the state. A spokesperson for Contra Costa Health Plan said Medi-Cal health plans are not required by the state to track vision benefits and that it would take time to understand the data. The state, however, does track vision services internally, according to the health care services department.

    A bill sponsored by the optometric association and authored by Assemblymember Patrick Ahrens, a Democrat from Cupertino, aims to require the state to establish vision benefit quality measures and report performance data publicly. The goal of the legislation is to track where kids do not have enough access to vision services and to ensure that Medi-Cal providers are improving services.

    Rural challenges

    Amy Turnipseed, chief strategy and government affairs officer for Partnership HealthPlan of California, said rural parts of the state struggle to find enough providers. The nonprofit health insurer provides Medi-Cal for 24 northern counties, including Colusa and Modoc.

    In Modoc County, which borders Oregon and Nevada, one optometrist serves a 90-mile radius. Partnership has worked closely with that optometrist to ensure they continue accepting Medi-Cal patients, Turnipseed said.

    “In rural counties with lower populations, losing even one provider can exponentially impact the access to services to families,” Turnipseed said. “In the past few years we’ve seen vision providers reduce or limit their Medi-Cal, which makes it harder for families to see providers.”

    An assortment of glasses at Vision to Learn mobile optometry clinic at Esther Lindstrom Elementary School in Lakewood on March 20, 2026. Photo by Ariana Drehsler for CalMatters Modoc is one of just seven counties where more children have received vision care in recent years, according to the report.

    Providers frequently cite low reimbursement rates from the state as a reason for not accepting Medi-Cal patients. The California Optometric Association estimates only about 10% of its members accept Medi-Cal. The reimbursement rate for a comprehensive eye exam is about $47, said Kristine Shultz, association executive director.

    “Our reimbursement rates haven’t increased in 25 years. Imagine getting paid what you were paid 25 years ago,” Shultz said.

    Schools check kids’ vision, but follow-up is spotty

    State law requires schools to periodically check kids’ vision starting in kindergarten. Those screenings are a good bellwether for if a child is struggling to see in class, said Chung with Western University. The problem is getting the kids who fail the screening to an eye doctor.

    Chung runs an academic optometry clinic that works with local schools in Pomona. Each year up to 35% of students fail the screening, meaning they likely have a vision problem. But based on conversations with school nurses, Chung said only about 7% of those children then go to an eye doctor and come back to school with glasses.

    Chung, who chairs the children’s vision committee for the California Optometric Association, said colleagues who work with school districts around the state report similar experiences.

    “If a high number of those children are not getting the follow up care, we may just be fooling ourselves and checking a box,” Chung said. “We’re in compliance with the law in California but are we really helping the children?”

    For some families, the answer is no. That’s what happened to Kekoa when he was 3. The school checked his eyes and said he might have vision problems, but his mother, Gittens, waited. Her son was still learning his numbers and letters. How would he be able to read an eye chart, she reasoned. It wasn’t until his problems got worse that Gittens took Kekoa to an eye doctor.

    Now, at 15, Kekoa wears contacts and likes athletics. He needs to see to compete in capoeira martial arts competitions and surf on the weekends, his mother said.

    First: Dr. Kiyana Kavoussi shows letters on a monitor during Noah Mattison’s, 11, visual acuity test. Last: Optician Maya Ortega looks at Italia Martin’s, 6, eyes before she chooses new glasses inside the Vision to Learn mobile optometry clinic at Esther Lindstrom Elementary School in Lakewood on March 20, 2026. Photos by Ariana Drehsler for CalMatters Many parents lack the resources to take their kids to the doctor, or simply wait. Notes from school nurses flagging that a child failed a vision screening may also get lost in a backpack on the way home, educators say. The California Department of Education does not track the results of school vision screenings.

    Vision To Learn, a nonprofit, created a mobile eye clinic to help bridge the gap between kids failing school vision screenings and getting glasses. The group brings an optometrist to campus, meaning kids that need an eye exam can get one the same day and go home having gotten a prescription and ordered glasses.

    Damian Carroll, chief of staff and national director, said Vision to Learn’s numbers tell a similar story to Chung’s. About one-third of students screened are unable to read the eye chart, but very few of those kids have adequate glasses.

    In the California schools where the program operates, around 70% of kids who have been prescribed glasses did not own a pair. Another 20% had glasses with outdated prescriptions, according to internal data, Carroll said.

    And that gap can drastically affect learning outcomes or behavior in school.

    “First and second graders who try on glasses the first time are blown away because they just thought that’s how the world looked,” Carroll said. “They can see the leaves on the trees and the math on the board, and it’s shocking to them.”

    For the record: This story has been updated to reflect that Maxwell-Jolly’s study replicated the methodology of an earlier one by the Department of Health Care Services, but did not republish department findings.

    Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • A botanist's search for the seeds for safekeeping
    a pair of hands searches through a bush of sage flowers
    Naomi Fraga examines the flowers of the Death Valley Sage.

    Topline:

    For more than 15 years, botanist Naomi Fraga of the California Botanic Garden has been trying to collect seeds from the rare Death Valley sage, for safekeeping in a vault of native California seeds. Each time, she's come home empty handed. But this year, with the desert in the midst of a big bloom, she's trying again.

    The backstory: The plant has silvery-green pointy leaves, fuzzy buds and striking deep purple flowers. But it is challenging to study and to sample. Fraga says she often has to hike or scramble up mountainsides, or drive on backroads to find it. Very little is known about the plant's pollinator. And in exceptionally dry years, the Death Valley sage doesn't flower at all — meaning no seeds either.

    Read on ... for more on Fraga's search.

    For more than 15 years, botanist Naomi Fraga of the California Botanic Garden has been trying to collect seeds from the rare Death Valley sage, for safekeeping in a vault of native California seeds. Each time, she's come home empty handed. But this year, with the desert in the midst of a big bloom, she's trying again.

    "It's a little bit of a gamble," she says. "But, you know, the plant's having a really good year. I feel hopeful."

    The plant has silvery-green pointy leaves, fuzzy buds and striking deep purple flowers. But it is challenging to study and to sample. Fraga says she often has to hike or scramble up mountainsides, or drive on backroads to find it. Very little is known about the plant's pollinator. And in exceptionally dry years, the Death Valley sage doesn't flower at all – meaning no seeds either.

    The sage's habitat is mostly protected, within the boundaries of Death Valley National Park. But climate change doesn't respect park boundaries – and could push these plants that are already living on the brink into even more existential peril.

    a woman in a hat and sunglasses with a light jacket stands among the hills in the desert
    Naomi Fraga says for the first time since 2009, she found the Death Valley sage seeds. Soon, she says, she'll return with a team to make the first big harvest.
    (
    Krystal Ramirez
    /
    NPR
    )

    "You can imagine that if conditions were to get more difficult with a changing climate, it's going to be harder and harder to collect seed," Fraga says.

    In late March, Fraga headed into the foothills of the Nopah Range, near an abandoned mine, to check on one of the largest populations she knows of. And for the first time since 2009, she found the seeds. Soon, she says, she'll return with a team to attempt the first big harvest of Death Valley sage seeds.

    a bee flies among purple sage flowers
    A bee pollinates a Death Valley Sage in the Nopah Range near Death Valley.
    (
    Krystal Ramirez
    /
    NPR
    )

  • How one CSU is turning around enrollment trends
    a young woman with long brown hair and glasses wearing a black sweater in a large open indoor space
    Student Vanessa Menera, 18, in the Innovation and Instruction Building at Cal State Dominguez Hills in Carson on Feb. 19.

    Topline:

    California State University is embarking on a detailed, sweeping plan to enroll more students as part of an all-out push to bring much-needed cash to the workhorse system of 22 campuses that educates 471,000 students.

    The backstory: Ten campuses, including Dominguez Hills, saw double-digit enrollment declines in fall of 2025 compared to fall 2020, when the first full academic year of the COVID-19 pandemic began.

    Why it matters: The loss of enrollment is a major driver of the financial struggles many of the system’s campuses face. The Cal State’s chancellor’s office says the system is facing a $2.3 billion budget gap in the current academic year. There’s a bright spot, though: Cal State officials say the system overall is on pace this year to beat state enrollment targets for the first time in four years.

    Read on ... for a deep dive into how Cal State Dominguez Hills is trying to turn things around.

    The first day of fall semester for a university freshman is often stressful. Not for Vanessa Menera, an 18-year-old who’s the first in her family to attend college.

    Last year, she arrived 15 minutes early to her first fall class with an internship and campus job already in tow, plus a mental map of Cal State University Dominguez Hills, a sprawling, nearly 350-acre institution in the Los Angeles area’s South Bay.

    The already confident student possessed even more motivation to make the most of her time on campus because of a program she took last summer: The First-Year Experience Summer Program.

    “Everything was so easy to me, and I'm really grateful, because I know it was because of that First Year Experience that I was able to do that,” said Menera.

    The summer program is one of several strategies Cal State Dominguez Hills seeks to expand as it combats a half-decade enrollment slide that’s unraveling its finances. But it’s not the only approach to fiscal right-sizing. Nor is Cal State Dominguez Hills alone in combatting large drops in its student population.

    That’s because the money that the country’s largest public four-year university system needs to properly educate its students isn’t there. Now, California State University is embarking on a detailed, sweeping plan to enroll more students as part of an all-out push to bring much-needed cash to the workhorse system of 22 campuses that educates 471,000 students.

    Ten campuses, including Dominguez Hills, saw double-digit enrollment declines in fall of 2025 compared to fall 2020, when the first full academic year of the COVID-19 pandemic began.

    The loss of enrollment is a major driver of the financial struggles many of the system’s campuses face. The Cal State’s chancellor’s office says the system is facing a $2.3 billion budget gap in the current academic year. There’s a bright spot, though: Cal State officials say the system overall is on pace this year to beat state enrollment targets for the first time in four years.

    People walk past the exterior of the Innovation & Instruction building at Cal State Dominguez Hills in Carson on Feb. 19, 2026. Photo by Zin Chiang for CalMatters Still, a key state lawmaker admonished the system’s under-enrolled campuses for missing its enrollment targets.

    “I'm concerned that these campuses may be overfunded,” said Assemblymember David Alvarez, a Democrat from Chula Vista, at a December legislative hearing about Cal State’s finances. He is chairperson of the Assembly’s budget subcommittee on education and a key player in deciding how much state money universities receive. His worry? Other campuses with rising enrollments need the money to educate their ever-growing student body by hiring more professors, tutors and other staff to support students.

    The state funds campuses based on how many Californians they enroll; by educating fewer students than what the state pays per student, the campuses are technically collecting more revenue than their enrollment levels would permit. That’s because the state pays schools for the number of California students they’re supposed to enroll, not how many they actually enroll.

    By that measure, San Francisco State last year collected close to $50 million more in state dollars than its enrollment levels indicate it should receive — the campus enrolled about 5,300 fewer Californians than state goals stipulated in 2024. Cal State Dominguez Hills was taking about $7 million more. Conversely, Cal Poly Pomona was down about $20 million, because they enrolled 2,500 more students than the state’s target.

    California is also eyeing multi-billion-dollar budget deficits, putting even more pressure on lawmakers and school systems to use money wisely.

    The Legislature last year required Cal State to submit a report by March 1 detailing how campuses with enrollment struggles plan to attract new students and meet their state targets. Campuses sent their turnaround plans to the system’s chancellor’s office by December.

    CalMatters conducted a dozen interviews and issued six records requests for this story.

    Spotlight on Cal State Dominguez

    Cal State Dominguez Hills’ enrollment is down 20% compared to 2020 and its finances have suffered. As a result, campus officials laid off 38 non-faculty staff and managers in 2025.

    The school projects it will lose an additional $8 million this year, cutting deeper into its reserves, which have dwindled from $46 million in 2022 to a projected $10 million this summer.

    The campus’ graduation rates fall below the systemwide average. And the campus historically has posted lower retention rates, meaning more students quit after one or two years compared to other campuses in the system. Dominguez Hill’s retention rate has grown in the last year, however.

    The school enrolls the highest share of undergraduate students in the system who receive the federal Pell grant for low-income students — 69% compared to a Cal State average of 51%. Systemwide, those Pell students graduate at lower levels than students who don’t receive the grant.

    Dominguez Hills’ turnaround plan includes a campus goal of enrolling about 800 more students to hit its enrollment target by 2027-28. More students plus planned systemwide tuition hikes and a new student-approved campus fee are projected to generate $25 million in additional money.

    To reach its enrollment goals, the campus will lean on approaches that have demonstrated success, including the First Year Experience summer program, which Dominguez Hills started in 2022. Through the program, about a quarter of the freshman class enrolls in up to two free college courses during the summer before fall term. These are all general education courses required for graduation, with an emphasis on teaching students how to study well. The program also engenders a sense of community among students and campus staff.

    Other strategies include attracting new students and keeping more of its current students. Another is to re-enroll students who’ve previously dropped out. It’s an approach that’s top of mind for campuses across the state: California is home to about 3.5 million adults with some college credit but no degree. Even a miniscule bump in the students who return to school could eradicate a campus’ enrollment woes.
    Another budget-stabilizing effort may mean additional job losses. Campus professors are now meeting regularly to find ways to combine courses and run fewer sections of the same course. This helps the school average more students per course, but it’ll likely mean fewer lecturers — instructors who lack the full-time benefits and job safety of tenured professors.

    Systemwide, 63 degree programs were discontinued by the Board of Trustees in 2024.

    A student walks up the stairs in the Innovation and Instruction building at Cal State Dominguez Hills in Carson on Feb. 19, 2026. Photo by Zin Chiang for CalMatters Dominguez Hills in February reversed course on terminating six majors, including art history and philosophy. Student advocacy spurred the restoration. The school also determined that cutting individual programs made less sense than reviewing all majors to find other ways to integrate academic programs, said Kim Costino, the school’s interim provost, in an interview.

    “Everyone is hopeful that we are going to be able to create a more economically efficient curriculum that serves students better,” said Terry McGlynn during an interview. He is a biology professor at Dominguez Hills who is chair of the academic senate, a faculty group that shapes campus academics.

    But “there's clearly going to be some pain involved,” he added.

    Summer session to keep students longer

    The school cited in its report to the system that expanding the The First Year Experience program is one way to increase enrollment.

    The campus spends $635,000 annually to run it. Almost 84% of students in the program advanced to their second year of college in fall 2024 — well above the 66% for students who didn’t sign up for the First Year Experience, according to data the campus shared. For a school desperate to undo its enrollment slide, keeping the students it has — and their tuition dollars — is a key strategy.

    Any incoming freshman can enroll in the First Year Experience.

    One reason Menera knew the campus so well when fall classes began? An extra-credit assignment for her environmental studies course over the summer required her to identify every vending machine on campus.

    Student Vanessa Menera, 18, in the Innovation and Instruction Building at Cal State Dominguez Hills in Carson on Feb. 19, 2026. Photo by Zin Chiang for CalMatters The First Year Experience also features activities that reinforce what students learn, such as a field trip to a museum for an English course led by a guest author whose book the professor assigned to students. For her environmental studies class, Menera said that she carried a trash bag for more than a week to visualize how much waste people accumulate.

    The school also awards a $150 scholarship to students who complete a summer-experience course. But for students who work over the summer or help care for family members, that amount alone may not be enough to persuade them to attend the program, said Costino. She ran the summer program until December.

    The summer courses are long. Most meet twice weekly for four hours, so a student in two courses is in class for about 16 hours a week. Menera worked anyway that summer, maintaining the job she had during high school at TJ Maxx in Anaheim, some 20 miles from campus. She continues to work now, logging 17 hours a week at a campus convenience store on top of a full academic load. The summer program mentally prepared her for long school and work days, she said.

    Costino thinks the program’s growth won’t be in students enrolling the summer before freshman year, but instead in students who earned a D or F in a course their first year and need to make up the class the following summer. While students can presently retake classes, they have to pay for them. Providing free make-up courses that either replace or average out a previous low grade helps the school retain more students who are on academic probation or just lost academic confidence after a bad first year, Costino said.

    Re-enrolling students who dropped out

    Cal State Dominguez Hills is seeking to expand its efforts to re-enroll students who’ve dropped out. Since 2021 the school has re-enrolled nearly 1,100 such students for fall term through its “Once a Toro, Always a Toro” program, named after the campus mascot.

    While these students represent a tiny portion of the campus’ annual enrollment, they lead to instant revenue for the school from tuition and fees. It’s a few extra million dollars for the school, and it costs about $300,000 to $600,000 annually to maintain the re-enrollment program.

    Once these students return to Dominguez Hills, most graduate. Data the campus shared with CalMatters show that earlier cohorts of the re-enrolled students have graduation rates of around 50% three years after they return. The numbers grow to about 70% after six years.

    The school is now targeting any student who dropped out in the last 15 years or so, said Sabrina Sanders, the program director of Once a Toro.

    She maintains a list of 10,000 formerly enrolled students. Annually, about 1,000 apply, around three-quarters are admitted, and roughly 300 to 400 enroll. Some who were admitted don’t enroll for several reasons, including prior low GPAs that make them ineligible for financial aid.

    One of the students who returned is Wynette Davis. The 27-year-old is four classes away from finishing her bachelor’s degree in psychology after dropping out two years ago.

    Davis transferred to the university from community college in 2022. She was on track to earn her bachelor’s in 2024 and even walked the stage during the spring graduation ceremony, needing just a few more classes that summer to finish her degree. But tragedy struck: Her daughter’s father died in spring 2024, and the shock derailed her academics. That spring and summer, she failed four classes. Davis left as a result.

    She tried to re-enroll a year later, but learned she owed the university tuition money and couldn’t qualify for financial aid because her failing grades dropped her below the campus’ threshold for aid eligibility. Davis was ready to give up on earning a bachelor’s until an email from Once a Toro entered her inbox.

    A staffer with the program helped Davis receive a waiver for her past-due account balance as long as she promised to pass her classes for the year, Davis said. The staffer also worked with the school financial aid office to reinstate her eligibility for financial aid for her spring classes after her grades improved.

    Last fall Davis retook the classes she previously failed, passing them all this time. She’s in two classes this spring and will need two more next fall to earn her bachelor’s degree.

    “If it wasn't for the Once a Toro, Always a Toro program, I probably would not have been back in school right now,” Davis said.

    Another setback is the changing nature of academic requirements. Students who were gone for a decade may have pursued majors that don’t exist or were heavily altered, so the courses they took toward their majors might not satisfy new requirements. Sanders and the school’s advising teams collaborate with academic department deans to convert the re-enrolling students’ old coursework into the updated expectations for existing majors. Or re-enrolled students pursue an interdisciplinary major that combines old coursework with new.

    “There's a sense of shame that comes with dropping out of college and having someone there to kind of put those thoughts and put that inner dialogue to rest” was key, said Stephanie Esquivel, a returning student who re-enrolled in 2022 after leaving the campus her freshman year in 2007.

    She credited Sanders with helping her transfer her community college units to her university major. To Esquivel, a team like Once a Toro shows that the campus desires returning students and invests in the social infrastructure to help them, she said.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.