Sponsored message
Logged in as
Audience-funded nonprofit news
radio tower icon laist logo
Next Up:
0:00
0:00
Subscribe
  • Listen Now Playing Listen
  • Listen Now Playing Listen

The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Does criminal justice reform still have momentum?
    A man with light-tone skin wears a blue tie. He has gray hair and a flag with the L.A. County seal is to his left.
    Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón heads to a runoff this fall.

    Topline:

    Three out of four voters did not back George Gascón in the Los Angeles County district attorney’s race in the March primary, but advocates for criminal justice reform say their candidate — and the movement — remain strong

    Why it matters: District Attorney George Gascón has been forced into a November runoff with former federal prosecutor Nathan Hochman, who has promised to reverse the incumbent’s policies. Gascón won 25% of the vote to Hochman’s 16%.

    Although the race for district attorney is a focus for many reformers, many say they are also encouraged by results in other races, including the reelection of elected leaders sympathetic to their cause. Others are more reserved in their analysis, saying the movement to reduce mass incarceration has a long way to go.

    Why now: In a sign that criminal justice reform has become a part of the political conversation in L.A. County, nearly all of Gascón’s challengers gave a nod to the need for reform, including Hochman.

    “I reject blanket policies on both ends of the pendulum swing, those of ‘mass incarceration’ and ‘Gascon’s de-incarceration’ and instead advocate the 'hard middle,” Hochman said in a statement posted on his campaign website.

    What's next: Many more people will go to the polls in the November general election than did in the March primary, which means the electorate will likely be younger and more progressive, according to experts. This may work in Gascón's favor.

    When L.A. County voters went to the polls earlier this month, three out of four chose a candidate other than George Gascón, the sitting district attorney who came to office amid a wave of calls for criminal justice reform. Those primary results have forced the incumbent into a November runoff with former federal prosecutor, Nathan Hochman, who has promised to reverse Gascón's policies.

    Gascón won 25% of the vote to Hochman’s 16%.

    So why do advocates for reform say their candidate — and the movement — remains strong?

    “A bigger margin of victory would have been more comforting,” said Mark-Anthony Clayton-Johnson, co-executive director of Dignity and Power Now. “But I feel good about Gascón’s chances in November.”

    Although the race for district attorney is a focus for many reformers, many told LAist they are also encouraged by results in other races, including the reelection of several elected leaders sympathetic to their cause.

    Others were more reserved in their analysis, saying the movement to reduce mass incarceration has a long way to go — especially in diverting people with mental illness from jail to treatment, a concept often referred to as Care First, Jails Last.

    The backstory: A national outcry following George Floyd's murder

    Gascón was elected L.A. County district attorney in 2020 in the wake of the murder of George Floyd and amid a national outcry over policing and how the justice system works. Gascón defeated incumbent Jackie Lacey by promising to reduce mass incarceration and racial disparities in the justice system.

    On his first day in office, Gascón instituted a wide range of policy changes aimed at reducing criminal penalties and emphasizing rehabilitation at the nation’s largest local prosecutor’s office. Since then, the one-time Los Angeles Police Department assistant chief and San Francisco district attorney has become a national leader in the reform movement.

    Clayton-Johnson of Dignity and Power Now, an L.A.-based grassroots organization that advocates on behalf of incarcerated people, their families, and communities, noted that Gascón faced withering attacks during his first term in office, including two recall attempts fueled in part by Fox News.

    Still, Gascón finished first in March of this year in a crowded field of 11 challengers.

    "The movement continues,” Gascón told LAist on election night. “The issues that got me and others elected around the country continue to be as important today as they were before.”

    What to expect in the November vote

    With the presidential race on the Nov. 8 ballot, history tells us many more people are expected to go to vote than in the primary. An experts say a larger voting pool means will likely means a younger and more progressive electorate.

    That will probably favor Gascón against the more conservative Hochman, who was the Republican nominee for California Attorney General in 2022 but is running as an independent in the non-partisan race for district attorney.

    “Gascón may see an opportunity to paint him as being unacceptably conservative to voters in a deep blue place like Los Angeles,” said Dan Schnur, a professor at UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies who has worked on numerous gubernatorial and presidential campaigns.

    “This is still going to be a steep uphill fight for Gascón,” he said.

    How other progressives fared in the primary

    Elsewhere on the L.A. County ballot, supporters of the criminal justice reform movement had reason to celebrate.

    Deputy public defenders performed well in Superior Court judge races, with one beating an incumbent judge and three others winning spots in November runoffs. Three of the four were part of a progressive slate called The Defenders of Justice seeking to defeat opponents who were prosecutors.

    Reform advocates have said they want to see more judges on the bench who come from defense backgrounds — either public or private — to provide diverse perspectives and balance out years of tough-on-crime thinking that has led to mass incarceration.

    Additionally, L.A. County Supervisor Holly Mitchell handily won reelection in District 2, which includes El Segundo, Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, Marina Del Rey and other communities.

    “She has been a champion for alternatives to incarceration, a champion for mental health diversion,” Clayton-Johnson said.

    L.A. City Councilmember Nithya Raman secured a second four-year term in office. She has been an advocate for allocating more funding for unarmed non-police responses to people experiencing mental health crises.

    Her win came despite an independent expenditure campaign against Raman by the labor union that represents rank-and-file Los Angeles Police Department officers. In the days before the election, a mailer was sent to voters in the district that featured a picture of her alongside Gascón and the words: “Nithya Raman and George Gascón broke their promise to keep us safe.”

    Why reformers say real change hasn't yet happened

    Although those results are seen as positive by some, criminal justice advocates also warn that there’s still much to do at both the city and county levels to create real change.

    “There’s been this false narrative that Los Angeles and California underwent some massive criminal justice reforms in the past few years,” said Ivette Alé-Ferlito, who is executive director of La Defensa, a femme-led abolitionist group.

    “The type of structural reform that is needed, we’ve barely started to scratch the surface,” she said.

    For example, five years have passed since the county Board of Supervisors promised to close the aging and dangerous Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles — a key demand of reformers — but the board has yet to approve a plan to do so.

    A new five-year closure plan presented to the board in January calls for creating thousands of community-based beds for people with mental illness to be diverted from jail.

    “We need the board to take really bold action and say — here’s how many beds we are going to fund every year, here’s what a service-based pre-trial system is going to look like,” Clayton-Johnson said.

    Advocates say the city and county need to expand non-emergency unarmed crisis response teams to take police and sheriff’s personnel out of the business of responding to people in mental health crisis. When law enforcement police and sheriff’s deputies respond to such incidents, the situations are more likely to escalate, which can lead to deadly use of force.

    In the city of L.A., the debate over an anti-camping ordinance and the role of police in enforcing it continues. The law allows police to forcibly remove encampments after outreach workers try to find shelter for the people in the camp, but a recent report found it failed to help the city reach in key goals to keep areas clear of encampments or get people housed.

    “It's taken decades to build the system that we currently have so it's going to take decades for us to build an alternative,” said Tinisch Hollins of the reform group Californians for Safety and Justice.

    And that work often begins with community members and organizations instead of elected officials.

    “By no means do progressive DAs represent the heart of the movement to advance criminal justice reform,” Clayton-Johnson said. “Certainly that is coming from communities' pressuring leaders to act.”

    Why the L.A. DA race may be a national throwdown

    Even so, the question of who will be the county’s next district attorney is the main focus for many reformers now.

    The D.A.’s race will likely be a national throw down over criminal justice reform, attracting large amounts of campaign cash from the left and the right, said Jon Gould, who studies prosecutor policies and is dean of the UC Irvine School of Social Ecology.

    “Strap in," he said. "You’re going to see a lot of campaign advertisements between now and November.”

    Police unions including the Los Angeles Police Protective League and the Association of Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs are expected to be among the biggest spenders against Gascón.


    A look at campaign spending in the primary


    The race could be animated by a battle over Proposition 47, which Gascón co-authored. Police unions and Republican state legislators are collecting signatures to place an initiative on the November ballot that would roll back the landmark 2014 voter-approved measure that reduced certain non-violent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors.

    “We are at an inflection point yet again in 2024,” said Jody Armour, a law professor at the University of Southern California. He explained that the conflict is between those who want to reimagine public safety in ways that have less reliance on law enforcement and those who want more police and longer prison sentences to satisfy “a retributive urge” in the American psyche.

    “There is a pitched battle going on,” he said.

    It’s complicated by the perception that crime is on the rise. Violent crime rose about 3% last year while property crime fell by about the same percent, according to LAPD data.

    And it's not clear how much of that points to the incumbent D.A.

    “There is no good data that suggests” the movement in either direction is tied to Gascón’s policies, Gould said. “It's too early to tell.”

    Why critics say the movement is losing momentum

    The year 2020, when Gascón was elected, was a banner year for criminal justice reform. Voters also approved Measure J, which required at least 10% of locally generated unrestricted revenue be invested into alternatives to incarceration.

    Gascón's critics maintain that his poor showing in this year’s primary is proof the reform movement is losing momentum.

    Deputy District Attorney Eric Siddall, a regular critic of Gascón who ran against him in the primary, said the results in March were a “vote of no confidence” in the incumbent.

    Like Hochman, Siddall has argued for stiffer penalties than those advocated by Gascón.

    But some political experts say Gascon’s showing in the primary doesn’t mean voters are rejecting reform outright.

    “What we may be seeing now is just a slight adjustment rightward,” said Schnur, the Berkeley professor. “While they wanted to see criminal justice reform, they might not have wanted it as aggressively as Gascón has pursued it.”

    In a a sign that criminal justice reform has become a part of the political conversation in L.A. County, nearly all of Gascón’s challengers gave a nod to the need for reform, including Hochman.

    “I reject blanket policies on both ends of the pendulum swing, those of ‘mass incarceration’ and ‘Gascon’s de-incarceration’ and instead advocate the 'hard middle,” Hochman said in a statement posted on his campaign website.

    Clayton-Johnson said the criminal justice reform movement has changed the conversation.

    “I don’t know if there’s ever been a time folks running for the DA’s office explicitly had to talk about criminal justice reform" to be viable, he said.

    “I don’t think criminal justice reform is at all moving backwards,” he continued.

    “I think it's a fight.”

  • After fires, clergy crossed denominational lines
    A woman walks with two children on a sidewalk past a lot separated by a gated fence with a USA flag hanging on it.
    Members of the congregation attend a groundbreaking service at the site of the burned Fountain of Life Nazarene Church to mark the beginning of its rebuilding April 26 in Altadena.

    Topline:

    Faith leaders both in the Pacific Palisades and in Altadena and Pasadena — devastated by the pair of fires that tore across Southern California — have relied on interfaith and community partnerships to rally congregants who are picking up the pieces 16 months later.

    Why it matters: They’ve had to learn on the fly about insurance coverage and local land use regulations while still trying to keep their scattered flock together and raising money for basic needs. Pastors in Altadena have had to fight to protect the rights of Black people who decades ago found pathways to home ownership in that community despite redlining — but now risk losing their land to outside developers who sense an investment opportunity.

    Interfaith relationships: This would have been difficult for faith leaders to handle but for the interfaith relationships that became closer and stronger after the fires, said the Rev. Grace Park, associate pastor at Pacific Palisades Presbyterian Church, which burned down.

    Read on ... for more on how faith leaders in SoCal are uniting after the fires.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    Rabbi Amy Bernstein says the wind-whipped fire in January 2025 that scorched much of the Pacific Palisades, destroying her home and damaging her synagogue, “blew everything open” for the community’s faith leaders.

    “If our hearts must break, let them break open,” said the rabbi, who leads Kehillat Israel where 300 families out of 900 lost their homes. “This tragedy has really pushed us closer to one another. We’re working to change the things we need changed.”

    Faith leaders both in the Pacific Palisades and in Altadena and Pasadena — devastated by the pair of fires that tore across Southern California — have relied on interfaith and community partnerships to rally congregants who are picking up the pieces 16 months later.

    They’ve had to learn on the fly about insurance coverage and local land use regulations while still trying to keep their scattered flock together and raising money for basic needs. Pastors in Altadena have had to fight to protect the rights of Black people who decades ago found pathways to home ownership in that community despite redlining — but now risk losing their land to outside developers who sense an investment opportunity.

    And throughout this span, faith leaders have had to cater to the emotional and spiritual needs of their communities and think about how they want to rebuild their sanctuaries that were lost or damaged in the fire. More than a dozen houses of worship burned to the ground or were damaged.

    Interfaith relationships have become stronger after the fires

    This would have been difficult for faith leaders to handle but for the interfaith relationships that became closer and stronger after the fires, said the Rev. Grace Park, associate pastor at Pacific Palisades Presbyterian Church, which burned down.

    Methodists, Presbyterians, Catholics, Jews and yogis have not just found common ground in human suffering and loss, but have learned how to lean on one another in a time of dire need, she said.

    “It’s a sense of mutual affection and respect, learning from each other and leaning on one another,” Park said. “We’re sharing the joys and the deep valleys of what it means to lead through a time of tragedy.”

    Brother Satyananda, a senior monk at the Self Realization Fellowship, lost his living quarters and belongings in the fire. Much of the campus, started by Paramahamsa Yogananda who brought ancient spiritual practices from India to the West, fortunately survived the fire.

    Satyananda recalls one day when Bernstein picked up on his sadness and offered him “motherly compassion.”

    “We share the same profession where we’re tuned to people in need,” he said. “Now, our relationship has changed because we’re tuning into each other. There’s a greater level of trust.”

    Pastor BJ King, who leads LoveLand LifeCenter, worked with the late Rev. Cecil B. Murray to heal communities and build interfaith coalitions after the 1992 Los Angeles riots.

    “Back then, there was a choice whether or not to get involved,” he said. “But with these fires, there is no choice. It has affected everybody.”

    Pastors have had to acquire new skills

    King’s congregation has switched to online services after their leased church building in Altadena suffered smoke damage. Twelve families lost their homes. In addition to helping meet people’s basic needs, King has created a program organizing gatherings to connect therapists with those in need of mental health.

    “Many people didn’t even know they needed that,” he said.

    One of the most powerful roles faith leaders have played after the fire is to “continue to talk with power, people in charge,” said Pastor Jonathan DeCuir, who leads Victory Bible Church in Pasadena. He and others in the region have continued to meet with local officials and even conferred with Gov. Gavin Newsom to keep things moving for their communities.

    DeCuir chairs the board of a nonprofit called Legacy Land Project, which provides financial aid, legal support and guidance on building contractors, as well as medical care to those affected by the fires.

    The disaster has brought a level of camaraderie that DeCuir says he has never seen among the region’s clergy.

    “Denominational lines have been crossed,” he said. “Even if we have different theological stances or approaches to ministry, we are all now looking at how to care for our people and community. If we don’t come together, Altadena will never ever be the same. The people won’t be there anymore. That, to me, is terrifying.”

    While a church is more than a building, physical churches do appear as “beacons of hope” in traumatized communities, said Pastor Mayra Macedo-Nolan, executive director of Clergy Community Coalition in Pasadena. Her group has lobbied for houses of worship to be prioritized on the same footing as businesses in the rebuilding plan.

    “When people start seeing churches rebuilding in Altadena, they’re going to feel like it’s going to be OK because the churches are coming back,” she said.

    Reimagining a purposeful future

    People sitting outside on chairs under a canopy listen to another person holding a microphone in front of three people, all under another canopy. A lot filled with piles of dirt is next to them and large mountains are in the background.
    Pastor Jonathan Lewis, fourth from right, holds a groundbreaking service at the site of the burned Fountain of Life Nazarene Church to mark the beginning of its rebuilding in Altadena, Calif., April 26, 2026.
    (
    Damian Dovarganes
    /
    AP Photo
    )
    People close their eyes and bow their heads as they pray and stand outside on a street.
    Members of the congregation join in prayer during the groundbreaking ceremony at the site of the burned Fountain of Life Nazarene Church, marking the beginning of its rebuilding, April 26, 2026, in Altadena, Calif.
    (
    Damian Dovarganes
    /
    AP Photo
    )
    A group of people pose for a photo with a few in the shoveling dirt with shovels. They stand in a lot filled with dirt and some homes are seen in the background.
    Pastor Jonathan Lewis poses for a photo with his congregation during a groundbreaking service at the site of the burned Fountain of Life Nazarene Church, marking the beginning of its rebuilding, April 26, 2026, in Altadena, Calif.
    (
    Damian Dovarganes
    /
    AP Photo
    )

    On April 26, the Altadena Fountain of Life Church broke ground to build a new sanctuary after their house of worship, which had stood for over three decades, was destroyed in the fire. Pastor Jonathan Lewis, who ministers to about 75, hopes the church will be ready in time for Easter next year.

    “It’ll be a Resurrection Sunday for our church, too,” he said.

    Alexis Duncan, who grew up in Altadena attending that church, came to the groundbreaking with her 6-year-old daughter. She lost both her home and her church building.

    “It means everything to me that they’re rebuilding because I want the church to be there for my daughter as she grows up,” she said. “This new beginning gives me and my family hope and the encouragement to come back.”

    Some churches like Altadena Community Church, a United Church of Christ congregation, are pausing to rethink their future purpose. The Rev. Michael Lewis, who took over in February after the previous pastor retired, said the congregation is looking into several possibilities for the one-acre lot, including affordable housing.

    “We know that a church is not intended to be a landlord and the pastor is no property manager,” he said. “But, we’re also thinking about who is able to return to Altadena? How will this rich, economically diverse community that was scattered by the fire come back?”

    The church has been around since the 1940s. A haven for actors, poets and musicians, the former sanctuary also served as a vibrant performance space. Lewis said they hope to incorporate a performance stage into the new facility.

    “It’ll look different from what we had before,” he said. “Once we figure out how to build community, we can decide what physical structures will help us support that community.”

    As for Kehillat Israel, on May 15, members will carry their Torah scrolls back to their sanctuary, marking one of the first returns by a house of worship to the Palisades since the disaster.

    Judaism has had “a long history of starting over,” Bernstein said.

    “It’s encoded in our cultural approach to the world, that there are things that can always be taken away from you,” she said. “But what you become can never get taken away.”

  • Sponsored message
  • Fire survivors wait on feds for an extension
    A partially built wooden structure stands among empty dirt lots. A few trees are peppered between the property lines.
    A house under construction in Altadena last year.

    Topline:

    Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he has requested a yearlong extension of FEMA funding for L.A. fire survivors. Without the extension, the money will run out July 9. Now the decision on FEMA support lies with the federal government.

    Why it matters: The funds have allowed many survivors to afford temporary housing and other daily needs.

    The backstory: Most survivors have yet to return home — 2 in 3 survivors who were living in Altadena or Pacific Palisades at the time of the fires are still displaced, according to the latest survey of more than 2,100 survivors by the nonprofit Department of Angels.

    Read on ... for more on why fire survivors are calling on the feds to extend the funding.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he has requested a yearlong extension of FEMA funding for L.A. fire survivors. Without the extension, the money will run out July 9.

    Now the decision on FEMA support lies with the federal government.

    The funds have allowed many survivors to afford temporary housing and other daily needs. Most have yet to return home — 2 in 3 survivors who were living in Altadena or Pacific Palisades at the time of the fires are still displaced, according to the latest survey of more than 2,100 survivors by the nonprofit Department of Angels. Nearly 40% of respondents reported they will either soon run out of temporary housing insurance coverage or have already.

    The situation is particularly dire for low-income households: Nearly 80% of respondents making $50,000 or less said they didn’t think they could afford housing for three months once coverage ended.

    “The data is clear: This recovery is not over,” said Angela Giacchetti of the Department of Angels at a news conference organized by the Eaton Fire Collaborative in Altadena on Thursday. “If you are a survivor, you know this in your bones. For many families, it has barely begun. People have just begun to stabilize. We need federal support that reflects the scale of this disaster and systems that survivors can actually navigate and access over time.”

    FEMA assistance isn’t reaching most survivors

    The FEMA Individuals and Households Program can provide funding for survivors of disasters to pay for temporary housing, repair their homes, and respond to other challenges that insurance may not cover. It can also help cover costs if a survivor has no insurance.

    Gil Barel has been relying on FEMA funds to pay rent on a small back house for herself and her son for the last year. She said they still haven’t been able to return to their rent-controlled Pasadena apartment because of smoke damage, though she still has to pay the rent for it.

    A middle aged woman with light skin, brown straight shoulder length hair, wearing a black button up shortsleeved shirt looks at the camera in an indoor space.
    Gil Barel is paying rent on a smoke-damaged apartment in Pasadena while FEMA funds have helped her cut the cost of temporary housing.
    (
    Erin Stone
    /
    LAist
    )

    Barel doesn’t know what they’ll do if the FEMA funding runs out.

    “ I'm really stressed out,” she said. “I think I'm just kind of trying to put that thought aside and hope for the best.”

    But in the 15 months since the fires, most survivors have not accessed FEMA funding. About 60% have received no FEMA assistance beyond the initial $770 payments dispersed in the immediate aftermath of the fires, according to the Department of Angels survey.

    Many have faced denials, according to disaster case manager workers with Catholic Charities of L.A. and lawyers with Legal Aid Foundation of L.A.

    That’s the situation for Gayle Nicholls-Ali and her husband, Rasheed, who lost their Altadena home of 15 years in the Eaton Fire. They’ve relied on their insurance to pay for a rental in Montrose, but that’s rapidly running out. And because they have that insurance, FEMA has denied further support.

    An older man and woman with dark brown skin stand together. The man has long dreads and a green T-shirt. The woman wears light purple rimmed glasses and a black T-shirt and sweatshirt.
    Gayle Nicholls-Ali and her husband, Rasheed, lost their home in the Eaton Fire. They plan to rebuild, but the cost is a major hurdle.
    (
    Erin Stone
    /
    LAist
    )

    “A lot of our ALE [Additional Living Expenses insurance] is going to run out before we even are able to get into a house,” Nicholls-Ali said.

    Without FEMA or insurance support, they’ll have to find a way to pay rent on top of a mortgage. They also face a big gap in the cost of their rebuild versus how much their insurance covers. Nicholls-Ali said without the help of FEMA and other sources of funding, recovering feels further out of reach.

    Funds for long-term recovery still in limbo

    FEMA funding extensions have been routine in past disasters, including the 2023 wildfires in Hawaii and after devastating flooding in North Carolina in 2024.

    But the agency has faced significant cuts during the second Trump administration, and there are indications that disaster aid is becoming increasingly political. For example, President Donald Trump has approved aid for just 23% of requests from states with a Democratic governor and two Democratic senators, compared to 89% for states that with Republican governors and senators, according to an analysis by Politico.

    The state has also not received more than $33 billion for long-term recovery, which can help pay for infrastructure upgrades and repairs, as well as help rebuild schools, parks and homes. That money was requested by state and local leaders shortly after the January 2025 fires and hasn’t been appropriated by Congress.

  • Hoe it works and why it matters

    Topline:

    An international team of disease detectives is now racing to connect with the more than two dozen passengers who disembarked the MV Honius cruise ship on the Atlantic island of St. Helena before the hantavirus outbreak was identified.

    Where they're looking: These individuals have flown across the world, including to the United States.

    Why it matters: The risk of further spread of this virus is low since it requires close and prolonged contact with an infected individual — and those infected seem to transmit the virus for only a brief period of time. But public health officials want to make sure the outbreak is contained.

    An international team of disease detectives is now racing to connect with the more than two dozen passengers who disembarked the MV Honius cruise ship on the Atlantic island of St. Helena before the hantavirus outbreak was identified.

    These individuals have flown across the world, including to the United States.


    The risk of further spread of this virus is low since it requires close and prolonged contact with an infected individual — and those infected seem to transmit the virus for only a brief period of time. But public health officials want to make sure the outbreak is contained.

    Here's how authorities are using the practice of contact tracing to contain the outbreak and keep the hantavirus from spreading.

    Contact tracing 101

    The concept of modern contact tracing dates to the 1930s and was part of an effort to stop the spread of syphilis. It involves locating the close contacts of anyone who may have been infected. "By identifying people who are at risk of infection," says Preeti Malani, an infectious disease physician at the University of Michigan, "you try to get ahead when people don't have symptoms yet with the goal of preventing the infection from continuing to propagate."

    This is a well-tested approach for containing an infectious disease. "It's the oldest tool in the epidemiologic toolbox," explains Malani. "We thought about this a lot early in the pandemic with COVID. But we also do contact tracing for sexually transmitted infections, for things like meningitis and even measles."

    Malani likens contact tracing to monitoring ripples in a pond, "trying to prevent those outer rings from propagating by isolating individuals and by identifying individuals who might be at risk of infection."

    The idea that "there's a time period where people don't have symptoms but could be harboring the virus, that's what contact tracing helps identify," says Malani.

    It starts by pinpointing someone with an infection or suspected infection of the disease in question — in this case, hantavirus. Epidemiologists then look to see with whom they've recently had close contact since these individuals are more likely to have been infected.

    This hunt for those with the greatest probability of infection is important. "Otherwise, it becomes an impossible web to contain because everyone is connected to everyone," says Boghuma Titanji, an infectious diseases doctor at Emory University. "So you have to stratify by high, intermediate and low-risk contacts."

    The next step involves public health agencies ordering precautions for those who are infected or who may be infected but aren't showing symptoms yet. Such measures may include quarantine, so that an individual doesn't come into contact with even more people — who may then become infected.

    One challenge that hantavirus presents is that its incubation period can last up to several weeks. In other words, "people take a long time to become symptomatic after they've been exposed," says Titanji. "Some of these primary contacts would have to be monitoring themselves for symptoms for up to 45 days to be at the tail end of that very long incubation period."

    Aboard and ashore

    The work isn't high-tech but it is painstaking, requiring officials to reconstruct the many interactions someone may have had over days or weeks.

    Onboard the cruise ship, "you might have an individual who is a source of an infection," says Titanji, laying out a hypothetical example. "And then they were sitting at a dinner table with one individual who then goes back to their cabin and shares a bed with their partner who has a conversation with someone else on the deck."

    Once someone disembarks the ship, the number of potential interactions can grow quite quickly. This is why officials were concerned when a KLM flight attendant fell ill after being aboard a flight with one of the infected cruise ship passengers. Fortunately, the flight attendant ultimately tested negative for hantavirus.

    Titanji is heartened by what she's seen playing out so far. "It seems like the international collaborative effort has been really robust and the mechanisms for containment are in place and underway," she says.

    Public health officials argue that contact tracing is a powerful approach that will reduce further spread. "We can break this chain of transmission," said Abdi Mahmoud, the director of the World Health Organization's health emergency alert and response efforts, at a press conference on Thursday.

    He has good reason to be confident. Contact tracing was vital during the fight against COVID-19 and helped end the Ebola crisis in Liberia, containing the epidemic there more than a decade ago. Some of the contact tracing even involved hours-long hikes through the jungle to a remote village.

    Authorities are hoping for similar success with this hantavirus outbreak.
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • What started as a protest now brings thousands
    Hundreds crowd a grassy area at Los Angeles State Historic Park. There are dozens of colorful kites in the air.
    The scene at last year's Clockshop Kite Festival.

    Topline:

    The sky above Los Angeles State Historic Park in Chinatown will be dotted with color on Saturday with the annual Kite Festival.

    The background: The festival had its beginnings as a joyful protest in 2021, back when a proposal for a Dodger Stadium gondola included cutting through the airspace above the park.

    What to expect: This year’s programming includes a kite-making station where you can build your own flying art for a donation of $5, along with art workshops and the unveiling of a large floating, inflatable sculpture by Guatemalan kite artist Francisco Ramos.

    The sky above Los Angeles State Historic Park in Chinatown will be dotted with color Saturday with the annual Kite Festival.

    Clockshop's Kite Festival
    Los Angeles State Historic Park
    Saturday from 2 to 6 p.m.

    The festival had its beginnings as a joyful protest in 2021, back when a proposal for a Dodger Stadium gondola included cutting through the airspace above the park. Organizers say last year’s Kite Festival drew a crowd of about 7,000.

    “The Kite Festival, [for] some people, it’s their favorite day in Los Angeles,” said Sue Bell Yank, executive director of Clockshop, the nonprofit arts org that runs the festival. “It’s the time when they really feel connected to their city. More so than any other time.”

    This year’s programming includes a kite-making station where you can build your own flying art for a donation of $5, along with art workshops and the unveiling of a large floating, inflatable sculpture by Guatemalan kite artist Francisco Ramos.