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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Listeners, lawmakers left mystified and on edge
    Governor Gavin Newsom, a man with light skin tone and combed hair, is seen in the bottom right corner from his head to his shoulders. Behind him is a grey and black backdrop out of focus.
    Gov. Gavin Newsom is seen during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023.

    Topline:

    Gov. Gavin Newsom’s podcast launch baffles allies and critics alike as he disappears from public events, raising questions about his leadership priorities and political future.

    Why it matters: The governor’s about-face from leading critic of President Donald Trump to MAGA-curious pundit comes at a critical moment for the state, as California launches legal battles against Trump administration policies and faces potentially hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funding cuts.

    The governor’s mixed messages: Newsom gave nearly all his attention in the first part of the year to the response and recovery from the devastating wildfires that burned through Los Angeles County in early January. Despite initially proclaiming last fall that he would again lead the resistance to Trump, national politics took a backseat as the governor navigated their complex relationship to lobby for federal disaster aid, which California has not yet secured. But Newsom seemed to flip a switch in late February with the podcast launch.

    Listeners confused and distraught: Listeners have been equally perplexed. Voter data expert Paul Mitchell surveyed 1,000 Californians before and after the first episode of the podcast dropped and found a tangle of conflicting responses. Asked to watch three snippets of Newsom’s conversation with Kirk, nearly a quarter of respondents said they viewed the governor as more moderate, but twice as many people said the podcast harmed their perception of Newsom.

    Read on... on more reactions to Newsom's podcast and his messages.

    When Gov. Gavin Newsom launched his new podcast last month, he touted it as an opportunity to understand the MAGA movement’s motivations and figure out a path forward for Democrats after the party’s bruising losses in the 2024 election.

    But the early response has predominantly been bewilderment — from supporters, critics and the public alike — as listeners struggle to make sense of Newsom’s intentions, his political evolution and what the show signals for his leadership of California.

    The governor’s about-face from leading critic of President Donald Trump to MAGA-curious pundit comes at a critical moment for the state, as California launches legal battles against Trump administration policies and faces potentially hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funding cuts.

    Republicans have dismissed Newsom’s concerted shift to the center on some issues as disingenuous and roasted him for diverting his attention away from solving the state’s problems. Even many allies who applaud Newsom for reaching across the ideological aisle were troubled by his early guests and how the governor boosted their ultraconservative views.

    And in Sacramento, legislators and advocates are scratching their heads. If the podcast is, as insiders widely suspect, Newsom’s attempt to redefine himself ahead of a long-anticipated presidential bid, then what does a renewed focus on the national stage mean for the remaining two years of his governorship?

    “Quite frankly, we’re all asking those questions,” said state Sen. Ben Allen, a Santa Monica Democrat.

    Allen pushed for a limit on single-use plastics in California that Newsom signed into law in 2022 — before scrapping rules to put the law into effect right before the final deadline this month, citing cost concerns, and telling regulators to start over. Environmentalists fumed that the governor was bowing to industry pressure after an election in which affordability was at the forefront of voters’ minds.

    “I think people are trying to figure out what’s going on,” Allen said.

    The governor’s mixed messages

    Newsom gave nearly all his attention in the first part of the year to the response and recovery from the devastating wildfires that burned through Los Angeles County in early January. Despite initially proclaiming last fall that he would again lead the resistance to Trump, national politics took a backseat as the governor navigated their complex relationship to lobby for federal disaster aid, which California has not yet secured.

    But Newsom seemed to flip a switch in late February with the podcast launch. Since then, the governor has not held any public events or press conferences, allowing the four episodes of his show released so far to drive his messaging almost completely, though he has also waded back into denouncing federal Republicans on social media.

    That has created a conundrum for those trying to understand how what Newsom says in these casual conversations may translate to his day job running the biggest state in the country. When his remarks generate headlines — as they did during the controversial first episode featuring the Trump-aligned activist Charlie Kirk, where Newsom called it “deeply unfair” for transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports — his office refuses to clarify his positions.

    Speaking to far-right former Trump adviser Steve Bannon on the third episode last week about the president’s foreign trade strategy, Newsom said he was “not an absolutist as it relates to being against tariffs,” just days after the governor put out a statement that “tariffs are nothing more than a tax on hardworking American families.” Spokesperson Izzy Gardon would not explain when Newsom supported the use of tariffs, directing CalMatters back to his comments on the podcast.

    Cornered by reporters at the Capitol this week, Newsom dodged questions about whether he supported Republican-led legislation that would ban transgender women and girls from competitive sports in California. “I haven’t seen any bills,” he repeatedly said.

    The shifting tone and positions without explanation has undermined Democrats’ trust, said Anthony Rendon, who was Assembly speaker when Newsom took office during Trump’s first term promising to make California a bulwark against the president.

    Rendon, who termed out of the Legislature last year, said he talks to former colleagues who now wonder whether they should strategically shift their priorities so that they don’t waste time on measures that Newsom will simply veto.

    “They’re mystified,” he said. “‘WTF’ is the most common text message I get.”

    Uncertainty in Sacramento

    Many lawmakers, not wanting to damage their relationships with the man who ultimately decides the fate of their agendas, are loath to speak publicly about the governor’s podcast. Those who will can be painstakingly diplomatic, emphasizing that they remain committed to their own work.

    “We just have to remain focused. The outside noise to me is neither here nor there,” said Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Long Beach Democrat who serves as the Senate majority leader. “Sometimes words are just words, and I’m hoping that that’s where it stays.”

    Some of the most progressive lawmakers at the Capitol have spoken out against Newsom’s choice of guests and his comments about transgender athletes, but they have largely separated those complaints from the governor himself, whom they characterize as an ally.

    Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San Jose Democrat, said there is too much focus on what the governor is doing as the Trump administration challenges democracy itself. He said it was not helpful for Democrats to go after each other when they should be fighting the Republicans in Washington, D.C.

    “I do think that every Democrat right now should be ringing the alarm as to the constitutional crisis that we’re having, and anything that detracts from that I think minimizes the dangerous place we’re in as a nation,” Kalra said.

    Like many Democrats, Allen complimented Newsom for “talking to people from different perspectives in different parts of the country” as the party tries to make sense of Trump’s victory in November. But Allen said he didn’t want Democrats to take the wrong lessons from the 2024 election and be afraid to assert their values.

    “I do think that some of the people who have been on his show have been a little fringe,” Allen said. “I worry that they may be anchoring the conversation in a way that’s counterproductive.”

    Governor Gavin Newsom, a man with light skin tone in a dark blue suit and white dress shirt, is standing toward the right speaking in front of microphones. His shadow casts on the grey wall behind him.
    Gov. Gavin Newsom addresses media after signing legislation in Los Angeles on Sept. 28, 2023.
    (
    Alisha Jucevic
    /
    CalMatters
    )

    Listeners confused and distraught

    Listeners have been equally perplexed. Voter data expert Paul Mitchell surveyed 1,000 Californians before and after the first episode of the podcast dropped and found a tangle of conflicting responses.

    Asked to watch three snippets of Newsom’s conversation with Kirk, nearly a quarter of respondents said they viewed the governor as more moderate, but twice as many people said the podcast harmed their perception of Newsom as improved it.

    “In the short-term, wow, Republicans are not convinced and Democrats are not pleased,” Mitchell said, pointing to hundreds of open-ended comments from the survey in which conservatives largely expressed suspicion of Newsom’s intentions and liberals felt betrayed.

    Mitchell also tracked a drop in the governor’s approval rating, from 52% to 47%. But since the launch, positive and negative sentiments about the podcast have dropped while neutral sentiment has nearly doubled — with political independents seeming more receptive.

    “That could be voters kind of cracking the door open,” Mitchell said. “If he’s trying to get away from the Gavin Newsom caricature, then that might be something he’s doing.”

    Yet a true political reinvention, one that could reshape the arc of his career, is a long-term project, for better or worse.

    Liberal donors and activists who backed Newsom in the past were shaken by the early episodes, which also saw the governor brush past comments that the 2020 election was stolen from Trump without any debate as he cozied up to figures who have been accused of antisemitism and doing a Nazi salute. Movie star Jane Fonda compared Newsom to the former UK Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, known for appeasing Adolf Hilter’s early territorial annexations to avoid war.

    Ludovic Blain, executive director of the progressive donor network California Donor Table, slammed Newsom for “capitulating to authoritarians,” even as he expressed hope that the governor would grow a stronger backbone and defend civil rights as the podcast continues.

    “He’s turning the Democratic Party into one that stands for nothing,” Blain said. “We do expect Gavin to be better.”

    ‘I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him’

    And if Newsom is going to persuade the public that he’s got bipartisan appeal and is electable in purple states, that day still looked far away at the recent California Republican Party convention in Sacramento. Attendees — even the young men whose drift to Trump in 2024 has convinced Democrats that podcasts are the future — were not buying the governor’s transformation.

    “He hasn’t done anything to build any trust. And I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him,” said Topher Hall, a 25-year-old college student from El Dorado County wearing a Make America Great Again Again sweatshirt.

    Hall said he had watched clips from the podcast on Kirk’s social media and felt that Newsom was merely trying to use the large established audiences of his conservative guests to build his own platform.

    After growing up apolitical in the liberal Bay Area, Hall said he was drawn to the Republican Party in recent years by its stances in favor of gun rights and against transgender athletes. But Newsom’s comments about the latter had struck him as opportunistic flip-flopping.

    “He’s kind of a slick politician. I think he’s like the used car salesman of politics. I think he’s just Hollywood,” Hall said. “He’s just a sellout.”

    Jessica Rutan, a 60-year-old retired educator from Fullerton, said Newsom lost her completely with his dictatorial lockdowns during the coronavirus pandemic. But she listened to his conversations with Kirk and Bannon, curious what they would say to him — and whether the governor would actually take their advice.

    She was frustrated that he had not, calling Newsom’s engagement with the conservative activists “so disingenuous” and the “wrong priority” following the Los Angeles fires.

    “Your place is the governor. You have a job to do and now you just want to sit on a chair and act like you’re buddies with people?” said Rutan, who sported a bedazzled red-white-and-blue elephant pin. “You have people in the state you need to take care of. Why aren’t you doing your job? And that’s what I’m most annoyed with.”

  • County labels housing a public health crisis
    A man wearing a lanyard around his neck fist bumps a man with long hair in front of a makeshift shelter made of tarp.
    Eric Montoya (left), a homeless outreach coordinator with LA Family Housing, visit with Dan Frost, an unhoused man living in an encampment in a public park in Van Nuys.

    Topline:

    The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday to declare housing insecurity a public health crisis and to develop a policy that gives residents in unincorporated areas priority access to some affordable housing built in their neighborhoods.

    Crisis proclamation: This is not an official emergency declaration and does not trigger any emergency powers. But, according to Supervisor Hilda Solis, the resolution directs county agencies to get on the same page. It instructs the county’s Department of Homeless Services and Housing, the Los Angeles County Development Authority and other departments to develop coordinated plans to preserve existing affordable housing units, keep people in their homes and prioritize the health impacts of housing instability.

    Local housing preference: Supervisors also approved a separate motion directing L.A. County departments to develop a local preference policy for L.A. County-funded housing in unincorporated areas. When county funding is used to build affordable housing in communities like East Los Angeles, Willowbrook or Altadena, residents of those neighborhoods would get priority access to them. The motion says that 59% of renters in unincorporated areas spend more than a third of their income on rent.

    Housing and health: Various studies show that housing instability contributes to chronic disease, emergency room visits and premature death. The county's Department of Homeless Services and Housing, which launched this year, grew directly out of the Housing for Health program — a health-centered homelessness program formerly within the Department of Health Services.

    The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday to declare housing insecurity a public health crisis and to develop a policy that gives residents in unincorporated areas priority access to some affordable housing built in their neighborhoods.

    The crisis declaration is not an official emergency declaration and does not trigger any emergency powers. But according to Supervisor Hilda Solis, the resolution directs county agencies to get on the same page.

    "Unstable housing is not just an economic issue. It is a driver of chronic illness, trauma, family instability and preventable health disparities," Solis said.

    The motion instructs the county’s Department of Homeless Services and Housing, the Los Angeles County Development Authority and other departments to develop coordinated plans to preserve existing affordable housing units, keep people in their homes and prioritize the health impacts of housing instability.

    Supervisors also approved a separate motion directing departments leaders to develop a local preference policy for L.A. County-funded housing in unincorporated areas.

    When county funding is used to build affordable housing in communities like East Los Angeles, Willowbrook or Altadena, residents of those neighborhoods would get priority access to them.

    According to the motion, 59% of renters in unincorporated areas spend more than a third of their income on rent.

    Housing insecurity

    The county uses the term “housing insecure” to describe anyone lacking stable, safe and affordable housing.

    That means unhoused Angelenos, as well as tenants who spend more than half of their income on rent, people living in overcrowded or substandard housing conditions, and those at risk for eviction or displacement.

    Various studies show that housing instability contributes to chronic disease, emergency room visits and premature death.

    The county's Department of Homeless Services and Housing, which launched this year, grew directly out of the Housing for Health program, a health-centered homelessness program formerly within the Department of Health Services.

    Budget concerns

    The supervisors voted 4-0 Tuesday to approve both motions. Supervisor Kathryn Barger was absent for the vote because she attended the funeral of an L.A. County sheriff's deputy.

    Officials warned of major federal cuts coming to Medi-Cal, CalFresh and other services because of the Trump administration’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” signed into law last year.

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  • Teresa Sánchez-Gordon steps down in surprise move
    A group of four people sitting behind a desk with small signage of names and titles in front of them.
    Teresa Sánchez-Gordon at the Nov. 4, 2025, meeting of the LAPD Board of Police Commissioners.

    Topline:

    The leadership of the Los Angeles Police Commission experienced a significant shakeup Tuesday during a regularly scheduled meeting, when it was announced that Teresa Sánchez-Gordon had stepped down as president of the police oversight body.

    More details: Rasha Gerges Shields was appointed the commission’s new president, and Daniel Tabor was appointed vice president soon after the announcement. Sánchez-Gordon was not present at the meeting.

    Why it matters: The announcement came as a surprise to those present at the meeting. There was no indication on the commission’s agenda or other public forum that the president would be stepping down. The commission’s website was updated with the new titles shortly after the votes.

    Read on... for more about the announcement.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    The leadership of the Los Angeles Police Commission experienced a significant shakeup Tuesday during a regularly scheduled meeting, when it was announced that Teresa Sánchez-Gordon had stepped down as president of the police oversight body.

    Rasha Gerges Shields was appointed the commission’s new president, and Daniel Tabor was appointed vice president soon after the announcement. Sánchez-Gordon was not present at the meeting.

    Shields announced that Sánchez-Gordon would be stepping down and added that she would be playing some continued role on the commission, but did not provide further details before the group went into closed session. A spokesperson for the commission said that Sánchez-Gordon would continue to serve as a commissioner.

    “Thank you and I look forward to serving all of you in the community in this role,” Shields said after being appointed president.

    The announcement came as a surprise to those present at the meeting. There was no indication on the commission’s agenda or other public forum that the president would be stepping down. The commission’s website was updated with the new titles shortly after the votes.

    Sánchez-Gordon had been serving on the commission since 2024, and was appointed president in late 2025. She has shared her experience as an immigrant who settled in East L.A. as a child and has expressed concern about widespread federal immigration enforcement in the city, according to reporting by the Los Angeles Times.

    Erroll Southers preceded Sánchez-Gordon as president of the commission before stepping down last October.

    Shields was appointed to the commission in 2023. She has worked both as a federal prosecutor and as a lawyer in private practice.

    Tabor was appointed to the commission in January and formerly served as the mayor of the City of Inglewood.

    The Los Angeles Police Commission did not immediately respond to request for comment. This story will be updated if it does.

    LA Documenter Martin Romero contributed reporting for this piece from the LAPD Board of Police Commission meeting. LA Documenters trains and pays LA residents to take notes at local government meetings around Los Angeles. You can find meeting notes and audio at losangeles.documenters.org

  • Here's how CA's next gov will change your taxes
    Seven men and women sit in a row on stage while a woman stands on stage speaking into a microphone. Behind them is a large screen with each of their photos.
    Betty Yee, former California state controller, speaks during a state gubernatorial forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26. The forum was hosted by the Urban League of the Bay Area.
    Topline:
    The candidates vying to be California’s next governor have laid out competing visions for the future of taxation in the nation’s largest state. Leading candidates have proposed eliminating income taxes, cutting taxes for businesses, increasing taxes on corporations and raising taxes on commercial properties.

    The proposals: New taxes on large corporations to offset federal health care cuts, boost education funding and help fill a deficit projected to reach $35 billion in the coming years are being touted by Democrats Katie Porter and Tom Steyer. Porter has also aligned with Republicans Steve Hilton and Chad Bianco in promising to cut taxes for working families and businesses. None of the leading candidates has indicated which state programs they would cut to make up for lost tax revenue.

    Taxing billionaires: None of the candidates polling in double digits has embraced the tax proposal, sending shockwaves through California politics: a one-time tax on the wealth of billionaires that a health care union is trying to qualify for the November ballot. But while Gov. Gavin Newsom has spent his final year in office arguing that the state has a spending problem, not a revenue problem, the Democrats most likely to succeed him are eyeing ways to bring new money into the state’s coffers.

    Read on. . . for more on each of the candidates' stances on taxes in California,

    As Californians rush to file their taxes before the April 15 deadline, the candidates vying to be California’s next governor have laid out competing visions for the future of taxation in the nation’s largest state.

    Leading candidates have proposed eliminating income taxes, cutting taxes for businesses, increasing taxes on corporations and raising taxes on commercial properties.

    Not on that list: taxing billionaires.

    None of the candidates polling in double digits has embraced the tax proposal, sending shockwaves through California politics: a one-time tax on the wealth of billionaires that a health care union is trying to qualify for the November ballot. But while Gov. Gavin Newsom has spent his final year in office arguing that the state has a spending problem, not a revenue problem, the Democrats most likely to succeed him are eyeing ways to bring new money into the state’s coffers.

    Democrats Katie Porter and Tom Steyer have proposed new taxes on large corporations — albeit in different forms — to offset federal health care cuts, boost education funding and help fill structural budget deficits projected to reach $35 billion in the coming years. Porter has also aligned with Republicans Steve Hilton and Chad Bianco in promising to cut taxes for working families and businesses, though the Republicans’ plans would go much further.

    None of the leading candidates has indicated which state programs they would cut to make up for lost tax revenue. But in a year when affordability is the dominant voter concern, taxes are top of mind.

    “If you’re gonna talk about affordability — and affordability is the main kind of buzzword of the campaign — well, you gotta start with taxes,” said Tim Anaya of the Sacramento-based Pacific Research Institute, a libertarian, free-market think tank.

    A tax code ‘frozen in amber’

    California’s tax code has been largely frozen in amber for the past century. When voters limited property tax increases through Proposition 13 in 1978, they made the state more dependent on a progressive income tax that relies disproportionately on the high incomes and capital gains of a relatively small number of residents. As a result, California tax revenues fluctuate wildly based on how tech and other large companies perform in the stock market.

    Over the past 40 years, efforts to change California’s tax law have largely nibbled around the edges. No one has proposed a wholesale reform of the system, Anaya said.

    The governor’s race is playing out against the backdrop of negotiations to shave billions of dollars off state spending next year to close the state’s growing structural deficit. In budget hearings this spring, finance officials in Newsom’s administration have made clear that the governor is not interested in pursuing any new taxes.

    Like his predecessor, Jerry Brown, Newsom has bemoaned the annual swings between surpluses and deficits driven by gyrations in personal income tax and capital gains revenue. But he has done little to either broaden the tax base or bring in new forms of revenue, said Chris Hoene, executive director of the left-leaning California Budget & Policy Center.

    “He has not done very much on the tax front,” Hoene said. “He’s been more inclined to actually give away new or expanded tax credits — like he became a big proponent of expanding the film tax credit.”

    The top Democratic candidates for governor — Porter and Steyer — are vowing to boost state revenues, primarily by honing in on big business.

    Hoene said it’s no surprise that their proposals lean into familiar ideas such as raising taxes on corporate profits or property, rather than the relatively novel approach of taxing overall wealth.

    “Some of these newer ideas, like taxing wealth … those are things that need to be cooked a bit longer,” Hoene said. “If I were a gubernatorial candidate, I’d be saying, ‘hey, there’s some low-hanging fruit we should be going after first.’”

    There’s also some unlikely overlap. Porter and Hilton both propose eliminating state income tax on earnings less than $100,000, a change that would affect more than 70% of California residents who file tax returns. (Porter’s proposal focuses on families, while Hilton said he would extend the exemption to all filers.)

    Hilton also proposed reducing the $800 minimum franchise tax that businesses have to pay, regardless of their profits.

    Among the lower-polling candidates, San José Mayor Matt Mahan and Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond — both Democrats — have offered tax plans on opposite ends of the party’s ideological spectrum.

    Thurmond supports the one-time 5% tax on the wealth of billionaires, which could raise up to $100 billion for health care and food assistance. Mahan vows to oppose all tax increases until oversight measures are in place.

    The other candidates have not released detailed tax proposals.

    Here’s what we know about the leading candidate’s tax plans so far:

    Tom Steyer

    Steyer argued that while the richest Californians should pay more, the state should focus on taxing corporations. He supports a proposal to close the so-called “water’s edge” loophole that allows multinational corporations to shelter their profits in countries with low tax rates to shield their international profits from state taxes. The proposal would require these corporations to pay taxes based on a share of their global income.

    It’s an idea that progressives have floated for years but never managed to pass. This year, ahead of the November governor’s race, Sacramento legislators will debate closing the loophole again.

    Steyer also floated a special election in 2027 to pass an increase on commercial property taxes, which were capped by Proposition 13.

    Steyer and other progressives have long wanted to split off commercial properties from Proposition 13 protections, an idea known as “split roll.” In 2020, state voters rejected a measure to do just that.

    “I am proposing closing a corporate real estate tax loophole that’s existed for over 40 years,” Steyer told KQED’s Political Breakdown. “That brings in more money to the state, that is permanent, that is completely fair.”

    Steve Hilton

    Hilton argued California’s budget problems are due to overspending, noting that the state budget has nearly doubled since 2017. He also said the state’s affordability problem is tied to how expensive it is to do business in California.

    Hilton noted that California, the nation’s most populous state, has more people in poverty than any other state, according to federal government statistics.

    “Why?” he said on Political Breakdown. “Because of all these combinations of the spending and the policies that are making it so difficult to start and grow businesses. As a result of that, costs go up. As a result of that, we increase welfare payments because people are struggling. That means taxes go higher. That means it becomes even more expensive. And we’ve got to get out of that cycle.”

    Hilton said he will make the state more affordable by eliminating state income tax for Californians earning less than $100,000 and imposing a flat 7.5% tax on earnings over $100,000. Currently, the income tax tops out at 12.3% for individuals making more than $722,000 a year.

    He opposed any changes to Proposition 13 and wants to eliminate the minimum franchise tax, which is about $800 annually for all businesses.

    Hilton believes the tax cuts will grow California’s economy, which could result in more tax revenue.

    Katie Porter

    Porter framed her tax plan as key to tackling affordability. At its center: eliminating state income taxes for families who make under $100,000.

    “The state takes a chunk of many people’s paychecks,” she said on Political Breakdown. “$100,000 allows people to make ends meet, but also to do the things we need them to do: To save for retirement. To be able to get a house, to be able to put a little money away for college.”

    Porter said she would pay for that tax cut by changing California’s corporate tax, which is currently a flat 8.84%, no matter how much a company makes. She wants to increase it gradually, with the highest-earning corporations paying up to 9.75%.

    “That would generate enough revenue … to deliver on my promise of free college tuition,” Porter said.

    Her free college tuition plan would allow Californians to attend two years of community college for free, then transfer to a University of California or California State University campus, where the state would cover their tuition.

    Chad Bianco

    Bianco’s campaign said his tax priorities are “straightforward”: he wants to cut them and make up for lost revenue with undefined “wasteful spending” cuts.

    Bianco proposed eliminating the state income tax entirely, opposing any new taxes and reducing “cost drivers like the gas tax,” according to a campaign spokesperson.

    In a recent interview with KVCR, Bianco accused Democratic leaders of “bilking” the state for billions of dollars, pointing toward state contracts with nonprofits. He estimated annual waste and fraud at up to $50 billion — without providing specifics.

    “California government is broken,” he said. “Number one, we absolutely have to stop the waste, the fraud, and the abuse going on in our government … So you eliminate all of the fraud, you become oil independent and use that to fund government, and now we don’t have to pay income taxes.”

    He also would “provide targeted relief, including reducing or eliminating state taxes on tips.”

    But in a debate with Hilton April 4 at the Lincoln Club of Coachella Valley, Bianco suggested that upending the state’s tax system would be more difficult than repealing regulations enacted by previous governors.

    “Regulations are easy, we sign all of those away…all of those boards and commissions can be suspended, the regulations can be suspended,” Bianco said. “The taxes are going to be a different story.”

    KVCR’s Madison Aument contributed reporting to this story.

  • Class of 2026 announced
    A man stands on a dark stage, singing into a microphone he is holding in his right hand, He is wearing a brown jacke and white shirt underneath with the sleeves rolled up.
    Phil Collins, who is already in the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame as a member of the prog rock group Genesis, had a string of hits in the 1980s that turned him into one of the most successful acts of the decade. This fall, he will be inducted into the Rock Hall for his solo career.

    Topline:

    The Rock & Roll Hall of Fame announced its 2026 class of inductees on Monday night, a list of eight performers that includes an R&B legend, a heavy metal band and a drummer-turned-frontman whose music dominated mainstream pop-rock in the 1980s.


    Who made the list: This year's inductees in the performer category include, Phil Collins, Iron Maiden, Wu-tang Clan and Sade. In the early influence category, Celia Cruz and Fela Kuti were among the list of inductees. The official induction ceremony will take place on Nov. 14 at the Peacock Theater in Los Angeles. It will be streamed on ABC and Disney+ in December.

    Expanding definition of rock & roll: In recent years, the Rock Hall has expanded its definition of rock icons to include artists from a wider range of genres and backgrounds. The basic rules for induction have remained the same, though: artists become eligible for nomination 25 years after the release of their first commercial recording (in other words, artists whose debuts came out in 2001 are newly eligible this year).

    Read on . . . for a complete list of inductees in all four categories.

    The Rock & Roll Hall of Fame announced its 2026 class of inductees on Monday night, a list of eight performers that includes an R&B legend, a heavy metal band and a drummer-turned-frontman whose music dominated mainstream pop-rock in the 1980s.

    In recent years, the Rock Hall has expanded its definition of rock icons to include artists from a wider range of genres and backgrounds. The basic rules for induction have remained the same, though:

    Artists become eligible for nomination 25 years after the release of their first commercial recording (in other words, artists whose debuts came out in 2001 are newly eligible this year). There are four different categories of inductees:

    • Performers whose music and cultural impact has changed the course of rock and roll. 
    • Influential musicians whose innovative styles have propelled cultural change, which this year includes key innovative voices in African and Latin music. 
    • A "musical excellence" award designated for writers, producers and session musicians who have played a key role in rock history.
    • The Ahmet Ertegun award, honoring industry professionals who are not performers but have made a significant impact on the business of music. 

    The official induction ceremony will take place on Nov. 14 at the Peacock Theater in Los Angeles. It will be streamed on ABC and Disney+ in December.

    Performer Category

    Phil Collins
    Even though he was inducted into the Rock Hall as a member of Genesis in 2010, it was Collins' solo career, especially a string of hits in the 1980s, that helped turn him into one of the most commercially successful artists of that decade. The drummer-turned-singer is widely known for popularizing the "gated snare" recording technique — which cut off the lingering reverb from the drums — and resulted in an explosive sound that became a signature sound of the era. Collins' career spans over five decades and has earned him a long list of accolades, including an Academy Award for best original song in 2000 for "You'll Be In My Heart" from Disney's Tarzan.

    Billy Idol
    The British rocker Billy Idol enters the Rock Hall on his second nomination. Known for hits like "Dancing with Myself," "Rebel Yell" and "White Wedding," the bleach-blonde singer's punk rock attitude continues to reach fans around the world more than four decades since the release of his debut solo album.

    Iron Maiden
    Heavy metal fans rejoice! Iron Maiden is finally being inducted into the Rock Hall on its third nomination. Since the 1980s, the band has been redefining heavy rock with anthemic storytelling, full-throttle instrumentation and spooky iconography. Different iterations of the band's mascot, Eddie, have appeared on Iron Maiden's album covers and merch for decades, becoming a key fixture of a particular strain of teen rebellion.

    Joy Division/New Order
    After three nominations, Joy Division and New Order are entering the Rock Hall under a joint induction, recognizing the link between the groups. Both bands featured guitarist Bernard Sumner, bassist Peter Hook and drummer Stephen Morris, who were forced to reimagine their sound after the death of singer and songwriter Ian Curtis in 1980. Joy Division's moody post-punk sound, which featured the baritone vocals of Curtis, gave way to New Order's more electronic, dance-driven rhythms, which proved massively popular in the 1980s.

    Oasis
    Today is gonna be the day that Oasis gets into the Rock Hall. (Well, November 14 will be the actual day.) The Britpop group, led by brothers Liam and Noel Gallagher, has had a resurgence since their highly-anticipated reunion tour last year (which briefly broke Ticketmaster and had fans on both sides of the Atlantic crying their hearts out).

    Sade
    The English band named for lead vocalist Sade Adu changed the sonic landscape of the 1980s and '90s with its blend of jazz, soul and R&B. The velvety, intimate quality of Sade's music echoes across generations of artists, from Drake to Adele, and has now earned the group Rock Hall inductee status.

    Luther Vandross
    After starting his career as a background vocalist for stars including David Bowie, Roberta Flack, Stevie Wonder and many more, Luther Vandross became an R&B and soul legend under his own name, thanks to the sheer power of his voice beginning in the 1980s. (He was also a producer for A-listers like Whitney Houston, Aretha Franklin and Diana Ross.) With over a dozen studio albums, his influence has reached across generations to stars including Beyoncé, Alicia Keys and most recently, Kendrick Lamar, who named one of the biggest hits of 2025 after him. Vandross will be inducted after his first Rock Hall nomination.

    Wu-Tang Clan
    You can see the Rock Hall's effort to expand the definition of rock icons in past years particularly strongly when it comes to the hip-hop acts it inducts. At least one act from the genre — including the Notorious B.I.G., Missy Elliott, A Tribe Called Quest and Jay-Z — each year since 2020. Considering Wu-Tang Clan's collective and individual output, which spans more than 30 years and expanded the East Coast's mark on the genre with references to vintage kung-fu movies and dark humor, it's no wonder the Rock Hall is finally giving the Staten Island crew its long-deserved flowers.

    Early Influence Award

    Celia Cruz
    The Cuban singer, widely known as The Queen of Salsa, becomes the first primarily Spanish-language artist to be inducted into the Rock Hall. After rising through the ranks of Havana's music scene in the 1950s, Cruz left her home country in exile and eventually landed in New York City, where she became one of the most prominent voices of the legendary salsa label, Fania Records.

    Fela Kuti
    At the end of the 1960s and into the '70s, the Nigerian singer and political activist helped create the Afrobeat genre by combining West African highlife with elements of jazz and funk. Known for his electrifying, unconventional live performances, the multi-instrumentalist is the Rock Hall's first African pop star.

    Queen Latifah
    Queen Latifah was only 19 years old when she released her debut album, All Hail the Queen, in 1989. Female empowerment has been at the forefront of her music and image since the beginning of her career. With songs like "Ladies First" and "U.N.I.T.Y.," Queen Latifah changed the landscape of male-dominated rap; alongside her music career, she has found arguably greater success as an actor.

    MC Lyte
    Another teenage pioneer in the world of hip-hop, the Brooklyn-raised rapper gained popularity with socially-conscious lyricism that tackled issues including street violence and drug addiction.

    Gram Parsons
    Gram Parsons played with The Byrds and helped spearhead the band's seminal country rock album Sweetheart of the Rodeo, which came out in 1968 — but he was technically considered a "sideman" and not a full member of the band. That's why Parsons was not inducted alongside his bandmates when The Byrds entered the Rock Hall in 1991. Now, the Americana visionary — who recorded a pair of celebrated and influential solo albums that featured duets with Emmylou Harris and also played with the Flying Burrito Brothers and the International Submarine Band — gets his due for melding folk, Southern twang and rock and roll before his death at the age of 26, in 1973.

    Musical Excellence Award

    Linda Creed
    In the 1970s, Linda Creed wrote and produced love songs that would come to define the sound of Philadelphia soul, including the Stylistics' hits "Stop, Look, Listen (To Your Heart)" and "You Are Everything," both of which were later covered by Diana Ross and Marvin Gaye. After being diagnosed with cancer at age 26, Creed wrote the song "The Greatest Love of All." Whitney Houston's rendition of the song would go on to top Billboard's Hot 100 chart shortly after Creed's death in 1986.

    Arif Mardin
    Arif Mardin's producer credits span more than four decades and dozens of legendary collaborations, including with Aretha Franklin, the Bee Gees, John Prine and Norah Jones. Born in Turkey, Mardin started working at Atlantic Records in the early 1960s and eventually became an executive and one of the label's most reliable hitmakers.

    Jimmy Miller
    Jimmy Miller signed a recording contract as a singer before finding his true calling behind the console, particularly for his work with the Rolling Stones across five albums: Beggars Banquet, Let It Bleed, Sticky Fingers, Exile on Main St. and Goats Head Soup. Known for encouraging and harnessing a group's raw, live energy in recording sessions, the producer left an indelible mark on the sound of rock and roll in the 1960s and '70s.

    Rick Rubin
    Rick Rubin co-founded Def Jam Recordings while studying film and television at New York University. He went on to turn the label into a powerhouse of 1980s and '90s hip-hop, producing and releasing albums by acts including LL Cool J, Beastie Boys, Run-DMC and Public Enemy. He later founded the label American Recordings and served as co-president of Columbia Records. Since the founding of American Recordings, and particularly in his work with Johnny Cash, Rubin has become known for his skill in musical subtraction — paring down a recording to its essential elements.

    Ahmet Ertegun Award

    Ed Sullivan
    He began his career as a sports journalist, but in 1948, Sullivan became the host of a television program — originally called Toast of the Town and later renamed The Ed Sullivan Show — that was welcomed into millions of people's living rooms every week. Sullivan's show widely introduced Americans to countless musicians, including Elvis Presley, The Jackson 5, The Supremes and, maybe most famously, The Beatles, whose first appearance on his show, in February 1964, was, at the time, one of the most-watched programs in history.
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