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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Fan Festivals to arrive across LA
    A golden trophy stands on a pedestal. Writing at the trophy base reads "FIFA World Cup"
    FIFA World Cup Trophy is displayed during the FIFA World Cup 2026 Official Draw at John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts on December 05, 2025 in Washington, D.C.

    Topline:

    A five-day fan festival will take over the L.A. Memorial Coliseum in June to welcome the World Cup to the city of Los Angeles.

    What do we know: The festival will kick off the same day as the tournament, June 11, and run through June 15. It will include live broadcasts of the games, music and food, and provide a place for fans to celebrate as Team USA plays its first game against Paraguay at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood on June 12.

    What about fan zones: Los Angeles will also see nine "fan zones" that will pop up across the L.A. area throughout the World Cup's 39 days of soccer matches.

    Read on... for details on tickets and locations.

    A five-day fan festival will take over the L.A. Memorial Coliseum in June to welcome the World Cup to Los Angeles.

    The festival will kick off the same day as the tournament, June 11, and run through June 15. It will include live broadcasts of the games, music and food, and provide a place for fans to celebrate as Team USA plays its first game against Paraguay at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood on June 12.

    "For the first five days of the World Cup, the fan festival will be the heart of the World Cup experience for many people in L.A.," said Kathryn Schloessman, the CEO of the L.A. World Cup 2026 Host Committee.

    Angelenos will need to purchase tickets for the fan festival, but prices and details will be announced in March, according to Schloessman.

    The Los Angeles host committee for the 2026 World Cup announced the details of programming for fans across the city on Wednesday. They include nine "fan zones" that will pop up across the L.A. area throughout the World Cup's 39 days of soccer matches.

    Here are where the zones are located:

    • The Original Farmers Market from June 18-21 
    • City of Downey on June 20
    • Union Station and the Plaza de Cultura y Artes from June 25-28
    • Hansen Dam Lake from July 2-5
    • Earvin "Magic" Johnson Park from July 4-5
    • Whittier Narrows from July 9-11
    • Venice Beach on July 11
    • Fairplex from July 14-15 and July 18-19
    • West Harbor from July 14-15 and July 18-19

    LAist has a fan guide for the 2026 World Cup.

  • Where is the data going for students?
    A child with dark skin tone, wearing over-ear headphones, is using a computer, which is partially covering their face. There are containers around with papers and other items, and other students out of focus in the foreground.
    Students use computers in a classroom at a school on May 11, 2022.

    Topline:

    California is a national leader in data privacy. Yet state law has gaps that allow companies to collect and sell students’ data.

    New bill: This year, Assemblymember Dawn Addis, a San Luis Obispo Democrat, is carrying a high-profile state bill that would add new protections for students. She says it’s important, especially as the Trump admin is trying to collect data about California residents’ immigration status, gender identity, and their use of certain public benefits.

    Privacy laws: In 2014, California became the first state in the country to regulate education technology companies directly, but being first comes with its drawbacks. “We didn’t have examples of what best practice was,” said Amelia Vance, the president of the Public Interest Privacy Center, a nonprofit organization. The law only applies to products that “primarily” serve K-12 schools and that are designed and marketed for students.

    Read on... for more about the new bill.

    For every aspect of a student’s life, there’s a tech company trying to digitize it. Inside the classroom, online tools proctor exams, create flashcards and submit assignments. Outside, technology coordinates school sports, helps bus drivers find the right route and maintains students’ health records.

    California has a number of laws aimed at protecting children’s data privacy, but those laws have exceptions that allow many tech companies to continue packaging and selling students’ personal information.

    This year, Assemblymember Dawn Addis, a San Luis Obispo Democrat, is carrying a high-profile state bill that would add new protections for students. She says it’s important, especially as the Trump admin is trying to collect data about California residents’ immigration status, gender identity, and their use of certain public benefits.

    Historically, California has been a leader in data privacy. In 2014, California passed a landmark student privacy law that prohibited technology companies from selling students’ data, targeting students in advertising, or disclosing their personal information. Then in 2018, the state passed another unprecedented bill that required all companies give California users certain privacy rights, such as a chance to opt out of data collection and delete some of their information.

    But as technology evolved and proliferated, privacy laws repeatedly fell short in protecting California’s students — at the same time that the federal government has tried to collect increasing amounts of personal information, Addis said.

    Her bill would restrict how AI companies use student data and create new data protections for college students. Some of Sacramento’s most powerful players are paying close attention to the measure, including the California Labor Federation, which supports the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce, which opposes it. Combined, these two groups spent nearly $8 million on campaign donations to state legislators or other political activities in 2024, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. TechNet, a trade association that represents many of the most powerful tech companies, also opposes the bill.

    The proposal, Assembly Bill 1159, would close certain loopholes in the state’s 2014 education privacy law, but experts say it may not be enough to prevent companies from selling students’ data.

    A privacy expert struggles to keep her information private

    Jen King is a privacy and data policy fellow at Stanford’s institute for AI, where she studies the tricks that companies use to gather users’ data and prevent them from opting out, sometimes known as “dark patterns.” In her personal life, she’s vigilant about avoiding online data tracking and maintains a landline in her Bay Area home to avoid giving out her cell phone number.

    King doesn’t want her children’s information available online or for any company to sell, though sometimes it happens before she can stop it.

    In the fall, King got an email about a platform called TeamSnap, which her 12-year-old son’s cross country coaches were using to manage the team’s roster. The company wanted her information, including her name, date of birth, gender, email address, and phone number. Once she logged in to the platform, she could see some of her son’s information, such as his name, email, and date of birth, were already listed. Photos and personal information from all of her son’s teammates were also available for her to see.

    "I was super irritated,” she said. “You don't need my birth date — I'm a freaking parent.” She acknowledged some personal information could be useful for a coach but said that other questions seem designed to help the platform sell information to data brokers and ultimately, to advertisers.

    Her 17-year-old son’s data is also on TeamSnap, she later learned, because his robotics team uses it. This month, when King tried to show CalMatters her TeamSnap account, a pop-up appeared, asking her if the company could track her activity across other apps and websites.

    Federal law requires companies to get parental consent before knowingly collecting or selling data from children 12 and under, but once a child turns 13, their data is generally treated much like an adult’s information, especially when that child is interacting with tech platforms outside of school. TeamSnap’s privacy policy says it doesn’t knowingly collect personal information about users under 13 “without express parental consent,” though it says in some cases a team or organization may provide information on behalf of the child.

    The policy also says that TeamSnap has “not sold the personal information of any consumer for monetary consideration” in the last 12 months, but that its “use of cookies and other tracking technologies may be considered a sale of personal information under the CCPA (California privacy law).” Information sold to advertisers and marketers included users’ names, contact information, purchase history and geolocation, the policy says.

    California privacy law specifically requires certain large for-profit companies to get consent to collect data from anyone under 16. Often, consent happens when a user first opens a website and a pop-up appears, asking if the website can sell your data or track your cookies.

    If a teacher, coach, or other authority figure tells a student that they have to use a website or an app, then the student cannot realistically opt out, King said. They may be too young to understand how to opt out, she added. “Most 15-, 16-year-olds don't have any idea what this is about.”

    Even older college students may have little agency in the technology they use, especially if it’s required for class or residential life. At Stanford, for example, King said her undergraduate students are often required to create Facebook accounts for student groups.

    The same is true for parents. King said she reluctantly gave TeamSnap her personal information, including her name, email, date of birth, and the landline number for her home, because it was the only way to get updates about her son’s team.

    How companies get around California’s education privacy laws

    In 2014, California became the first state in the country to regulate education technology companies directly, but being first comes with its drawbacks. “We didn’t have examples of what best practice was,” said Amelia Vance, the president of the Public Interest Privacy Center, a nonprofit organization. The law only applies to products that “primarily” serve K-12 schools and that are designed and marketed for students.

    Many tech companies argue that their products aren’t primarily intended for students or at least that they were not designed or marketed that way. The language-learning app DuoLingo, for example, has a version for schools, but the app is also popular for adults. Apps or technologies serving extracurricular programs or sports teams can claim they weren’t designed and marketed for the classroom, or that their use isn’t mandatory, said Vance. “You have this sort of black hole where there haven’t been protections.”

    Addis’ bill expands the number of education technology companies that fall under the state’s student privacy laws, but the language is murky when it comes to apps or online services used outside of class.

    In the case of TeamSnap, Addis’ communications director Alexis Garcia-Arrazola said the company would “most likely” fall under the scope of the bill if its technology is marketed to schools, if schools direct students to use it, and if the sports team is sponsored by the school.

    Public records show that Piedmont Unified School District in Alameda County, Tamalpais Union High School District in Marin County, and Santa Monica Malibu Unified School District all purchased versions of TeamSnap, but only the Santa Monica Malibu district responded to CalMatters questions about any privacy restriction imposed on the company. Brandyi Phillips, the chief communications officer for the Santa Monica Malibu schools, said the district has an annual subscription with TeamSnap, which is only available to sports staff and parents. She said there’s an agreement with the company “to protect District information and to prevent unauthorized access” but did not clarify if that agreement prevents the district from selling students’ information.

    Berkeley Unified School District, where King’s children attend school, did not respond to CalMatters’ questions about any contracts, purchase orders or agreements with TeamSnap.

    Locally, school districts and colleges have the power to negotiate the privacy terms of any contract they make with a technology company, but many websites and apps offer free versions that a teacher or coach might recommend without getting formal approval from their district.

    Last year, the California State University system signed a nearly $17 million contract with Open AI, the company that operates ChatGPT, including an agreement that the company will not train its models on student data. Advocates for Addis’ bill say the same privacy restrictions should apply to any AI company with access to California student data, regardless of whether the company has an agreement with the student’s school district or college.

    Are privacy laws getting stricter or looser?

    Addis’ bill comes as privacy laws in California and across the country are in flux. In 2020, California voters approved a proposition to create a new state agency to enforce data privacy rules and regulate the businesses that collect data. Advocates for the proposition contributed over $6.7 million to the campaign, compared to just over $50,000 contributed by the opposition, according to state data. The state agency that the proposition formed, now known as CalPrivacy, released new rules this year, restricting the use of automated decision-making technology, such as the use of AI to make admissions or hiring decisions. Those rules were originally stricter but businesses, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom pressured the CalPrivacy board to water them down.

    In Washington D.C., Congress is considering changing federal law to limit how companies interact with children under 17. Separately, Congress is considering a bill that would require social media companies to prevent and mitigate children’s sexual exploitation, bullying, and self-harm. California Attorney General Rob Bonta is concerned that one version of the social media bill contains language that could erode existing protections in California law.

    Bonta’s office is responsible for enforcing many of the state’s existing privacy laws. In November, he said the state worked with Connecticut and New York to reach $5.1 million in settlements against Illuminate, an education technology company that uses data to track and evaluate students’ progress, such as their testing scores and developmental milestones. The company had a data breach, exposing “sensitive information” from over 434,000 California students, the state attorney general’s office said in a statement.

    It was the first time California successfully went after a company for violating the state’s landmark 2014 education privacy law.

    To increase enforcement, Addis’ bill contains a new provision — the right for students and parents to sue tech companies in certain cases for privacy violations. Business and technology groups have opposed the bill, arguing that the new regulations and the right to sue would stifle investment in AI-powered learning tools.

    King said that giving consumers the right to sue is often the only way to increase enforcement. Otherwise, the onus is on individual consumers to find concerning practices and try to opt out.

    Despite being an expert in data privacy, King said that she struggled at first to figure out how to delete her TeamSnap account, only later to discover that she needed to send an email to the company. She laughed at the irony, since it’s these kinds of dark patterns in user design that fuel part of her research.

    In academia, the strategy of trapping customers is sometimes called the “roach motel,” she explained, a reference to a popular television ad from the late 1970s for a cockroach trap.

    “You can check in,” she said, “but you can never check out.”

    CalMatters reporters Khari Johnson and Ryan Sabalow contributed to this story.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Sponsored message
  • Newsom appoints them with mandate to cut costs
    California Public Utilities Commission President Alice Reynolds, a woman with light skin tone, blonde hair, sits behind a wooden desk as she listens to a person out of focus in the foreground.
    California Public Utilities Commission President Alice Reynolds, left, listens to public comment during a meeting in San Francisco on Aug. 10, 2023. Reynolds is set to leave office and will be replaced by John Reynolds.

    Topline:

    The governor elevated a former self-driving car company lawyer to lead the California Public Utilities Commission, promising a renewed focus on cost cutting.

    More details: The state’s primary utility regulator is under new management. Gov. Gavin Newsom promoted Commissioner John Reynolds to president of the California Public Utilities Commission this week as part of a “new phase” of Newsom’s effort to address sky-high power bills.

    The backstory: California has a mandated goal of reaching 100% carbon-free energy by 2045. At the same time, state residents pay the second-highest electric rates in the U.S. after Hawaii, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Energy Information Administration

    Read on... for more about Newsom's appointment.

    This story was originally published by CalMatters. Sign up for their newsletters.

    The state’s primary utility regulator is under new management. Gov. Gavin Newsom promoted Commissioner John Reynolds to president of the California Public Utilities Commission this week as part of a “new phase” of Newsom’s effort to address sky-high power bills.

    Former President Alice Reynolds will be reassigned later this month to a board of governors position at the California Independent Systems Operator. The two Reynolds are not related.

    “The appointment underscores a renewed focus on cutting costs and improving performance as extreme heat, wildfire risk and upgrades to the electric grid drive new demands on the system,” Newsom’s office said in a press release.

    Reynolds’ focus in this position, the release said, will include lowering utility bills through oversight, making sure money spent on infrastructure does not run aground of affordability and ensuring “utilities deliver results for ratepayers–without slowing California’s clean energy progress.”

    California has a mandated goal of reaching 100% carbon-free energy by 2045. At the same time, state residents pay the second-highest electric rates in the U.S. after Hawaii, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Energy Information Administration

    Reynolds was appointed by Newsom to the utility commission first in 2021 and again in 2022. Before that, he served as managing counsel for autonomous vehicle company Cruise. Reynolds faced criticism in 2023 for his time at Cruise, when safety incidents led the International Brotherhood of Teamsters to call for his resignation and regulators to revoke Cruise’s autonomous vehicle permits. The commission oversees aspects of autonomous vehicle regulation in California.

    Outgoing president Reynolds was appointed the commission’s top position in late 2021 after three years as Newsom’s senior energy advisor. Newsom called her “one of my most trusted advisors on energy policy” in his release.

    Newsom also this week appointed Christine Harada to the board to fill the open commissioner seat. Harada was most recently the undersecretary of the California Government Operations Agency, and served as a senior advisor in former president Joe Biden’s Office of Management and Budget.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • In major blow, Supreme Court strikes them down

    Topline:

    The Supreme Court said President Donald Trump's tariffs policies under IEEPA are unconstitutional, dealing a major blow to the president's signature economic policy.

    About the ruling: Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the 6-3 opinion. Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Brett Kavanaugh dissented.
    How we got here: At issue in the case were the implementation of Trump's campaign pledge to impose massive tariffs on foreign imports. In some two dozen previous cases, the Supreme Court has been largely receptive to Trump's claims of presidential authority, but those victories came on the Supreme Court's emergency docket, allowing Trump policies to take effect on a temporary basis while the litigation played out in the lower courts.

    Updated February 20, 2026 at 12:04 PM ET

    The U.S. Supreme Court said President Trump's tariffs policies imposed under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEPPA) are unconstitutional, dealing a major blow to the president's signature economic policy.

    Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the 6-3 opinion. Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Brett Kavanaugh dissented.

    Writing for the court's majority, Chief Justice John Roberts said Trump lacked the peacetime authority to use IEPPA to pose tariffs.

    "In light of the breadth, history, and constitutional context of that asserted authority, he must identify clear congressional authorization to exercise it," Robert wrote, concluding Trump has not.

    Trump had argued persistent trade imbalances and the flood of fentanyl coming into the country presented national emergencies and pose a threat to national security.

    During arguments before the court last year, Trump's lawyers had said the president possessed the authority to issue tariffs. Roberts rejected that argument. "When Congress grants the power to impose tariffs, it does so clearly and with careful constraints," he wrote. "It did neither here."

    Justice Kavanaugh, who wrote the principal dissent, noted that the court's decision had opened up a can of worms.

    "The United Sates may be required to refund billions of dollars to importers who paid the IEEPA tariffs, even though some importers may have already passed on costs to consumers or others," he wrote.

    As of last December, the government collected more than $130 billion in revenue from the tariffs. Kavanaugh pointed out that the "Court says nothing today about whether, and if so how, the government should go about returning the billions of dollars that it has collected from importers."

    At issue in the case was the implementation of Trump's campaign pledge to impose massive tariffs on foreign imports. After his inauguration, Trump issued an executive order that initially imposed a tariff of at least 10% on goods from most countries doing business with the United States. Goods from countries like China have been hit with much higher tariffs — up to 145%, though they have since come down. Imports from allies like Canada and Mexico have been taxed at 25%; Canada's rate was later increased to 35%. 

    But the up-and-down, fluctuating tariffs around the world spooked American businesses, prompting a court challenge, contending that the president had exceeded his authority in imposing the tariffs.

    In some two dozen previous cases, the Supreme Court has been largely receptive to Trump's claims of presidential authority, but those victories came on the Supreme Court's emergency docket, allowing Trump policies to take effect on a temporary basis while the litigation played out in the lower courts.

    In contrast, the tariff cases are the real deal, with the court having ordered full briefing and expedited arguments in the case, and offering the justices the first real opportunity to say "no" to the president.  

    On Friday, the justices did just that.

    This is a developing story and will be updated.

    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • New show brings fans to a funk show in 1974
    A brown-skinned woman and a lighter-skinned man dressed in golden 70's garb dance in the middle of a crowd. The man is also wearing a red gown.
    Ursa Major (played by Celeste Butler Clayton) and Copper Jones (played by Ari Herstand) are the lead vocalists for Brassroots District, a '70s funk band within a new immersive theater experience in Los Angeles.

    Topline:

    A new immersive theater experience takes theater-goers back to Los Angeles in the ‘70s. The show called Brassroot District ‘74, which runs through late March, is a funk concert chock full of storylines that encourage audience participation.

    Read on… for more on what to expect during the show.

    A funk band plays their first show after the release of their debut album. The band is signed to a small-time record label owned by the co-lead singer’s brother. However, tension comes to a head when an executive from Columbia Records looks to sign away the band during the show.

    This lore is what leads Brassroots District: LA ‘74, a live show that’s half concert and half immersive theater located at Catch One on Pico Boulevard.

    This story concept is the brainchild of musician Ari Herstand and music executive Andrew Leib.

    The genesis of the idea, according to Herstand, came from two experiences: a trip to New Orleans where he was inspired by the city’s funk and soul music scene and a trip to New York where he watched the city’s Sleep No More immersive play. He took the idea back to Brassroots District’s co-creator Andrew Leib and formed the show’s first iteration during the COVID pandemic as an outdoor show in a parking lot pegged to a fictional venue.

    “ The concept of this was — the year’s 1973. Brassroots District is this hot band in L.A. on the rise,’” Herstand said. “We get our big break opening for Sly and the Family Stone at the fabulous Orbit Arena in L.A. But we're not opening inside the arena. We're opening the parking lot tailgate hang outside the arena, but it's our big break because a record label’s coming to check us out.”

    Transforming into the 70’s & what theater-goers can expect

    Audience members attending this latest iteration of the show are encouraged to dress in 70’s style threads. When they arrive at Catch One, they’re asked to put their phones in black bags to avoid using them during the show. (Don’t worry, the phones will still be on your person).

    From there, patrons enter the venue and meet “Gem,” who guides the experience of the show. The show, directed by DeMone Seraphin, engages people to participate in activities all throughout the venue, including group dances led by fan club leader “Cassie the Brassie,” backstage breathing exercises, call and response in songs and a soul train line on the dance floor.

    The music is performed by a nine-piece funk band led by co-lead singers “Copper Jones” (played by Herstand) and “Ursa Major” (played by Celeste Butler Clayton). And the music pays homage to popular 70’s bands like Sly and the Family Stone.

     ”My whole family definitely is stuck in the seventies, so it was really nice to come. Like I grew up with this type of music," said audience member Brandon Lipsett.

    Meanwhile throughout the night, different storylines show tension on the dance floor between the two label owners, the band and many side characters.

    At a recent performance, before Brassroots District came onstage, LAist talked with “Barry Baker,” a reporter embedded within the show who’s looking to uncover a big story brewing throughout the night all on his vintage Sony tape recorder.

    “ There's a lot of big personalities in the band, so I'm hoping it goes smoothly for them,” he said, alluding to the tension between the record labels throughout the night. “But if it doesn't, it's kind of good for us.”

    The storylines all play out simultaneously, which Brassroots District organizer Herstand explains are by design.

     ”[It] is a reason for you to come back because there's no way that you'll be able to pick up all the different scenes and storylines just attending one time,” Herstand said.

    References to Los Angeles

    Beyond historical tidbits on Richard Nixon and Vietnam that dominated the news in 1974, characters in the show make references to the Southland, including the Malibu Pier and Crenshaw Boulevard.

    “ It's very important to us to honor the tradition of Los Angeles, of music, of cultures,” Herstand said, “like what is happening in Los Angeles in 1974, politically, socioeconomically, culturally, racially, all of that… And then the allusions to the bands that are coming up in L.A., the clubs in L.A. like the Troubadour, these institutions of Los Angeles. So, because we love L.A. so much and L.A. is our home now, we wanna honor all of that and really pay tribute to the history.”

    And the character of Gem pays homage to Catch One’s original owner Jewel Thais-Williams, who was known for helming the L.A. nightclub as a safe space for the Black LGBTQ+ community.

     ”We wanna respect and continue the legacy of the space that we're in. We believe that [in] this venue, the walls can speak and they're alive,” Herstand said. “And so there is a bit of her legacy that is written into this current script with Catch One.”

    Brassroots District: LA ‘74 runs until March 28. Learn more about the show here.