The Brief

Many of us learned it in history class. In 1781, 44 men, women and children traveled from Mexico under the banner of Spain, settling indigenous land to found what is now Los Angeles.

But did you know that over half of those pobladores, as they were known, had African ancestry? For decades, the information was repressed or derided by racist historians and civic leaders, eager to Europeanize the past.

“The Spanish, like most colonizers, had systems where they categorized people on racial grounds,” says Susan D. Anderson, History Curator and Program Manager at the California African American Museum.

“The census in Spain, like all European censuses, included information about the settlers that revealed this very complicated racial system of categorization. So, the reason that we know the background of the demographic background of the settlers is because of this ancient census-taking system.”

According to El Pueblo: The Historic Heart of Los Angeles by Jean Bruce Poole and Tevvy Ball, in 1777, Felipe de Neve, Spanish governor of the Californias, asked the Colonial Spanish government in Mexico to help him establish a new pueblo near the flourishing Gabrieleño village of Yang-Na. The land was prime for farming — “a very spacious valley, well-grown with cottonwood and alders, among which ran a beautiful river,” Father Juan Crespi recorded.

Agricultural settlements were badly needed in fledgling Alta California, to provide food for the string of missions and presidios (military garrisons) being built across the colony. They were also needed as a buffer against Russian and British aggressors. Neve’s request was granted and agents for the Spanish crown began searching for “men of the field” who were “without vices or defects” to recruit as settlers.

A statue of Felipe de Neve at La Plaza

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Los Angeles Public Library

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Agents focused their recruiting efforts on what are now the Mexican states of Sonora and Sinaloa. According to America’s Black Heritage, one-third of the people living in Sinaloa were of African descent. Intermarriage was common in Spanish Mexico, leading to an elaborate caste system which classified people according to their racial heritage.

In the Sinaloan town of El Rosario, where most of the future settlers lived, two-thirds of the residents were of Spanish and African descent and classified as “mulattos.”

Enslaved Black people were essential to the success of colonizers all over the western world. “The only reason people were settling on Indigenous land is because of the slave trade,” Anderson says.

“And it doesn't matter if it's Uruguay or Mexico or the U.S., it's all the same. There were so many Africans that were brought to the New World. So, for us to think that Mexicans aren't of African descent or Chileans aren't of African descent? It's crazy.”

Compared to enslaved people in the United States, people in bondage in Mexico were often able to purchase their rightful freedom.

“In Mexico, slaves were permitted to marry, and no master could sell and separate wives and husbands or children, and it was relatively easy for a slave to obtain his freedom,” William A. Mason and James Anderson write in America’s Black Heritage. “There was a place in society for the freed slave in Mexico. He was not an outcast.”

By the 1780s, roughly 90 percent of those classified as “mulattos” in Sinaloa were free. Many had probably been free for generations. Spanish agents scoured the area, promising land, rations, salaries, and livestock to potential settlers. Those who signed up included the eleven families who eventually became known as the founders of Los Angeles.

Settlers of Black descent

According to the anthology Seeking El Dorado: African Americans in California, of the eleven original families of Los Angeles, seven involved couples of different racial backgrounds, while two couples were of African Spanish descent.

Some of these couples were Luis and Maria Quintero, Manuel and Maria Tomasa Camero, Jose and Maria Guadalupe Moreno, Antonio and Maria Ana Mesa, and Basillo and Maria Manuela Rosas.

The pioneers left home and made the arduous journey to the Mission San Gabriel, around twenty-five miles away from the new pueblo of Los Angeles. Despite popular belief that they all arrived together at the new townsite on September 6, 1781, records in The Founding Documents of Los Angeles: A Bilingual Edition make clear they arrived in L.A. in waves, and each family received both a plot of land for a home and a field to till.

“The first homes, earth covered willow-and-tule huts, were soon replaced by adobe dwellings with flat roofs, which were later waterproofed with a coat of brea from the tar pits a few miles west on the Indian trail toward the ocean,” Poole and Ball write. “The pioneers constructed a dam and irrigation canals, including the zanja madre, or mother ditch, to bring water to the pueblo, and set about tilling and planting the fields.”

Life on the frontier was hard, and there were tensions between the settlers. In 1782, three families were “expelled” from Los Angeles. Antonio Mesa, who was said to be disillusioned with pioneer life, returned with his family to Sonora. Luis and Maria Quintero also left, but they didn’t go far. They settled in Santa Barbara, near three of their married daughters. Quintero became Santa Barbara’s first tailor, and his grandson Josef Rafael Gonzalez, served as alcalde (mayor) of Santa Barbara in 1829.

According to the LA Almanac, the Camero and Moreno families stayed in Los Angeles, where both Manuel and Jose served as city councilmen. They were joined by other settlers of Black descent, including Fernando Reyes, who was the first elected mayor of Los Angeles in 1793.

Pobladores' descendants

By 1790, census records indicate 18% of colonists throughout Alta California were of African descent. This number was probably incorrect, since many Afro Latinos had already begun changing their names and racial classification.

Maria Guadalupe Perez, the wife of Jose Moreno and the last of the Pobladores, lived to see California become an American state in 1850. She died in 1860. Her granddaughter, Catalina, became the life partner of Mexican soldier Don Andres Pico (who also had African ancestry), the brother of the last Mexican governor Pio Pico.

Maria Rita Valdez, the granddaughter of Luis Quintero, was a brilliant businesswoman who ran her family’s prosperous 4,500-acre rancho known as El Rancho Rodeo de las Aguas. She sold it to Henry Hancock and Benjamin D. Wilson in 1854. The area is now known as Beverly Hills.

John Gómez, Adelina Mutaw de Lugo, Minnie Lugo de Gómez, Mary Abelar de Lugo, Isabel Lugo de Wilson, Suzanne Lugo de Barker in May 1937. The Lugo women are direct descendants of Luís Quintero, one of the original pobladores.

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But, by the time Maria Guadalupe Perez died, these women’s heritage was being consciously blotted out by the new xenophobic, racist American elites of Los Angeles. “Once the U.S. took over California and then getting into the 20th century, white historians started whitewashing California's history,” Anderson notes.

According to historian William M. Mason, the uproar began in 1884, when historian Hubert Howe Bancroft published the 1781 census of the Pobladores, which included their caste, in his book History of California. The backlash was immediate, with fellow Californian J.M. Guinn deriding the Pobladores’ contributions, claiming they “were mongrels in race…poor in purse, poor in blood, poor in all the sterner qualities of character that our own hearty pioneers possessed.”

Los Angeles boosters, eager to lure more white Americans to Southern California, increased their campaign to erase L.A.’s multi-ethnic beginnings, and paint the Pobladores as European Spaniards. This meant that many of the founders’ thousands of descendants were unaware of their Black heritage.

This campaign continued well into the twentieth century. “The racial background of the founders was in the textbooks in the 1940s,” Anderson says. “By the 1950s, when the district put out new textbooks, they erased that information.”

Reclaiming the city's Black heritage

There were some L.A. historians who insisted on reclaiming the city’s Black heritage. In the 1950s, Glen Price, a curator for the Plaza Park Project, commissioned a plaque which pointedly included the race of each of the original 44 settlers. “The plaque soon vanished without a trace,” Cecilia Rasmussen reported in the Los Angeles Times. “Rumor had it that several Recreation and Parks commissioners had been displeased by its public display of the role blacks played in the city’s founding.”

California historian William A. Mason also advocated for reclaiming the founders’ heritage. “In view of our great debt to the pobladores,” he wrote in 1975, “we should celebrate them for what they really were — a racially mixed group with a decidedly Black cast.”

Charlotta A. Bass, publisher and editor of the California Eagle newspaper in the 1950's

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But it was two Black women who would make sure the Black Pobladores were recognized and honored. “I would say that there are probably two heroes in my book who are associated with these campaigns,” Anderson says. “One is Charlotta Bass.”

Bass, the legendary publisher of The California Eagle, used her paper to tell the truth about the settlers’ heritage. “Of the eleven founding families, 56% would be classified as colored today!” she wrote in 1941, per Victoria Bernal of PBS SoCal. “These are no idle statistics, since the names, lot numbers and race of the founders are preserved in the archives of the State of California and City of Los Angeles."

“In 1948,” Bernal writes, “she opined about the city's 167th anniversary, ‘When celebrating anniversaries, the City of Angels has always avoided any mention of the fact that among the first settlers (the first 44 persons) there were some important Black angels…’”

As Anderson notes, the other hero in the story was the pioneering Miriam Matthews, who was the first certified Black librarian in California. Known as the “dean of Los Angeles Black history,” Matthews worked tirelessly to chronicle Black history in Los Angeles, including reclaiming the origins of the city’s founders. "It is a sad commentary when the names of these black families — Antonio Mesa, Manuel Camero, Luis Quintero, Jose Moreno — were omitted from many history books,” she wrote in The Los Angeles Sentinel.

When Matthews was appointed by Mayor Tom Bradley to the bicentennial committee to put together L.A.’s 200th anniversary celebration, she was determined to have a new plaque honoring the Pobladores placed near where the city began. “And that was my top priority: a proper founders monument to be erected in the plaza, in the State Historic Park” she later said in an interview.

On September 4, 1981, a plaque recreating the 1791 census, complete with the racial backgrounds of each settler, was unveiled on the southern side of the Los Angeles Plaza. There it stands to this day. “A result,” Anderson says, “of a a generations long battle to expose the historical truth.”

A woman was arrested for allegedly trafficking arms on behalf of the Iranian government at LAX on Saturday night, according to authorities.

Shamim Mafi of Woodland Hills is charged with helping the regime sell drones, bombs and millions of rounds of ammunition to Sudan.

Bill Essayli, First Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, made the arrest announcement Sunday morning on social media.

The 44-year-old Mafi is expected to appear in court for a bond hearing Monday afternoon in downtown L.A.

According to the criminal complaint filed by the Department of Justice and obtained by LAist, Mafi allegedly brokered weapons deals on behalf of Iran through Atlas International, a business in Oman she co-owns, including facilitating a contract valued at more than €60 million (or some US $70 million) for the sale of Iranian-made armed drones to Sudan.

She is also being accused of brokering the sale of 55,000 bomb fuses, AK-47 machine guns and other weapons to the Sudanese Ministry of Defense.

Mafi faces up to 20 years in federal prison if convicted.

Essayli said Mafi is an Iranian national who became a permanent resident of the U.S. in 2016.

After weeks of waiting to hear how — or whether — the U.S. government might refund the tariffs struck down by the Supreme Court, Monday is the day it finally begins.

Imagine tens of thousands of business owners with their fingers hovering over laptops, ready to enter America's hottest new queue: the U.S. tariff-refund portal.

U.S. Customs is launching just the first phase of payouts, so not all the goods imported under the illegal tariffs will immediately qualify. And the latest federal guidance says that after refund requests are approved, it could take 60 to 90 days to return the money to the importer.

Still, this marks a turning point for U.S. importers, who've waited for clarity for exactly two months since the U.S. Supreme Court declared most of President Trump's tariffs unconstitutional. The high court did not opine on the process of refunds, and government officials at first suggested the process could prove unwieldy.

"Small businesses organized, spoke out, and won a major victory," said Main Street Alliance, which advocates for U.S. small businesses, in a statement. "Now, the federal government must follow through with a refund process that truly works for Main Street."

U.S. Customs has estimated that it owes a total of $166 billion in tariff refunds, and the agency's legal filings suggest that the initial phase would tackle the majority of affected imports. On Tuesday, a Customs official told a judge that the vast majority of eligible importers signed up for electronic payments, as the agency is requiring, and that group is owed about $127 billion.

Will consumers see any of that money land in their pockets? Probably not, economics and legal experts say.

The cost of tariffs has been woven into the prices of many products in a way that can make it hard to separate out what customers ultimately paid. Often, manufacturers, suppliers, importers, retailers and shoppers all absorb costs along the way. And with tariffs landing on the heels of historic inflation, companies big and small have argued that they ate much of the cost to avoid spooking shoppers with higher prices.

In fact, many retailers find themselves in a similar quandary because tariff refunds will go to whoever paid the actual customs bill. It's unclear how, or if, the refunds might trickle down to store owners who paid tariff surcharges to their suppliers.

"As a retailer, I didn't pay tariffs directly. However, I did pay them indirectly in the form of higher wholesale prices," says Joe Kimray, owner of B & W Hardware in North Carolina. Most of his products are either made abroad or use imported parts.

"I plan to have conversations with a number of manufacturers and hope that they will do the right thing and share some of the tariff refund money with us," he says. "I don't expect to get a direct refund check from anyone, but it could be even as simple as offering discounts on the wholesale cost of future product purchases."

Shoppers hoping to recoup their own tariff expenses have launched class-action lawsuits against several companies, including Costco and FedEx. The shipping giant has pledged to pass down any refunds it receives. Costco's CEO last month told investors the company would return shoppers' money through "lower prices and better values" and would be transparent about its plans.

U.S. Customs' initial phase of refunds will focus on tariff payments that haven't been finalized because they technically are still under federal review. (Companies typically pay import duties as soon as their goods arrive at the border, but the complete customs review that follows can take nearly a year.) The government will continue to set up its new system, called CAPE, so that it can later on refund older, finalized tariff payments.

NPR asked U.S. Customs and Border Protection about the scale of tariff refunds it expects to handle in the first phase, including the volume of claims the agency's new tool is prepared to handle on Monday. A CBP spokesperson in response said that CAPE was developed "to efficiently process refunds" and referred importers and brokers to the agency's updated tariff-refund guidance.

NPR's Scott Horsley contributed to this report.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Monopoly lovers can now buy up the Queen Mary, collect rent on Belmont Shore and park their token at a storied tattoo shop, Outer Limits.

The Long Beach landmarks line the spaces of a new Monopoly edition themed around L.A. County’s second biggest city, released just this month.

The Long Beach edition is part of an expanding series of Monopoly games featuring dozens of American cities, which Hasbro licensee Top Trumps started to produce about five years ago when interest in board games surged during the pandemic.

What it takes to make the cut

How does a city land on one of the world's most popular board games? Turns out, it’s not just a roll of the dice.

“We’re looking for places with strong community pride, places where people will really love seeing their city on a Monopoly board,” said Jennifer Tripsea, a partnership sales executive with Top Trumps.

Long Beach fit the bill and got to join a list of SoCal cities on Monopoly boards including Huntington Beach, Riverside and Palm Springs.

Tripsea said in some instances, a city will pitch themselves to the company — she didn’t disclose which have — but not every place makes the cut.

There has to be enough population — or local enthusiasm — to support a run of thousands of games.

Top Trumps sells the games online and through local businesses, sometimes the same ones featured on the board. That creates a built-in customer base: residents, tourists and collectors hunting for their next addition.

And while some businesses may offer to sponsor their way into consideration, their inclusion isn’t a given.

Tripsea said when deciding who earns a spot, the company weighs cultural relevance, brand standards and community input.

The community gets a turn

Once a city is selected, residents are invited to help shape the board.

That means emailing suggested landmarks and drafting potential Chance and Community Chest cards. For Long Beach, one Community Chest card directs players to collect $100 if they "attend a beach cleanup at Alamitos Beach."

Hundreds of submissions flooded in over the last year, many pointing to the same top attractions, Tripsea said. The Queen Mary and Aquarium of the Pacific take up the same spots on the board that are occupied by Park Place and Boardwalk in the original game.

Of course the Queen Mary historic ocean liner landed a plum spot on the Long Beach version of Monopoly.

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Patrick T. Fallon

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Others featured on the board are lesser known to outsiders, like Rosie’s Dog Beach and the Arts Council for Long Beach.

The arts nonprofit was “surprised and excited” to hear from Top Trumps last year that they were being included in a version all about Long Beach, said interim executive director Lisa DeSmidt.

“I describe Long Beach as a big city that's run like a small town, and that everybody kind of knows each other to some degree,” DeSmidt said. “Long Beach has a sense of community in that Long Beach takes care of Long Beach people.”

An intern for the Arts Council for Long Beach designed its space on the Monopoly board.

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Arts Council for Long Beach

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An intern for the arts council, Peyton Smith, designed its space on the board, featuring small, intricate renderings of landmarks like the Long Beach Airport and the pyramid arena at Cal State Long Beach.

For DeSmidt, the game serves as a kind of cultural snapshot highlighting the city’s mix of arts, neighborhoods and institutions. It’s reminiscent of the council’s own project mapping the city’s cultural assets.

“This ties into uplifting what makes Long Beach unique and what people love about it,” DeSmidt said.

Monopoly's lasting pull

Outer Limits Tattoo was also invited to be part of the game, where it now appears next to VIP Records on the board.

Recognized as the country’s oldest continuously working tattoo shop, Outer Limits’ history dates back to 1927, when it opened in the waterfront amusement district known as The Pike, now home to the Pike Outlets.

Outer Limits' general manager Matt Hand said once word got out that the shop was stocking the game, customers started showing up just to buy it.

“It’s just a cool thing,” Hand said. “Especially when it’s like, ‘The business where I get tattooed’ is on the board.”

A big reason Hand thinks these editions are catching on is nostalgia. Seeing your own city in a board game that you played as a kid — and may be now playing with your own kids — is thrilling.

“You're basically like a part of the game now,” Hand said.

You might have noticed a little more purple on your commute in Los Angeles recently. Turns out the jacarandas are putting on their annual show of blooms a little early this year.

Originally from the tropics, jacarandas respond to changes in temperature. They typically flower in our region from late April to mid-June.

But remember that sweltering heat wave we got in March?

“They got the clear sign: ‘It’s over 90 [degrees], it’s hot out. Even though you weren’t quite prepared, it’s time to put out some flowers,'” Loral Hall, community forestry senior program manager at environmental nonprofit TreePeople, told LAist.

Hall said not only do jacarandas grace us every year with thick canopies and carpets of purple, they’re relatively drought tolerant, pest resistant and able to grow in urban areas (like in a small square patch of dirt surrounded by concrete).

“They’re attention-grabbers here in Southern California,” said Hall, who grew up in Hollywood and has childhood memories of playing with the fallen purple blooms at a local park. “In a place where we don’t have really obvious seasons, [jacaranda blooms] are a sign that warmer weather is on the way.”

Hall also shared a lesser-known fact about jacarandas: There’s a white cultivar, too. The white version is much more rare in L.A., though with some of the trees rumored to be in a non-public area of the L.A. County Arboretum, Hall said.

A jacaranda at the LA Arboretum.

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Katherine Garrova

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How’d they get here? 

The jacaranda is native to the tropical and subtropical regions of Argentina and Brazil.

While we don’t know exactly when the jacaranda first arrived in our area, we do know they were brought to Southern California in the late 19th century and proliferated thanks to a local horticulturist named Kate Sessions.

Where are the purple hot spots? 

A couple years ago, a local data graphics editor even created an interactive map so you can find the purple hot spots.

They’re... everywhere, so it shouldn’t be too hard to stumble upon a jacaranda show.