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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Federal program comes to end earlier than expected
    TKTKT
    A general view of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), as seen in Washington, D.C., on Monday, March 30, 2020.

    Topline:

    A $5 billion pot of federal money set aside to help people on the verge of homelessness pay the rent is running out of cash — and no one has a plan to keep the roughly 60,000 renters, more than 15,000 of them in California — from losing their housing after the last dollar is spent.

    The Emergency Housing Voucher program: The program was modeled after the much larger and well-known Housing Choice Voucher program, also known as “Section 8.” It is more narrowly targeted at those in most dire need: people currently living on the street or in shelters, those just on the verge of homelessness and anyone fleeing domestic violence or human trafficking. Congress funded the emergency vouchers in 2021 - one of many COVID-19-era additions to the nation’s social safety net - with a lump sum of $5 billion. The federal housing department was given until 2030 to spend all $5 billion

    Why did the money run out sooner than expected? News of the imminent expiration of the Emergency Housing Voucher program came in a March 6 letter. The federal housing department did not respond to repeated emails and voice messages requesting an interview about why the funds ran out sooner than many expected, and whether the March 6 letter represented a change in federal policy. After temporary freezes on all categories of federal funding in late January, the administration, led by DOGE, its “Department of Government Efficiency,” has more quietly extinguished select federal housing programs. Earlier this month the City of Los Angeles stopped accepting new applications for its general Housing Choice Voucher program, citing uncertain support from Washington.

    A $5 billion pot of federal money set aside to help people on the verge of homelessness pay the rent is running out of cash — and no one has a plan to keep the roughly 60,000 renters, more than 15,000 of them in California — from losing their housing after the last dollar is spent.

    News of the imminent expiration of the Emergency Housing Voucher program came in a March 6 letter the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sent to local public housing authorities, the agencies that administer federal rental housing assistance programs.

    A final payment this spring may allow some agencies to keep their emergency programs running into 2026, the letter reads. But housing authorities were advised to move forward with “the expectation that no additional funding from HUD will be forthcoming.”

    For the housing authority staff who received the letter, it remains unclear whether the program is winding down simply because it has run out of funds on its own accord or whether it represents a policy shift from the Trump administration, which has been on an aggressive and often uncoordinated cost cutting tear across the federal bureaucracy.

    The letter came as a shock to Lisa Jones, CEO of the San Diego Housing Commission. Jones said the commission could conceivably pay its share of the rent for the nearly 400 San Diego renters currently assisted by the program through December. After that, she could think of no obvious way to make up for the missing federal dollars.

    Jones spoke to CalMatters from Washington D.C., where the heads of housing authorities across the country had gathered for a conference and to lobby their representatives. As news of the end of the program has spread among her counterparts, “a quiet panic” has set in, she said.

    Absent federal money, “we don’t have the funding to solve that problem,” she said.

    The program was modeled after the much larger and well-known Housing Choice Voucher program. Also known as “Section 8,” that long-standing program pays at least 70% of the rent for anyone earning under a certain income and lucky enough to secure one of its scarce vouchers. The Emergency Housing Voucher program is more narrowly targeted at those in most dire need: people currently living on the street or in shelters, those just on the verge of homelessness and anyone fleeing domestic violence or human trafficking.

    This could very well lead to thousands of additional people becoming homeless in California.
    — Alex Visotzky, senior policy fellow, the National Alliance to End Homelessness


    “It’s a group of people who, but for the voucher, would be at extreme risk of falling back into homelessness,” said Mari Castaldi, who focuses on state housing policy for the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, a progressive think tank.

    The termination of the emergency programs comes at an inauspicious time for federal rental assistance programs across the country.

    For decades, the federal government has offered Housing Choice Vouchers to fewer than 1-in-4 Americans who qualify for those benefits. In California’s large metro areas, voucher waiting lists — the time between when someone applies and actually receives one — regularly tops out at more than a decade.

    That means few housing authorities will have many extra housing vouchers to offer anyone booted from the emergency program. Absent another solution, that would put housing authorities in the virtually unprecedented position of having to revoke assistance from people who are currently depending upon it to pay the rent.

    “There’s just no plan in place to determine what would happen” in that case, said Alex Visotzky with the National Alliance to End Homelessness. “This could very well lead to thousands of additional people becoming homeless in California.”

    Why the funds ran out

    The emergency program was never meant to be permanent. Creating one of many COVID-19-era additions to the nation’s social safety net, Congress funded the emergency vouchers in 2021 with a lump sum of $5 billion. Once those funds were spent, the program was meant to come to an end.

    The wind-down was supposed to be gradual.

    After the program’s roll out, housing authorities were told to stop reissuing the emergency vouchers as renters exited the program — because they no longer needed the help, moved to a different city or died. That way, the program was meant to phase itself out of existence. The federal housing department was given until 2030 to spend all $5 billion.

    That led many local officials and housing advocates to assume the program would be funded through the end of the decade.

    The wind-down of the emergency program is just the latest shudder in an unprecedented upheaval in federal housing policy enacted by President Donald Trump. The administration is considering mass layoffs at the federal housing department, raising concerns among some housing policy experts about whether they can seamlessly operate federal programs, including Section 8. After temporary freezes on all categories of federal funding in late January, the administration, led by DOGE, its “Department of Government Efficiency,” has more quietly extinguished select federal housing programs. Earlier this month the City of Los Angeles stopped accepting new applications for its general Housing Choice Voucher program, citing uncertain support from Washington.

    The federal housing department did not respond to repeated emails and voice messages requesting an interview about why the funds ran out sooner than many expected, and whether the news in the March 6 letter represented a change in federal policy.

    “To me it just doesn’t sound right, that we’re so far off the mark — four years off the mark,” said Emilio Salas, executive director of the Los Angeles County Development Authority, which oversees federal housing voucher programs for 66 cities and all unincorporated communities across the L.A. basin.

    Sonya Acosta, a policy analyst with the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, said she hasn’t seen any evidence that the end of the Emergency Housing Voucher program is the handiwork of DOGE. Instead, she pointed to a familiar problem as the more likely culprit: sky-high rents.

    Since Congress authorized the new vouchers in early 2021, rents across the country experienced a post-pandemic boom. That’s even true at the bottom half of the rental market, which the federal housing department uses to set its rental support levels. Between 2021 and 2025, for example, “fair market rents” in San Diego’s Barrio Logan neighborhood increased by 43%, nearly double the overall rate of inflation during the same period, according to the department.

    Because the housing voucher programs pay the difference between a tenant’s income and rent, soaring rents and stagnant incomes mean the government pays more.

    “We’ve seen those really big increases in rent that has also meant that some of the spending might have gone a little bit faster than initial HUD estimates,” said Acosta.

    That basic math problem has put the screws to the overall Section 8 program too. Jones, in San Diego, said the Housing Commission’s average per-household rental assistance payment at the beginning of the pandemic was around $870 each month. Now it’s roughly $1,400. Because the emergency voucher program allows for more generous payments and because its voucher holders tend to have even lower incomes than regular voucher holders, the average emergency voucher is about $2,200, she said.

    “The gap between the rental market and the lowest incomes in our community is widening,” she said.

    What happens when the money runs out

    Without fresh funding, there’s no way many housing authorities would be able to transfer emergency voucher holders onto the regular voucher program.

    In Santa Barbara County, for example, nearly 1-in-10 of the local housing authority’s vouchers have been shelved, kept out of the hands of qualified renters because the authority can’t afford to provide the assistance.

    So once the emergency funding runs out “we have no way of helping those people right now,” said housing authority director Bob Havlicek. “Even if we did have extra vouchers available, then its public policy issue of ‘why are you helping these folks if you have people on your waitlist?’ We can’t win either way.”

    There isn’t much optimism from advocates that the state will step up once the emergency funds run dry.

    Bond funds that the state has used to prop up much of its affordable housing spending are running low, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget for the coming fiscal year includes little extra and rental subsidies, a costly and ongoing expense, have historically been a federal responsibility anyway.

    That leaves the federal government, which does not appear to be in a big spending mood when it comes to social programs.

    The gap between the rental market and the lowest incomes in our community is widening.
    — Lisa Jones, CEO, San Diego Housing COmmission

    On Monday, Trump signed a budget bill to continue funding the federal government at levels set last year. That may provide a steady funding source for the overall federal housing voucher program, though the bill may give his administration flexibility to redirect some of those funds if it chooses to. It does nothing to address the fate of the Emergency Housing Voucher program.

    “We should figure out a way to save this program and make sure these people continue to receive federal rental assistance,” said Tushar Gurjal, a policy analyst at the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials, which lobbies Congress on behalf of affordable housing providers. “None of these folks did anything wrong. They’re just using their vouchers and following all the rules.”

  • Deputies to wear body cameras as rollout starts
    body_cameras_main.jpg
    A West Valley City, Utah, patrol officer operates his body camera. LASD is bringing them to county jails for the first time.

    Topline:

    L.A. County Sheriff Robert Luna is introducing body-worn cameras in jails for the first time. The Sheriff's Department says the move is designed to enhance safety, accountability and transparency.

    Why it matters: The Sheriff's Department says body-worn cameras provide additional information during public interactions and increases the ability to reduce criminal and civil liability. The cameras also will allow officers to collect evidence for use in criminal investigations and prosecutions. According to the LASD, research has shown that when officers are outfitted with body cameras, citizen complaints decrease, use-of-force incidents decrease, subject behavior improves and transparency and public trust are enhanced.

    Why now: Luna said body-worn cameras started Oct. 1 at the Men's Central Jail, Twin Towers Correctional Facility, the Inmate Reception Center and Century Regional Detention Facility. He added that more than 1,000 personnel have been trained on the cameras, and the department is training 7,200 additional employees each week.

    The backstory: In September, California Attorney General Rob Bonta announced the state was suing Los Angeles County and the Sheriff's Department over conditions inside the jail system. The suit claimed inmates lacked basic access to clean water and edible food and lived in facilities that were infested with rats and roaches. At that point, Bonta said there had been 36 deaths in jails in 2025 and 205 deaths over the past four years. The Sheriff's Department responded by insisting progress has been made in improving jail conditions and in meeting requirements of four existing federal settlement agreements relating to the jails.

    What's next: Luna said the department will be rolling out body-worn cameras to the jail at the Pitchess Detention Center, the L.A. County General Medical Center Jail ward and all other custody support units.

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  • Shredded, grated cheese varieties recalled

    Topline:

    Two of the nation's latest food recalls concern cheese — and lots of it.

    About the recalls: The recalls are distinct, citing different food safety concerns: One involves hundreds of thousands of containers of shredded mozzarella and multi-cheese blends, while the other affects several brands of grated Pecorino Romano.

    About the products: Both recalls target products that have sell-by dates in 2026 and are sold in major retailers in more than a dozen states.

    Read on... for more about the recalls.

    Two of the nation's latest food recalls concern cheese — and lots of it.

    The recalls are distinct, citing different food safety concerns: One involves hundreds of thousands of containers of shredded mozzarella and multi-cheese blends, while the other affects several brands of grated Pecorino Romano.

    But both target products that have sell-by dates in 2026 and are sold in major retailers in more than a dozen states.

    Here's what to know:

    The shredded cheese recall

    Great Lakes Cheese, an Ohio-based company that calls itself "the nation's leading natural cheese packager," initiated a recall of half a dozen kinds of shredded cheese products — from mozzarella to pizza-style — in early October because they may contain fragments of metal.

    This week, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) upgraded its risk classification to Class II, the second-highest, meaning consumption of the product could cause "temporary or medically reversible adverse health consequences."

    The affected cheeses are sold under dozens of brand names at nationwide retailers including Target, Walmart, Publix and Aldi.

    The FDA says they were distributed to 31 states: Alabama, Arkansas, Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Minnesota, Missouri, Mississippi, North Carolina, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin, as well as Puerto Rico.

    The recalled bags, with varying sell-by dates in February and March 2026, include:

    • Low-moisture part-skim shredded mozzarella from the following brands: Always Save, Borden, Brookshire's, Cache Valley Creamery, Chestnut Hill, Coburn Farms, Econo, Food Club, Food Lion, Gold Rush Creamery, Good & Gather, Great Lakes Cheese, Happy Farms by Aldi, H-E-B, Hill Country Fare, Know & Love, Laura Lynn, Lucerne Dairy Farms, Nu Farm, Publix, Schnuck's, Simply Go, Sprouts Farmers Market, Stater Bros. Markets and Sunnyside Farms.
    • Italian style shredded cheese blend under the brand names: Brookshire's, Cache Valley Creamery, Coburn Farms, Great Value, Know & Love, Laura Lynn, Publix, Simply Go and Happy Farms by Aldi.
    • Shredded pizza-style cheese blend from Food Club, Econo, Gold Rush Creamery, Great Value, Laura Lynn and Simply Go.
    • Mozzarella and provolone shredded cheese blend from Freedom's Choice, Good & Gather, Great Lakes Cheese and Great Value, as well as a mozzarella and parmesan blend from Good & Gather. 


    The full list of products is on the FDA's website. The FDA has not published a press release or responded to NPR's request for comment about the recall. NPR reached out to Great Lakes Cheese but did not hear back by publication time.

    The Pecorino Romano recall

    A small tub of Locatelli cheese with text that reads "Grated pecorino Romano cheese."
    One of several brands of grated Pecorino Romano being recalled over listeria concerns.
    (
    Food and Drug Administration
    )

    The Ambriola Company, a New Jersey-based cheese distributor, announced last week that it was recalling some of its products after routine testing confirmed the presence of listeria, which can cause potentially life-threatening infections.

    It said while no illnesses had been reported, it was recalling products processed at that same facility "out of an abundance of caution." Those products were distributed to retail stores — and other distributors — between Nov. 3 and Nov. 20, the FDA says.

    "We take food safety very seriously and immediately alerted stores and distributors to remove the affected products from shelves," Ambriola CEO Phil Marfuggi said in a statement. "We are working closely with the FDA and continuing to test our products and facilities to fully understand the situation."

    The recalled products are sold — both in plastic containers and pound-sized plastic bags — under the brand names Ambriola, Locatelli, Pinna, Boar's Head and Member's Mark.

    They have expiration dates ranging from February to May 2026. It's not clear exactly where the cheeses ended up, though Walmart says some are sold at Walmart locations in 14 states and Sam's Club locations in 27 states.

    Wegman's has also issued a recall of Locatelli-brand Pecorino Romano — over the same listeria concerns — that it says was sold in stores in Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, North Carolina, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Washington, D.C. between Nov. 14 and Nov. 24.

    The FDA urges customers to toss or return the cheese for a refund, and contact their doctor if they develop symptoms of a listeria infection, which usually start within two weeks of eating contaminated food and can include fever, headache, stiff neck and muscle aches.

    In the meantime, Ambriola says it has suspended production and distribution of affected products as it conducts a "thorough review of all sanitation and food safety procedures."
    Copyright 2025 NPR

  • Old-school comfort, familiar faces and tradition
    an old time looking dining room with red walls and tiffany lights; there are elegantly dressed people sitting at tables with white tablecloths.
    Clearman’s Steak ’n Stein in Pico Rivera, with its signature central fountain and wood-paneled dining room

    Topline:

    LAist 89.3's AirTalk recently featured actor and comedian Eric Wareheim, who spent three years traveling the country to document America’s most beloved steakhouses for his new book, "Steak House: The People, the Places, the Recipes." Host Larry Mantle asked listeners for their local recommendations. The phones lit up.

    Why now? Steakhouses are having a cultural resurgence, especially in Los Angeles, where old-school dining rooms are suddenly packed again. In an era of constant change, these throwback spaces offer comfort, ritual and a sense of place.

    Why is this important? Steakhouses aren’t just restaurants — they’re community anchors built on decades of shared meals, celebrations and familiar faces. By spotlighting the servers, owners and traditions that keep them alive, the story reveals how food can preserve local history. It’s a reminder that some institutions matter precisely because they’ve stayed the same.

    Listen 20:09
    A new book takes a meaty look at the steak houses that make America

    How far would you travel for a good steak?

    For actor and director Eric Wareheim, best known as half of the pioneering duo Tim & Eric, the answer turned into a three-year journey across the United States, a sprawling tour of iconic dining rooms, veteran servers and the rituals that define America’s most enduring steakhouses.

    The result is his new book, Steakhouse: The People, the Places, the Recipes.

    Wareheim joined LAist 89.3’s AirTalk recently, talking to host Larry Mantle about how the project grew from a simple “best of” list into a full cultural record.

    “Every city has five more, not on anyone’s list,” he said, describing the scale of the country’s steakhouse universe.

    Understanding the appeal

    For Wareheim, a great steakhouse is built on atmosphere as much as what’s on the plate. Newer restaurants may source fancier meat, he said, but the old-school places offer a different kind of comfort — a sense of continuity that’s increasingly rare.

    A man wearing a white cowboy hat, glasses, and a bright green embroidered suit jacket sits at a restaurant table set with multiple plates of sliced steak and cocktails. He holds a knife and fork with a small piece of steak lifted toward his mouth.
    A suited-up Wareheim sampling prime cuts as he documents America’s great steakhouses.
    (
    Marcus Nilsson
    /
    Courtesy Ten Speed Press
    )

    What became clear in reporting the book, he said, is that steakhouses serve as more than dining rooms. They’re gathering places for birthdays, anniversaries and decades-long family traditions. They’re neighborhood anchors. And they’re deeply specific to their cities, each one carrying its own rituals, quirks and regulars.

    A black-and-white photo showing a chef in a tall hat standing beside three people seated in a wood-paneled restaurant booth, appearing to review paperwork together.
    An archival look at the people who built the classic American steakhouse, one dining room meeting at a time.
    (
    Courtesy Valley Times Photo Collection
    )

    The local perspective

    It didn’t take long for AirTalk listeners to jump in with their own L.A. favorites.

    • George Petrelli’s Steakhouse in Culver City: “They bring the meat in and butcher everything right there in the shop — cutting, dressing, even grinding the beef on the premises,” said Douglas in Long Beach.
    • 555 East in Long Beach, which recently marked its 40th anniversary: “It was a grand celebration for the regulars — incredible prime rib, as much as you wanted, plus all sorts of other good things. Their steaks were terrific, and for dessert, they served a molten, individually baked pudding in its own little casserole dish," raved Harriet in Seal Beach.
    • Dear John’s in Culver City: “So dark you can’t see for the first five minutes,” joked Michael in Sherman Oaks.
       
    • Magic Lamp in Rancho Cucamonga: Its classic neon signage was singled out by Eric via email.
    • Dan Tana’s in West Hollywood: "The best New York strip in town," said Jennifer in Silver Lake.
    • Valley Inn Restaurant and Martini Bar in Sherman Oaks: Rose emailed that it was once the favorite steakhouse of legendary UCLA coach John Wooden. 
    • Betsy in Altadena: Praised by local resident Peggy as her new go-to, calling its real-wood, fire-seared steaks “a bright spot amongst the ashes” — a nod to the community recovering from the Eaton Fire.
    • Wareheim himself shouted out Taylor’s in Koreatown, the first steakhouse he and his comedy partner Tim Heidecker visited years ago. This formative experience planted the seed for the book.
    A book cover featuring a bright red building with bold white letters spelling “STEAK HOUSE” against a clear blue sky; the title reads Steakhouse: The People, The Places, The Recipes by Eric Wareheim with Gabe Ulla.
    From neon signs to prime rib rituals, Wareheim’s book captures the soul of the American steakhouse.
    (
    Courtesy Ten Speed Press
    )

    In addition, Steakhouse also makes mention of plenty of other L.A.–based restaurants that make beef their specialty, including:

    Clearman’s Steak ’n Stein (Pico Rivera — classic mid-century steakhouse known for prime rib).
    Soot Bull Jip (Koreatown — Korean barbecue)
    Langer’s Delicatessen (MacArthur Park — famed pastrami)
    Thien An Bo 7 Mon (Rosemead — Vietnamese seven-courses-of-beef restaurant)
    Niku X (Downtown L.A. — high-end dry-aged/robot-assisted steakhouse)
    Musso & Frank Grill (Hollywood — iconic old-school chophouse)
    Majordomo (Chinatown — modern Korean-American takes on large-format beef)

    Veteran servers

    Wareheim argued that the heart of any steakhouse isn’t the cut of meat — it’s the staff. Many of the places he visited have servers who’ve been there 30 or 40 years, passing down the rhythms of the room like a craft.

    “You want to go to a serious server, a lifer who knows exactly what the best thing is,” he said. “You can let go and just let these veterans guide you. And that’s a good feeling.”

  • Trump admin rolls back rules for automakers

    Topline:

    The Trump administration has started the process of dramatically easing fuel economy requirements for new vehicles, part of the administration's broader pivot away from cleaner cars.

    CAFE standards: The federal Corporate Average Fuel Economy rules require that the entire fleet of vehicles sold by a given automaker, on average, gets more fuel efficient over time. Automakers who fall short previously have needed either to pay hefty fines or buy credits from a company that over-performs on efficiency, like Tesla and other all-electric automakers. At the White House on Wednesday, President Donald Trump said, "We're officially terminating Joe Biden's ridiculously burdensome — horrible, actually — CAFE standards that impose expensive restrictions."

    Why now: The Trump administration already has defanged the existing CAFE standards by eliminating the fines associated with them, as part of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. The administration also has been working to roll back tailpipe standards set by the Environmental Protection Agency, which are designed to cut pollution from vehicles. The two sets of rules have overlapping effects, with both of them pushing automakers toward cleaner vehicles. Trump campaigned against what he called the "electric vehicle mandate" and promised to rescind policies — including fuel economy standards — that encouraged or incentivized EVs.

    What's next: The proposed change now enters a period of public comment. The Department of Transportation will collect input from companies and citizens before finalizing the rule.

    The Trump administration has started the process of dramatically easing fuel economy requirements for new vehicles, part of the administration's broader pivot away from cleaner cars.

    At the White House on Wednesday, surrounded by the executives from several major car companies, President Donald Trump said the move would save consumers money by making cars cheaper.

    "We're officially terminating Joe Biden's ridiculously burdensome — horrible, actually — CAFE standards that impose expensive restrictions," Trump said, referring to the federal Corporate Average Fuel Economy rules, often called CAFE standards. "And all sorts of problems, all sorts of problems for automakers."

    Previous research from Consumer Reports has challenged the argument that regulations make cars more expensive. Stringent fuel economy standards also carry an economic benefit in the form of lower fuel costs over time.

    CAFE standards require that the entire fleet of vehicles sold by a given automaker, on average, get more fuel-efficient over time. Automakers who fall short have previously needed to either pay hefty fines, or buy credits from a company that over-performs on efficiency, like Tesla and other all-electric automakers.

    The Trump administration has already defanged the existing CAFE standards by eliminating the fines associated with them, as part of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Under Former President Joe Biden, the rules called for vehicles to get 2% more efficient every year; the Trump administration is now proposing to revert to the 2022 baseline and increase by .5% annually.

    The proposed change now enters a period of public comment; the Department of Transportation will collect input from companies and citizens before finalizing the rule.

    The administration has already been working to roll back tailpipe standards set by the Environmental Protection Agency, which are designed to cut pollution from vehicles. The two sets of rules have overlapping effects, with both of them pushing automakers toward cleaner vehicles.

    Meanwhile, during the second Trump presidency Congress has also eliminated the consumer tax credit for purchasing electric vehicles, decided to end a tax credit for installing an EV charger in June 2026, earlier than planned, and voted to strike down federal waivers that let California require automakers to build zero-emission vehicles. The Trump administration also temporarily delayed a program to use federal money to build a high-speed EV charger network.

    The policy shift was no surprise. Trump campaigned against what he called the "electric vehicle mandate," and promised to rescind policies — including fuel economy standards — that encouraged or incentivized EVs.

    Trump has framed the policy rollback as a gift to the auto industry. And that's partially true: Large trucks and SUVs may be inefficient, but they're popular and profitable, and selling more of them without any penalty is a financial boon to automakers. In earnings calls this fall, multiple executives noted that the regulatory rollback will boost earnings and help offset the cost of tariffs.

    Electric vehicle adoption in the U.S. has moved slower than automakers had expected. Some automakers have said made some of the Biden-era policies not just challenging but unworkable.

    In a statement provided by the White House, Ford CEO Jim Farley praised "President Trump's leadership in aligning fuel economy standards with market realities."

    But automakers are also navigating a changing global market, with many countries continuing to prioritize climate action. The popularity of high-quality, affordable Chinese EVs has raised questions about whether legacy automakers can compete. So Farley's statement also promised that "We can make real progress on carbon emissions and energy efficiency while still giving customers choice and affordability."

    For companies, which need to plan their future vehicle lineups years in advance, it's challenging when rules whipsaw back and forth with each change in administration. That's been the reality for years now: The Obama administration set ambitious fuel economy rules, which Trump 1.0 reversed, Biden reinstated, and now Trump 2.0 is seeking to "reset."

    Farley obliquely noted that risk in a conversation with investors in October. He explained why Ford was continuing to move ahead with plans for an affordable electric pickup, despite regulations shifting to no longer support EVs. "We expect adoption will increase over time and the market continue to evolve," Farley said. "And maybe the regulations evolve."

    Copyright 2025 NPR