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The most important stories for you to know today
  • How it could limit access for childhood vaccines
    A close up of a child, who's head is out of frame, holding a white toy stuffed bear in one hand and a lollipop, and a wristband, on the other hand.
    A child holds a toy bear with a band-aid after receiving a flu shot during an immunization event in Los Angeles. Flu is one of six vaccines that will no longer be given routinely but now require a consultation with a doctor.

    Topline:

    In a major change in vaccine policy, the Trump administration recently dropped recommendations that all kids get six immunizations long considered routine. Instead, they're now in a category called "shared clinical decision-making."

    What is it? That's when the patient (or the parents if the patient's a child) has a conversation with a health care provider to decide if a treatment is appropriate, says Wendy Parmet, who studies health care policy at Northeastern University in Boston.

    New hurdles to vaccine access: And there are many practical implications that could become hurdles to kids getting the shots, even if their parents do want them, Scott says. That includes deleting automatic electronic medical record alerts when shots are due and canceling standing orders for nurses and pharmacists to vaccinate kids without getting a doctor involved.

    Read on... for what this means for childhood vaccines.

    In a major change in vaccine policy, the Trump administration recently dropped recommendations that all kids get six immunizations long considered routine. Instead, they're now in a category called "shared clinical decision-making."

    That's when the patient (or the parents if the patient's a child) has a conversation with a health care provider to decide if a treatment is appropriate, says Wendy Parmet, who studies health care policy at Northeastern University in Boston.

    "In theory, shared clinical decision-making sounds great," she says. But the approach is usually reserved for complicated medical decisions where the answer is often muddy, not for routine vaccines that have been clearly shown to be safe and effective.

    Some examples include: Should someone get surgery or physical therapy for back pain? Which men need regular PSA prostate cancer testing?

    But many doctors say there's no ambiguity when it comes to these vaccines, which protect against hepatitis A, hepatitis B, the flu, meningitis, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), and rotavirus, a dangerous gastrointestinal infection.

    "These vaccines have clear evidence of benefit for all children," says Jake Scott, an infectious disease researcher at Stanford University. "So moving them to shared decision-making doesn't reflect the scientific uncertainty that the category exists for. It manufactures this sort of uncertainty where no uncertainty really exists."


    The problem with shared decision making in this context, is "you're suggesting that both options are equally valid," says Dr. Lainie Friedman Ross, a pediatrician and bioethicist at the University of Rochester School of Medicine. "And the fact is: Not getting vaccinated puts your own child at risk, puts you at risk and puts your community at risk. So it is not an equal decision."

    Vaccine critics argue there's enough nuance about these immunizations to warrant moving them to the shared clinical decision-making category. And administration officials say the change is designed to restore trust in vaccines.

    But Ross and others argue that dropping these vaccines to a lower spot in the new CDC vaccine hierarchy sows dangerous confusion and doubt, especially at a time when vaccine hesitancy is already on the rise and vaccination rates are already falling.

    "It's a huge embarrassment for U.S. public health and a disaster for public trust, and most of all for children," says Dr. Douglas Opel, a professor of pediatrics at the Washington School of Medicine.

    They also point out that doctors already routinely answer any questions parents may have, in addition to providing detailed handouts about each vaccine.

    New hurdles to vaccine access

    And there are many practical implications that could become hurdles to kids getting the shots, even if their parents do want them, Scott says. That includes deleting automatic electronic medical record alerts when shots are due and canceling standing orders for nurses and pharmacists to vaccinate kids without getting a doctor involved.

    "Moving it from routinely recommended to shared clinical decision-making has a dramatic effect on the practical delivery of vaccination," Scott says.

    And while the administration says the decision shouldn't affect whether government programs or private insurance pay for the immunizations, some legal experts say that may not be guaranteed.

    "The administration says that there's not going to be insurance implications. But there are a number of problems there," says Dorit Reiss, who studies vaccine policies at UC Law San Francisco. "First of all they can change their interpretation later. Second, if a private insurer wanted to challenge this and say, 'This vaccine is no longer recommended. I don't have to cover it,' they probably have some good arguments."

    Even with insurance, parents may now get hit with co-pays for those extra conversations with swamped pediatricians, according to Dr. Molly O'Shea, a Detroit-area pediatrician who serves as a spokesperson for the American Academy of Pediatrics.

    "Before, if it was a vaccination that we didn't have to have a conversation about, we could feel safe allowing families to schedule a vaccine-only appointment," O'Shea says. "Because shared-decision making is required now, that takes time and that now is going to be billed for."

    New liability concerns for drugmakers

    Another big question is: Does this make vaccine makers and doctors vulnerable to getting sued? Many lawyers don't think so.

    "On a legal standpoint, nothing has changed," says David Carney, a Philadelphia lawyer who's the president of the Vaccine Injured Petitioners Bar Association.

    But some lawyers argue that the change does open the door to more litigation over vaccine injuries.

    "The immunity under the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (the 1986 Act), which shields pharma and physicians from liability when vaccines cause serious harms and deaths, only applies to vaccines that are recommended for routine administration to children and/or pregnant women," Aaron Siri, managing partner at Siri & Glimstad, wrote in an email to NPR.

    Siri is a close ally of Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and has been extensively involved in litigation against federal agencies and vaccine manufacturers.

    Some legal experts say that this uncertainty is alarming. Without liability protection, vaccines could become unavailable, says Parmet.

    "We don't quite really know whether shared clinical decision-making will be considered as sufficient enough of a recommendation to provide the liability protection," Parmet says. "And if it doesn't do that, then there are real concerns about whether the manufacturers will continue to make vaccines."

    A chilling effect on prescribers

    Even if the change doesn't lead to an increase in successful lawsuits involving vaccines, just the possibility of lawsuits could be enough to intimidate doctors, some say.

    "They're worried about stepping on a landmine if one thing goes wrong," Parmet says. "One kid gets sick. The next day — even if it has nothing to do with the vaccine — are they going to be the ones held responsible? And someone's going to say, 'You had the nurse do it without talking to the doctor?'"

    That could make doctors hesitant to recommend these immunizations, which means imposing shared clinical decision-making could leave more kids more vulnerable to dangerous infections.

    "I do think many physicians will be chilled in their behavior around recommending vaccination," says Michelle Mello, a professor of health policy and law at Stanford. "We've got this change now that plunges us into a situation of chaotic uncertainty."
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Last point in time count saw a sharp rise
    A homeless encampment is shown on a sidewalk along the curve of a road. Tents appear in a variety of colors as a cyclist rides by.
    In this Sept. 14, 2017 file photo a cyclist passes the row of tents and tarps along the Santa Ana riverbed near Angel Stadium in Anaheim.

    Topline:

    Orange County’s biennial count of people experiencing homelessness starts on Tuesday.

    About the count: Over the course of three days, volunteers will fan out across the county to determine how many people are experiencing homelessness so officials can decide what services are needed and keep track of changing demographics and trends.

    Why it matters: Around 17,000 people in Orange County lost their housing and fell into homelessness in 2025, according to data from United to End Homelessness, a coalition of business, civic and political leaders.

    Get involved: It’s still not too late to volunteer, with the county looking for people to take on different roles, including for set up and clean up. To learn more about how to get involved, click here.

    Orange County’s biennial count of people experiencing homelessness starts on Tuesday.

    Over the course of three days, volunteers will fan out across the county to determine how many people are experiencing homelessness so officials can decide what services are needed and keep track of changing demographics and trends.

    Around 17,000 people in Orange County lost their housing and fell into homelessness in 2025, according to data from United to End Homelessness, a coalition of business, civic and political leaders.

    The last point in time count in Orange County saw a spike of around 28% in the number of unhoused people, with around 7,300 people experiencing homelessness. Results for the point in time count usually come out in May.

    This year’s count will be the first since the Supreme Court’s Grants Pass ruling in 2024 which made it illegal for unhoused people to camp on public properties even if they don’t have a place to sleep. Since then, Orange County cities like Newport Beach, Anaheim and Fullerton have ramped up anti-camping laws by making it illegal for people to lie down on park benches, sleep on sidewalks or even lay your bag down on the sidewalk. Late last year, the county also followed suit.

    The count also comes as Orange County grapples with potential federal funding cuts and increased costs for homelessness programs.

    If the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development cuts Continuum of Care funds, around 1,400 households will not have a home, Nishtha Mohendra, chief program officer for Families Forward, said at United to End Homelessness’ recent 2026 State of Homelessness.

    “That would mean that we run the risk of having an even higher two-digit increased literal homelessness in our community. That has the ripple effect of everything that impacts our system,” she said.

    How the count works

    Volunteers, including service providers and law enforcement, will fan out from six locations over three days in the morning and evening. Tuesday is dedicated to central cities, including Santa Ana and Fountain Valley, Wednesday for the northern region and Thursday for the southern cities.

    It’s still not too late to volunteer, with the county looking for people to take on different roles, including for set up and clean up. To learn more about how to get involved, click here.

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  • 31-27 NFC Championship loss ends promising season
    Los Angeles Rams coach Sean McVay, wearing a headset, speaks animatedly with quarterback Matthew Stafford on the sideline during an NFL game, with other team staff and a blurred stadium crowd in the background.
    Head coach Sean McVay talks with Matthew Stafford #9 of the Los Angeles Rams during the second quarter against the Seattle Seahawks in the NFC Championship game.

    Topline:

    The Los Angeles Rams came up just short in their pursuit of a trip to Super Bowl LX after losing 31-27 to the Seattle Seahawks in the NFC Championship Game Sunday night.

    Why it matters: It's a disappointing end to a promising season for the Rams, who had the best offense in the NFL by several metrics during the regular season and were competing for their second trip to the big game in five years. The last time they were there was the 2021-22 season, when they won it all. During a brief postgame news conference, Head Coach Sean McVay acknowledged the stunned disappointment his team and its fans were feeling. "You know I'm...never really short on words, and I am right now. So, it's tough. But this is sports, and you gotta be able to deal with it," McVay told reporters.

    The backstory: The Rams had a couple of opportunities to take the lead in the final minutes of the game that didn't shake out their way. Down four points with about 5 minutes left, the Rams chose to go for it on a pivotal fourth down deep in Seattle territory, instead of kicking a field goal that would have cut the Seahawks' lead to one. But they didn't convert and had to turn the ball over. They then got one final possession with about 25 seconds left in the game, but needed a touchdown to take the lead and were unable to go the length of the field.

    More opportunities: While they'll have to take in Super Bowl LX from the comfort of home, there are still opportunities for the Rams to get their flowers for a memorable season. Quarterback Matthew Stafford is a finalist for the NFL's Most Valuable Player Award after leading the league in passing yards and touchdowns in the regular season. Wide receiver Puka Nacua is also a finalist for Offensive Player of the Year after he posted yet another stellar season. They'll find out whether they won at the NFL Awards on Feb. 5.

    What's next: The Super Bowl will be on Feb. 8 at Levi's Stadium in Santa Clara, the home of the San Francisco 49ers. The Seattle Seahawks and New England Patriots will play in a rematch of the 2014 Super Bowl, which the Patriots won in last-minute fashion.

  • Policy expands restrictions at Long Beach schools
    A hand places a phone into a box with slits for the phones to fit into them.
    Long Beach teachers may ask students to store their phones in a locker, like the one pictured here, with the principal's approval.

    Topline:

    Long Beach Unified students return to school Monday for their spring semester, but under a new policy, classrooms will be free of cellphones.

    The timing: A California law requires schools to restrict student cellphone use by July 2026. The district convened a working group of staff, educators, students, parents and caregivers in October 2024 to develop the policy, and announced the impending change in September.

    What the policy says: Students in transitional kindergarten (TK) through eighth grade must turn off and store their devices when they arrive on campus until they leave, including during before- and after-school programs. Devices include phones, smartwatches, headphones and gaming consoles. High school students can use their devices during passing periods and at lunch. Students will not be barred from using their phones in case of an emergency, with administrator permission, at the direction of their doctor or if they have a disability and using their device is part of an individualized education program (IEP).

    Why it matters: The policy cites research that shows young people interact less often in-person than previous generations and that social media use can be linked to negative mental health outcomes, including anxiety and depression.

    Long Beach Unified students returned to school Monday for their spring semester, but under a new policy, classrooms will be free of cellphones.

    The district convened a working group of staff, educators, students, parents and caregivers in October 2024 to develop such a policy in response to a California law that requires schools to restrict student cellphone use by July 2026.

    The district announced the policy in September, promising the rollout would begin this month.

    How does the cellphone ban work?

    Here are the basics:

    • The policy applies to smartwatches, headphones and gaming consoles.
    • Students in transitional kindergarten (TK) through eighth grade must turn off and store their devices when they arrive on campus until they leave, including before- and after-school programs. 
    • High school students can use their devices during passing periods and at lunch. 
    • Students can’t use their phones in restrooms or on field trips. 

    There are exceptions. Students can use their phones:

    • In case of an emergency.
    • With administrator permission.
    • At the direction of their doctor.
    • If they have a disability and using their device is part of an individualized education program (IEP). 

    Each school is responsible for creating a plan to implement the district-wide policy and individual teachers may use lockers or other methods to store students' phones.

    The district’s policy prohibits specific types of cellphone and social media use, too:

    • Cyberbullying on or off campus. 
    • Recording or photographing fights, criminal behavior or another person without their permission. “We've had major problems with kids filming inappropriate things in the bathroom, with things like fights,” said Chris Itson, a program administrator in the district’s communications department, during a July 16 board meeting. “It's a motivator because it's ‘Now I can get attention by doing this online.’”
    • Impersonating another person online. For example, creating a fake social media profile or posts that falsely represent another student. 

    The policy also cites research that shows young people interact less often in-person than previous generations and that social media use can be linked to negative mental health outcomes, including anxiety and depression.

    What we know about bans in other districts

    Listen 46:11
    On Feb. 18, 2025, the Los Angeles Unified School District, the second largest public school district in the country, implemented an all-day cell phone ban for its students. Now that it’s the end of the school year, we head to Venice High School to see how the ban actually went.

    On Feb. 18, 2025, the Los Angeles Unified School District, the second largest public school district in the country, implemented an all-day cell phone ban for its students. Now that it’s the end of the school year, we head to Venice High School to see how the ban actually went.

  • CA cities saw lowest rates in decades
    A slightly ariel shot of two police officers walking towards a taped off area on a street lit by red and blue police lights.
    Oakland police officers walk through a crime scene outside the West Oakland BART station on Jan. 3, 2018.

    Topline:

    Homicides in California surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, killings are down to historic lows in Los Angeles, Oakland, San Francisco and many other cities.

    Why now: The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”

    The backstory: The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people. But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.

    Read on... for more about what experts say could be the cause.

    For the second year in a row, Gov. Gavin Newsom is celebrating California’s declining homicide rate while using it as a cudgel against his political foes.

    “Your state's homicide rate is 117% higher than California's,” he told a Missouri congressman who needled Newsom on social media last summer.

    Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders caught his attention, too. “Your homicide rate is literally DOUBLE California’s,” he wrote on social media addressing her.

    What’s been clear for the last three years is that homicides are down in Los Angeles and San Francisco — but also in Fresno, Oakland, Richmond and Lodi.

    “California cities are seeing record-low homicide rates,” Newsom said in his state of the state speech earlier this month. “Oakland, the lowest since 1967; LA, the lowest since 1966; and San Francisco, the lowest since 1954.”

    After a spike during the early days of the pandemic, homicides are in fact down nationwide.

    The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”

    Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice at nonpartisan think tank the Public Policy Institute of California, said the spike of homicides during the pandemic may have been the result of disruptions in government activities: Schools were shut down, people were out of work, community-based programs for violence prevention and many basic public services were put on pause, Lofstrom said.

    The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people.

    But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.

    California’s population was about 20 million people the last time the state recorded such low homicide numbers, half of what it is today.

    At the same time the homicide numbers were climbing, the percentage of cases cleared by police was falling. A police department’s “clearance rate” compares the number of crimes reported to the number of arrests made.

    Lofstrom said that the homicide clearance rate statewide was 64.7% in 2019, and that it had dropped to 54.6% in 2021 – though the rates can vary dramatically among police departments.

    “What we see now in the data up to 2024 is that we’re back up over 64% for homicide clearances,” Lofstrom said.

    Half as many homicides in Oakland

    Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said homicides are down along with major gun crimes including robberies and assaults with firearms. Oakland’s 67 homicides in 2025 were its lowest since 1967. It had 134 homicides in 2021.

    In Los Angeles, homicides dropped by more than 18% to 230 in 2025, according to a Los Angeles Times analysis of LAPD data.

    The numbers documenting the recent decline in homicide rates, and the earlier spike, come with a major asterisk: The way crime data is collected is inconsistent. Law enforcement agencies self-report to the FBI, which each year publishes data under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program. The California Department of Justice then produces statewide reports from those numbers.

    But not every department reports its statistics. And among those that do, some don’t report all their data — or report the information differently. For example, some jurisdictions only report crimes that lead to incarceration.

    Homicide numbers in California are provided by the state Justice Department near the end of the fiscal year in June, so the most recent statistics are from 2024. The Justice Department declined to provide CalMatters with updated numbers through 2025.

    The drop in homicide rates wasn’t as pronounced in Orange and Orange and Ventura counties, which never experienced a significant pandemic spike, and Kern County, where the homicide rate maintains a stubborn hold as the state’s highest.

    Nationwide drop in crime

    A long-range look at crime statistics, particularly homicide data, shows that the 2020-21 crime rate nationally and in California was still a fraction of its highs in the early 1990s. Simply counting the year-over-year changes belies a larger truth: Crime throughout the 2020s has been down significantly compared to the rate 20 or 30 years ago.

    As with the long-term homicide rate declines, the recent tapering in California is part of a nationwide trend. A report published Thursday by the Council on Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan Washington, D.C., think tank found that among 35 major cities nationwide, homicides dropped by 21% between 2024 and 2025.

    When the FBI publishes its crime statistics later this year, Council on Criminal Justice researchers said in the report that the national homicide rate could drop to 4 per 100,000 people, which would be the lowest homicide rate ever on record.

    Shani Buggs, an associate professor at UC Davis and public health researcher, said in the report that cities with major decreases in their homicide rate tended to spend federal pandemic funds on violence prevention and have police departments that focused on people with repeated allegations of violent crimes, helping them quickly resume pre-pandemic clearance rates.

    “We do not have reliable, multi-sector data or comparable contextual information available across jurisdictions to definitively identify — now or perhaps ever — what drove these declines,” Buggs said.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.