The Brief

Phoenix heat is notorious for the harm it causes in the short-term, like heat stroke and heart problems. Just last year, temperatures there topped 90 degrees Fahrenheit for a record-breaking 188 days. More than 140 of those days surpassed 100 degrees.

A new study published in Science Advances shows that prolonged heat exposure of that magnitude can even modify how people's genes behave, speeding up aging at the molecular level and potentially impacting people's long-term health.

The impact is "similar to the effect of smoking and drinking," says Eunyoung Choi, a gerontologist at the University of Southern California's Leonard Davis School of Gerontology and the study's lead researcher.

The study looked at people over 56 living across the country with very different heat experiences. People from extremely hot parts of the country like Phoenix — where the heat index, a combination of temperature and humidity — topped 90 degrees for more than half the year, looked biologically about 14 months older, epigenetically, than similar people living in cooler places like Seattle, where fewer than 10 days of each year exceed that threshold.

That may not sound like an enormous difference, says Boston University gerontologist Deborah Carr, who wasn't involved in the study, but for the person affected, "it's just a tremendous strain not only on their own lives and the lives of their families and caregivers, but also has a larger societal impact."

Research links premature aging with an earlier onset of health issues like dementia, diabetes and cardiovascular disease. The sooner those symptoms begin, the more of a toll they take on people's well-being and productivity, Carr says.

"If that's something that takes you out of the workforce for a year, that makes you go to the doctors every day for a year, that increases your medication budget — it really can have tremendous impacts," she explains.

Epigenetic aging

The researchers tracked the biological age of people in their study by looking for subtle changes in their DNA after different periods of exposure to heat, from a few days of extreme temperatures to several years.

"We know that some people seem to age faster than others, and that's because biological aging doesn't always match chronological aging," Choi says.

Biological age is often correlated with chemical tags that accumulate and are shed from people's DNA over time, a process called methylation; it is often referred to as "epigenetic aging." "DNA methylation acts like a light switch for genes — so it can turn them on and off," Choi says.

Methylation doesn't change the genes themselves, but modifies the way those genes work — sometimes for the better, but oftentimes not. Many studies in both animals and humans have shown that DNA methylation patterns change over time and can be used as a sort of molecular clock, ticking along as people age.

Epigenetic aging can accelerate because people don't eat well or don't get enough exercise. But it is also associated with emotional or physical stress, as well as exposure to environmental harms like air pollution "and, in this case, heat," Choi says.

The researchers looked at blood samples from more than 3,600 older adults across the U.S. and assessed people's epigenetic age. They could figure out how much heat those people experienced over a few days, a few months, one year and six years prior to that sample collection using climate and weather models looking into the past, taking into account both temperature and humidity — factors that influence the danger of different heat conditions.

The outcomes were clear. People who experienced more heat over the long-term aged faster, biologically, than those living in cooler places. That's even after taking into account people's financial status, education, physical activity and whether they smoked.

Researchers have known for years that heat exposure correlates with long-term issues like worsened risk of cardiac problems. But "the mechanisms for how that happens haven't been clear," says Tom Clanton, a physiologist and heat expert at the University of Florida's College of Health and Human Performance, who wasn't involved in the research. This work, he says, begins to explain how those delayed effects might happen. At the genome level, heat exposure makes "you sort of accelerate your way towards an old heart, and an old vulnerable heart," he says.

Climate pressures

Heat causes plenty of shorter-term health problems for people of all ages. The number of emergency department visits rises during heat waves, as does the number of cardiovascular issues, kidney problems and even deaths not directly linked to the heat.

The risks rise as human-driven climate change accelerates, says Choi. The number of extreme heat days in the U.S. could rise by 20 to 30 days across much of the country by the middle of the century, according to the country's National Climate Assessment, a comprehensive accounting of past and potential future changes to the country because of climate change.

At the same time, as heat risks grow because of climate change, Carr says, the U.S. population is aging. Older people's bodies generally deal with heat less adeptly than younger people. Sweating capacity decreases. Less blood flows to the skin where it can be cooled. Some medications interfere with people's ability to manage heat.

But heat makes life harder for everybody, not just older people, says Robert Meade, a heat physiology expert at Harvard University's T.H. Chan School of Public Health. "It's basically like if you're trying to tread water and someone hands you a brick," he says. "It's extra strain on all your physiological systems. It's just an extra weight that needs to be responded to in order to maintain homeostasis."

The next step to connect heat exposure to specific health problems, Meade thinks, is to further personalize the analyses, because even within the hottest parts of the country, people experience very different heat exposures. "What people actually experience in their homes, whether they're in an overheated mobile unit or they have air conditioning available, can be wildly different temperatures," he says.

Researchers indicate that the next frontier of this work should look at how heat exposure within people's homes shapes health outcomes. That kind of specific, personalized risk assessment could help scientists further pinpoint exactly how heat hurts people, Meade says — and maybe even how to prevent the damage or reverse it.
Copyright 2025 NPR

When Kate Morrow gave birth to twins eight years ago, they were very premature, with compromised immune systems.

"We counted on the community to keep our children safe," Morrow says. She trusted that her neighbors were vaccinating their children to protect other vulnerable people in her community — including her twins. But that's no longer the case.

Morrow and her family moved to Spartanburg County, S.C., in 2019. The area is the epicenter of the biggest measles outbreak in the U.S. in more than three decades, with nearly 1,000 confirmed cases. Measles — one of the world's most contagious diseases — was declared eliminated in the U.S. in 2000, thanks to widespread vaccination and school vaccine requirements.

But with the current resurgence of measles, the country is at risk of losing that elimination status.

In Spartanburg County, school vaccination rates have fallen to just under 89% — well below the 95% threshold needed to prevent community outbreaks.

And it's not just Spartanburg. There are places around the country where vaccination rates have sunk to levels low enough to allow outbreaks to flare, says Michael Osterholm, director of the University of Minnesota's Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy.

"There are a lot more South Carolinas waiting to happen," he says.

Morrow says it's hard for her to understand why so many parents in her community are turning against vaccines.

"How did we get here?" she asks. "How did we get to a place where we don't trust our doctors to do the very best thing for our children? How did we get to a place where vaccinations have become political?"

The answer is a mix of widespread misinformation, lingering resentment over COVID mandates and politicians at the local and national level who are sowing mistrust of vaccines.

'I don't trust anything anymore'

Margarita DeLuca says she didn't give much thought to vaccines until COVID hit. She has three children and lives in neighboring Greenville County. When the COVID vaccine was first rolled out, DeLuca was scared that it had been developed too quickly to be trustworthy, and she was opposed to vaccine mandates.

"I think it should have been a choice. It shouldn't have been shoved down your throat like you have to do it," DeLuca says.

DeLuca is not alone. Resentment over vaccine mandates and other public health measures during the pandemic prompted more parents to question vaccine requirements, says Dr. Martha Edwards, president of the South Carolina chapter of the American Academy of Pediatrics.

"COVID hit and people really didn't like the mandates and that was a big boiling point," Edwards says. "And in South Carolina, that really has caused a lot of people to escalate their feelings of 'don't tell me what to do.' "

Still, when DeLuca's eldest child, Nikko, was born in the summer of 2021, she got him his routine shots for the first couple of years of his life.

But about a week after he got his 2-year-old vaccinations, Nikko spiked a fever and experienced a seizure.

"He froze up and then he started convulsing right in my arms — the scariest thing ever," DeLuca recalls.

Nikko recovered. Her pediatrician at the time told her these seizures can happen when toddlers get high fevers, and it's unlikely vaccines played a role. But DeLuca remains dubious.

"He hasn't had any seizures since. But he hasn't had any vaccines either. I'm not saying it's from that, but there is a chance," she says.

So, like a growing number of parents nationwide, DeLuca decided to forgo vaccinations for Nikko, now 4, and his twin infant siblings.

"I'm grateful that I did not vaccinate them right now," she says. "Maybe at 5 years old, their bodies are bigger and they have a higher immune system. They can handle things."

Local pediatrician Stuart Simko with Prisma Health in Greer, S.C., says he hears this from other parents. And he tries to explain why delaying vaccinations is risky.

"This is the time where your child is at a higher risk, the younger they are, for complications from many of the things that we vaccinate against," he says.

For instance, the measles, mumps and rubella, or MMR, vaccine can prevent serious complications from measles like brain swelling and pneumonia, both of which have been documented among children in this outbreak. Vaccines can also prevent immune amnesia, a phenomenon where the virus wipes out parts of the immune system, leaving kids vulnerable to new infections for several years.

And the virus can be deadly. Before the first vaccines were developed in the 1960s measles used to kill hundreds of U.S. children every year.

Simko says he tries not to judge parents but to listen to their fears.

"The parent who's choosing not to vaccinate their child, they're not trying to make a bad medical decision. They want what's best for their child. And we have to understand where they're coming from," he says.

Social media is a big problem. Many of Simko's patients are overwhelmed by information; some of it is good, he says and some is just not backed by science.

DeLuca says she no longer knows what to believe when it comes to online information.

"I don't trust anything anymore. I really don't."

Exemptions rise, vaccination rates fall 

Spartanburg County is a solidly conservative part of South Carolina. Dotted with small towns, its sprawling countryside is home to rural communities, conservative faith groups and a sizable Slavic immigrant population. All of these groups tend to have lower vaccination rates across the U.S.

In the majority of states, parents can apply for nonmedical exemptions to required vaccines for religious, personal or philosophical reasons. In Spartanburg County, the use of religious exemptions has skyrocketed since the pandemic. Today, nearly 10% of students in the county have a religious exemption — up from 3.4% at the start of the 2020-21 school year.

The result is that vaccination rates among school children are dropping. The majority of schools in Spartanburg County now have vaccination rates below the 95% threshold required to prevent measles outbreaks. In one public charter school — which has seen dozens of students quarantined for measles — the vaccination rate is a shockingly low 21%.

Republican state Sen. Josh Kimbrell, a lifelong Spartanburg resident, says he understands why parents have grown more skeptical of vaccines in the wake of what he calls the government's "overbearing" response to COVID. But he says the distrust has gotten "out of control."

The exemptions have become easy to obtain — parents can download a form and they don't have to state their religious reasoning. All they have to do is get it notarized.

"I know people who haven't set foot in a church in five years who suddenly decide it's a religious liberty exemption and don't have a religious reason," Kimbrell says. "They just don't want to do it. And that's fine but just say that."

Public health researchers say eliminating nonmedical exemptions to vaccine requirements could help raise falling vaccination rates. But in South Carolina, where opposition to government mandates is firmly entrenched, that's unlikely to happen. Last week, the state legislature shot down a bill that would have kept unvaccinated children out of schools.

And it's not just South Carolina. A recent study found the rate of nonmedical exemptions to vaccines has risen steadily in the majority of U.S. counties, and this trend has accelerated since the pandemic.

Parents changing their minds

Gene Zakharov is one of those Spartanburg parents who got religious exemptions for his children. He owns a cafe, 121 Coffee, in sight of Emmanuel Church where he's an active member of the leadership team.

Zakharov is part of the large Slavic community drawn to Spartanburg by its conservative politics and sunshine. He says many people from the former Soviet Union who settled here "don't believe in vaccines."

"People who lived there have a big distrust in the government, to say the least," he says.

He and his wife didn't vaccinate their two youngest children. They worried about potential side effects from vaccines. But they changed their minds after their 13-year-old daughter was exposed to measles at a friend's house and spent time in quarantine.

"It doesn't hit you until you actually come in contact with something like this. You're like, well, thank God my kid is all right. But you know, what if she wasn't?"

Zakharov is not the only parent questioning earlier decisions. As the measles outbreak exploded in January, pediatrician Stuart Simko says his phone started ringing.

"I've had several patients who've said no to vaccinations in the past who've said, 'Hey, what do you think of the MMR?' " he says. "What do you think about measles? It's in our backyard."

He explains how dangerous the measles virus can be. And "a lot of people are changing their minds," Simko says.

Combatting myths and fears

Tracy Hobbs changed her mind recently.

Last month Hobbs brought her 5-year-old twins, Joseph and Alice, to a mobile vaccine clinic to get their first dose of the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine. The twins should have gotten their first shots around 12 months of age, but Hobbs decided against it at the time. That's because her oldest child, now 7, was diagnosed with autism shortly after he got his first measles vaccine.

Hobbs says she saw conflicting information about whether the vaccines were to blame.

"We were afraid that if we had gotten the kids the vaccines, that it might actually cause autism," Hobbs says. "And that's really messed us up because what are you supposed to believe?"

Claims linking the vaccine to autism stem from a 1998 study that has been thoroughly debunked by a large body of research, but this misinformation still circulates widely. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has long promoted the discredited claim and he recently directed the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to change its website to say the link can not be ruled out. Hobbs says all the conflicting information out there is confusing.

"You have one person saying, hey, this could cause the kid to get autism. And then you have somebody saying, no. I've gotten conflicting information since the day they were born," she says.

But when her twins were also diagnosed with autism, even though they weren't vaccinated, Hobbs changed her mind. With measles spreading rapidly around her, she decided to get them the shot. "The measles aren't really something to play with," Hobbs says.

'Not an outlier'

Spartanburg mom Kate Morrow says it pains her to know this kind of misinformation about vaccines and autism still circulates. One of her twins has autism. Both are fully vaccinated.

She wants to encourage parents to trust the science and to speak openly with their pediatrician about their fears.

She feels so strongly about this that she's helping a pro-vaccine advocacy group called South Carolina Families for Vaccines get off the ground. "I'm rooting for the mom in the middle that's feeling lost and scared and doesn't really know what to do," Morrow says.

There's some evidence that outreach efforts are working. State epidemiologist Linda Bell says vaccination rates in Spartanburg County were up by 133% in February compared to the previous year. And new measles cases have slowed significantly.

But the danger hasn't disappeared altogether, says Scott Thorpe, executive director of the Southern Alliance for Public Health Leadership.

"I think what keeps me up at night more than anything else is that Spartanburg is not an outlier," he says. He notes that just across the border in western North Carolina, there are lots of counties with lower vaccination rates. "And we've already started to see some cases there."

Across the U.S., there have been 12 new measles outbreaks so far this year, and more than 1,280 confirmed cases, according to the CDC.

"It's just kind of percolating in all these places," Thorpe says. "And eventually it's going to catch on and turn into a big outbreak, just like Spartanburg. And it's just going to keep on happening as vaccination rates get lower."

Several Republican lawmakers are ramping up anti-Muslim comments and facing little to no response from their leadership.

"Muslims don't belong in American society," Rep. Andy Ogles posted on Monday. "Pluralism is a lie."

The Tennessee Republican, whose seat is in a safe red district, has previously expressed support for banning immigration from Muslim-majority countries and said in a speech last year that "America is and must always be a Christian nation."

The United States was not established as a Christian nation.

"He didn't start this this week," said Sabina Mohyuddin, executive director of the American Muslim Advisory Council in Tennessee. "This has been building up."

Mohyuddin estimates Ogles has tens of thousands of Muslim constituents in his district.

"We know this kind of rhetoric leads to more bullying in school, discrimination in the workplace, hate crimes and vandalism against mosques," Mohyuddin said. "But it is an election year and these politicians believe if they spew this hateful rhetoric, they are going to get more votes."

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., was asked about Ogles' rhetoric during a press conference at the House GOP's annual retreat this week.

"Look, there's a lot of energy in the country and a lot of popular sentiment that the demand to impose Sharia law in America is a serious problem — that's what animates this," Johnson said Tuesday, adding, "It is not about people as Muslims."

Johnson's comments echo a growing chorus among Republican lawmakers, who've been increasingly vocal about denouncing Sharia law and raising questions about Muslims immigrating to the U.S. and those already in the country. There are now 50 Republicans in the "Sharia-Free America" caucus.

Republicans have also spent more than $10 million on political TV ads that mention "Sharia" or "Islam" in a negative way, most of it in Texas ahead of its primaries, according to the ad-tracking firm AdImpact. That's about 10 times what had been spent in each of the last four election cycles.

Sharia law — a religious framework — does not have standing over the U.S. Constitution.

"Because people don't really know or have any idea what Sharia law is, it's the boogeyman. You just throw the word out there and people get scared," Mohyuddin said. "This is how we practice our religion. And last I heard, the Constitution still protects the freedom of religion."

A handful of Congressional Republicans have denounced Ogles' comments.

"I have many Muslim constituents, neighbors and friends who have contributed greatly to our community and country. Freedom of religion is a pillar of our nation and broad brush statements like this are offensive and completely inappropriate," Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., said in a statement to NPR.

But the majority of House Republicans have stayed silent, with some choosing to double down on the rhetoric.

"No more Muslims immigrating to America," posted Rep. Brandon Gill, R-Texas on Thursday.

Rep. Randy Fine, R-Fla., who recently faced criticism for saying he'd choose dogs over Muslims, wrote: "We need more Islamophobia, not less. Fear of Islam is rational."

Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., posted a photo of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks side-by-side with a photo of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who is Muslim. The caption read: "The enemy is inside the gates."

These statements came in the wake of several attacks in the U.S., including a shooting at a Virginia college Thursday and an attempted attack on an anti-Muslim protest in New York held outside of Mayor Mamdani's home. Authorities say the suspects in the attacks were either inspired by ISIS or had supported the group in the past.

A far cry from previous political eras 

Johnson's office did not respond to a request for comment about the additional anti-Muslim posts from his members.

The lack of response from GOP leadership stands in sharp contrast to the swift and decisive condemnation from Republican House leaders in 2019 in the wake of an interview by Rep. Steve King in which the Iowa Republican questioned why the terms "white supremacist" and "white nationalist" were considered offensive.

Liz Cheney — then the No. 3 House Republican — reacted by saying King "should find another line of work."

"That language has no place in America," added then-House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy.

House leadership stripped King of his committee assignments.

Gregg Nunziata, executive director of Society for the Rule of Law, said the shift in response to King seven years ago and to lawmakers this week highlights two different political eras.

"There's this new energy on the right that kind of delights in provoking and offending and refuses to apologize," said Nunziata, who previously served as policy counsel to the Senate Republican Policy Committee and as policy advisor to then-Sen. Marco Rubio.

He draws a contrast between the leadership of former President George W. Bush, who in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks visited an Islamic Center and declared, "Islam is peace."

"Those who feel like they can intimidate our fellow citizens to take out their anger don't represent the best of America," Bush said. "They represent the worst of humankind, and they should be ashamed of that kind of behavior."

Nunziata rejected Ogles' assertion that "plurality is a lie."

"I think the failure to condemn this is morally cowardly, but it's also politically shortsighted," he said. "The MAGA movement and the coalition that elected Donald Trump itself was pluralistic. Republicans had a good election year in part because they significantly expanded their support in minority communities and communities that have traditionally not been open to Republicans."

Censure effort underway from Democrats 

Democrats have blasted the tweets and the response from GOP leaders.

"Islamophobia is a cancer that must be eradicated from both the Congress and the Country. The shocking silence from Republican leadership is deafening," said House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y.

"We already know that Randy Fine and Tommy Tuberville are vile bigots," wrote Katherine Clarke, House Democratic whip. "But what's even worse is the silence from GOP leadership."

Rep. Shri Thanedar, D-Mich., has introduced a resolution to censure Ogles and remove him from the Homeland Security Committee. Thanedar has not yet said if he will force a vote on the measure and his office did not respond to a request for comment.

Rep. Yassamin Ansari, D-Ariz., the first Iranian American Democrat elected to Congress, posted on X that Fine's comments "should have already resulted in censure."

"I've asked before and I'm asking again: @SpeakerJohnson, will you reprimand Rep. Fine? Strip him of his committee assignments? Anything? Or does the Republican caucus condone racism?" she wrote.

The story first appeared on The LA Local.

For Los Angeles streetlight advocates, 2025 was another dark year, as calls to repair public lights remained nearly the same as the year before despite growing public and political scrutiny.

Malfunctioning streetlights are nothing new to Angelenos. For years, they have plagued neighborhoods and left residents to deal with darkened sidewalks, streets and parks — and the public safety challenges they pose.

An analysis by The LA Local of 311 calls for streetlight repairs showed that reports remained consistently high in 2025, with about 45,500 compared with 46,100 in 2024. That was an increase of roughly 10,000 calls from 2022 and 2023, when totals hovered around 35,000.

Downtown remained the neighborhood with the most streetlight calls: about 2,400 in 2025, an increase of about 200 from the year before.

While the total number remained relatively constant citywide, the locations of calls shifted. Some neighborhoods saw drops, while others saw surges – notably in some of LA’s higher-income neighborhoods.

Calls in Hollywood Hills tripled from about 300 to more than 1,000 in 2025. Silverlake calls similarly skyrocketed from 513 in 2024 to about 1,482 last year. Calls in Atwater Village and Los Feliz more than doubled.

Boyle Heights, once among the most affected neighborhoods, saw progress. The neighborhood had more than 1,900 calls for light repair in 2024 and about 1,100 in 2025.

Westlake saw a similar decrease, from 1,864 calls in 2024 to 1,042 in 2025. Calls in Pico Union and West Adams were cut in half.

According to the Los Angeles City Controller’s office, the LA Bureau of Street Lighting reported that copper wire theft has been trending down since last summer. Reported maintenance calls, however, doubled from about 2,000 in July 2025 to about 4,400 in January 2026.

The LA Bureau of Street Lighting, responsible for repairs and maintenance of the city’s 220,000 streetlights, saw a 5% budget cut in 2025. Its budget had long been among the smallest of public works departments.

Miguel Sangalang, the bureau’s director, told the City Council on March 4 that the department had a backlog of about 32,000 open service requests and that the average time to repair a light has grown to about a year. About a quarter of all installed lights were at the end stage of life, he said, and needed to be replaced.

“Theft and vandalism is our most glaring issue,” he told the city council. “This is the issue that takes out whole blocks and neighborhoods.”

The LA Local reported that the Los Angeles Police Department had disbanded a specialized unit — The Heavy Metal Task Force — investigating copper wire theft last July.

Sangalang said during the presentation that the department began fortifying streetlights, installing cages or shields to make the copper wiring more difficult to access. Installing battery- and solar-powered streetlights has helped, he added, because they use far less wire.

He noted that lights in areas that previously needed replacing multiple times per year had been replaced with solar-powered models and had remained intact for three years.

The bureau is expected to seek a tax increase to subsidize its budget, reduce the time it takes to repair lights and get back on track with its maintenance schedule.

Voyager Technologies unveiled a 140,000-square-foot facility Tuesday in Long Beach that will be used for designing and producing parts for missiles and commercial spacecraft.

The company wrote in a news release that the facility, which will employ 150 to 200 people, will be used to advance a number of the company’s ventures into aerospace and defense for the U.S. military and other clients.

“We are standing up capacity at Space Beach for one purpose: to deliver for our customers,” Matt Magaña, president of Space, Defense and National Security at Voyager, wrote — using a nickname for Long Beach’s burgeoning space industry.

The Denver-based company, which launched in 2019, has nearly a dozen locations across Ohio, California, Colorado and Texas. This announcement comes two months after it opened a 150,000-square-foot facility in Pueblo, Colo., also focused on missiles, defence and weaponry.

Through a network of former companies it has purchased, Voyager has researched and designed a variety of parts for spacecraft or rockets, from long-range radios and GPS guidance systems to commercial airlocks and propulsion systems.

It’s known for its Starlab project, a venture propelled by a $217 million NASA contract to replace the International Space Station, which is slated to retire in 2030.

But a majority of the company’s business is in defense. The net sales last year for its defense and national security program jumped 59%, making up $123 million of the $166 million it made. In the last quarter of 2025, the category made up nearly two-thirds of its sales.

By contrast, the company’s sales for “Space Solutions,” which designs spacecraft for commercial and research purposes, declined by 36% in 2025.

The company is working with Lockheed Martin to develop a new missile interceptor system — coined the “Next Generation Interceptor” — and has contracts to build parts for hypersonic missiles and military-grade payloads. Top officials at Voyager say they have a strong interest in competing for contracts on Golden Dome, a 10-year, $151 billion missile defense program.

It’s unclear whether the Long Beach facility will focus on a particular program or take on work as it is needed. In a release, company officials wrote it will help design A.I. software and other parts for “next-generation propulsion and defense systems and integrated sensing, communications and autonomy technologies.”

The company said it is working with neighbors Anduril Industries and True Anomaly, who recently set up facilities in Long Beach, to meet some contracts, but did not specify the venture.

It’s the latest in a wave of space tech companies to join “Space Beach” by moving to the 430-odd acres of industrial and warehouse space once used to build cargo planes outside Long Beach Airport.

In January, Anduril, an artificial-intelligence-backed weapons manufacturer, announced that it was building a $1 billion campus nearby to make drones and other A.I.-enabled weapons.

It’s an industry where successful businesses often curry favor with the federal government and military, and local representatives are eager to attract defense tech firms to create high-paying jobs.

Mayor Rex Richardson, left, and Matt Magaña, president of Space, Defense and National Security at Voyager. Photo Courtesy Voyager Technologies “We’re proud to welcome Voyager to our growing Space Beach ecosystem with a 140,000-square-foot facility advancing aerospace innovation, domestic manufacturing, and national security capabilities,” said Mayor Rex Richardson. “This investment brings high-skilled jobs, strengthens our local economy, and further establishes Long Beach as a national hub for the industries shaping our future.”

These companies are in tight competition to take advantage of a growing national defense budget — $895 million in 2025 from $816 in 2023 — while taking advantage of the large pools of talent near existing research and military facilities like JPL in Pasadena, Mojave Air and Space port in Kern County and Vandenberg Space Force Base.

While the budget was shrunk to $838.7 billion in 2026, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has placed an increased priority on spending on U.S.-made drones and autonomous weapon systems. Buoyed by global conflicts, defense companies in Long Beach and across the region are anxious to accelerate their designs and production of weapons and defense systems.