Lourdes Bernis, a community health worker who teaches about depression and anxiety, leads a discussion on Latino health issues during a neighborhood association meeting.
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Elisa Ferrari
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for KFF Health News
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Topline:
A statewide initiative to formalize the role of community health workers and expand their ranks was meant to improve the health of underserved communities, particularly Hispanic populations, who often experience higher rates of chronic illnesses. But years in, California has abandoned a certification program and rescinded public support.
The backstory: California looked to professionalize thousands of community health workers to improve the health of immigrant populations, particularly Hispanic residents. In 2019, the state set out to standardize training and certification, integrate these workers into the health care workforce, and provide fair wages, including reimbursements through Medi-Cal compensate for work that traditionally has been done on a volunteer basis or for low pay.
Initiatives unrealized: But six years in, California has backed out of many of those initiatives. Although Medi-Cal began covering their services, participating health plans set uneven billing requirements, making it difficult for workers to get reimbursed. And the state didn’t follow through on a planned pay raise. With federal funding cuts just passed and President Donald Trump targeting immigrants for deportation — even sharing personal Medicaid data with the Department of Homeland Security — advocates fear California is abandoning its health equity initiative for immigrants, people of color, and people with low incomes when they say that effort is needed most.
Fortina Hernández is called “the one who knows it all.”
For more than two decades, the community health worker has supported hundreds of families throughout southeast Los Angeles by helping them sign up for food assistance, sharing information about affordable health coverage, and managing medications for their chronic illnesses. She’s guided by the expression “an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.”
But she makes only around $20 an hour from a community health organization and must hold down a second job to make ends meet. “They pay us very little and expect too much,” she said in Spanish. "We build trust. We offer support. We’re the shoulder people rely on, but we don't get fair wages."
California looked to professionalize thousands of community health workers such as Hernández to improve the health of immigrant populations, particularly Hispanic residents, who often experience higher rates of chronic diseases, are more likely to be uninsured, and face more cultural and linguistic barriers when trying to access services. Studies show their work may reduce hospitalizations as well as emergency room and urgent care visits.
The state hewed closely to a series of expert recommendations put out in 2019 to standardize training and certification, integrate these workers into the health care workforce, and provide fair wages, including reimbursements through Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid health insurance program, to compensate for work that traditionally has been done on a volunteer basis or for low pay. But six years in, California has backed out of many of those initiatives.
The state has eliminated a certification program and rolled back nearly all funding to train and expand this workforce even though it set a goal of 25,000 workers by this year. Although Medi-Cal began covering their services, participating health plans set uneven billing requirements, making it difficult for workers to get reimbursed. And the state didn’t follow through on a planned pay raise.
With federal funding cuts just passed and President Donald Trump targeting immigrants for deportation — even sharing personal Medicaid data with the Department of Homeland Security — advocates fear California is abandoning its health equity initiative for immigrants, people of color, and people with low incomes when they say that effort is needed most.
“We're in a very dire situation right now,” said Cary Sanders, senior policy director for the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network, a statewide health equity advocacy group.
A spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom, Elana Ross, said “the state has taken difficult but necessary steps to ensure fiscal stability” and that the administration continues to have a dialogue with community health workers. Ross added that the Democratic governor, a potential presidential candidate, remains committed to defending immigrants being targeted by the Trump administration.
‘Our office is on the street’
Lourdes Bernis (left) chats with a resident about Latino health issues. Bernis is a community health worker, or promotora, who helps people manage chronic illnesses, connects them to social services, and promotes healthy lifestyles.
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Elisa Ferrari
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for KFF Health News
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There are more than 60,000 community health workers nationwide, including roughly 9,200 in California, and this workforce is projected to grow 13% over the next decade, three times as fast as for all occupations, according to 2024 data from the U.S Bureau of Labor Statistics. But experts say these numbers are an undercount given the various titles community health workers hold and that many work outside of health care and governmental institutions.
Community health worker is an umbrella term that includes peer supporters and community health representatives. These workers, often known as promotores, tend to be women who work in clinics, hospitals, public health departments, and local nonprofits, places where they are trusted and have a grasp of their community’s most pressing health needs.
Besides helping people manage chronic illnesses such as heart disease and diabetes, they promote reproductive health, children’s health, and oral hygiene, and they help seniors with dementia prevent injuries and review medications. They can make people feel safe when reporting domestic violence and other abuses. They also connect people to housing and food assistance. "The community health worker is not sitting at a desk," Hernández said. "Our office is on the street."
Back in 2019, the California Future Health Workforce Commission recommended integrating community health workers into the health care system, and in 2022, the state authorized $281 million over three years for the California Department of Health Care Access and Information, which oversees health care workforce development, to recruit, train, and certify them.
The agency sought to standardize training and certification, but some community groups feared that would create barriers to entry by not giving enough credit for lived experiences and cultural competency. But just as the agency offered more flexibility and allowed community-based training, the state slashed $250 million in funding last year due to budget constraints. This year, the certification program was officially eliminated.
Spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said the agency is now considering a program to accredit community organizations rather than individual workers and plans to spend its remaining $12 million on technical assistance, workforce development, and salaries for those working with immigrant communities.
According to the National Academy for State Health Policy, 32 other states offer a voluntary or mandatory community health worker certification program.
Some community health advocates say California’s missing an opportunity to carve a career path for this workforce. Currently, some courses offered by nonprofits, counties, and colleges require a fee, a degree, English fluency, or prior experience. Most are concentrated in the San Francisco or Los Angeles area, leaving training deserts in much of the state.
Lourdes Bernis received training that allowed her to move into a full-time role with the Los Angeles County Department of Mental Health. She says many community health workers remain stuck in low-paying positions and can’t afford training to advance.
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Elisa Ferrari for KFF Health News
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Lourdes Bernis, a dentist from Ecuador, is a model for how community health workers could be integrated into the health care system. She began as a volunteer promotora more than a decade ago and in 2019 received free training from Los Angeles County, allowing her to move into a full-time job with benefits for the county’s Department of Mental Health to help Spanish-speaking women manage depression and anxiety as they recover from drug use.
Bernis now plans to become a peer-to-peer support specialist inside hospitals and clinics. Meanwhile, many of her colleagues with decades of experience remain stuck in low-paying roles and can’t afford training to advance. “There are promotoras who have 20 to 25 years of experience, but they are still volunteering,” Bernis said in Spanish.
Medi-Cal's role
To pay community health workers, Medi-Cal began covering their services in July 2022, but California suspended a planned pay increase for them after voters approved Proposition 35, which hiked the pay of physicians, hospitals, community clinics, and other providers instead. Since then, the state has yet to establish a uniform system for how health plans should contract with organizations that employ community health workers.
“We have to jump through hoops,” said Maria Lemus, executive director at Visión y Compromiso, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit representing community health workers. “It just causes havoc, because each plan could have different requirements.”
Lemus said it took the organization nearly six months to establish payment with one health plan.
And though Medi-Cal reimbursements are tied to individual tasks, ranging from $9.46 to $27.54 for 30 minutes of work, advocates say they aren’t fully compensated for the time they spend building trust and following up with patients. Advocates say these workers should earn at least $30 a visit, with benefits, but many earn about $21 an hour, often without benefits.
Advocates say they’re surprised by how infrequently these services are used in a program with 15 million Californians. More than 16,000 Medi-Cal enrollees used these services in the first year, rising to 68,000 last year, according to state data. “I don't think it's reached the potential that the governor talked about, and that we all imagined that it could possibly achieve,” Sanders said.
Griselda Melgoza, a spokesperson for the California Department of Health Care Services, said the agency, which administers Medi-Cal, has seen “a steady, upward trend” and believes the data underestimates utilization because the benefit is sometimes bundled with other services.
A proposal to assess whether Medi-Cal managed care plans are doing enough outreach and education to enrollees about community health services died this year.
More crucial than ever
With health funding cuts from the Trump administration and passage of the GOP’s tax and spending legislation, advocates fear there will be even less funding and support for community health worker positions, shrinking a workforce tackling health disparities. Already, Fresno County’s Department of Public Health said it has cut its community health workers by more than half, from 49 positions to 20.
Yet, outreach is more crucial than ever. As the Trump administration continues immigration raids, which appear to have targeted at least one health clinic in the state, advocates and policy researchers say community health workers could act as intermediaries for immigrant patients afraid to seek medical care in hospitals and clinics.
Without a state certification program, no raises, and dwindling training funds, the path to professionalizing community health workers is unclear, leaving workers feeling left behind.
"The community trusts me,” said Hernández, the veteran community health worker, “but at the government level, there’s still a long way to go before this work is valued and fairly compensated."
This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. KFF Health News is the publisher of California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Libby Rainey
has been tracking how L.A. is prepping for the 2028 Olympic Games.
Published April 22, 2026 5:00 AM
The LA28 Olympic cauldron is lit after a ceremonial lighting at the Memorial Coliseum in Los Angeles on Jan. 13, 2026.
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Federal K. Brown
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Getty Images
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Topline:
Re-sale policies for past Olympic Games and the coming World Cup's eye-popping price tags could provide hints as to what's coming for the L.A. Olympics ticket re-sale market.
What we know: Officials with Olympics organizing committee LA28 have been tight-lipped about how the official resale market will work, saying only that it will launch in 2027 and have an "official marketplace" by AXS and Eventim and other platforms including Ticketmaster and Sports Illustrated Tickets.
How has it worked in the past? The International Olympic Committee told LAist that host committees and host country's laws dictate rules around ticket re-sale — and in the U.S., major hikes in ticket prices on secondary markets are the norm.
Read on...for more on how secondary ticket markets worked in Paris in 2024, and what it all could mean for L.A. in 2028.
In the flurry of ticket-buying that engulfed Los Angeles when Olympics sales started earlier this month, questions about the coming re-sale market loomed large.
As locals balked at ticket prices that averaged in the hundreds and went as high as $5,500, some wondered if re-sale would push costs for prospective fans even higher. Others wanted to know if they'd be able to easily recoup their money for the tickets they had splurged on. And then there was that 24% service fee — would that be charged on the resale market, too?
Officials with Olympics organizing committee LA28 have been tight-lipped about how the official resale market will work, saying only that it will launch in 2027 and have an "official marketplace" by AXS and Eventim and other platforms, including Ticketmaster and Sports Illustrated Tickets.
But re-sale policies for past Olympic Games and the coming World Cup's eye-popping price tags could provide hints as to what's coming for the L.A. Olympics ticket market.
If these touchstones are any indication, fans could see even higher prices when the L.A. Olympics re-sale market opens next year. And fees — both ubiquitous and loathed across live music and sports events — will likely keep popping up every time a ticket sells or re-sells.
How have Olympics tickets been re-sold in the past?
The International Olympic Committee told LAist that host committees and host country's laws dictate rules around ticket re-sale — and in the U.S., major hikes in ticket prices on secondary markets are the norm.
The two most recent Olympic Games did not allow tickets to be re-sold for a profit on official platforms, in compliance with Italian and French local laws, according to the I.O.C. Instead, Olympics organizers in Milano Cortina in 2026 and Paris in 2024 provided a re-sale market where fans could put up their tickets at face value.
In Paris and Milan, ticket re-sellers came out in the red after being charged a 5% service fee to re-sell the ticket. LAist reviewed one person's receipt from the Paris Games who re-sold two 100 euro tickets to an archery event for €200, and got back €190. A number of fans struggled to re-sell their tickets, according to news reports.
"A lack of demand in the secondary market has left many holding tickets they cannot sell, while organisers have continued to release more tickets," the Financial Times reported just before the 2024 Olympics began.
Tickets that were re-sold included a fee for 10% of the ticket value for the new purchaser.
Olympics tickets have been re-sold for higher prices when the host country allows it, though.
At the 2010 Winter Games in Vancouver, Canadians could re-sell their tickets at any price, according to the New York Times. An article from the time declared, "Olympic Ticket Business Gets a Taste of Internet Capitalism." The Vancouver organizing committee also charged a fee on each transaction.
The L.A. Games seem poised to look more like Vancouver than Paris, since the L.A. lacks the ticket regulations of recent European hosts. In all recent cases, organizers charged fees on resold tickets, indicating the 24% service fee on 2028 tickets could be on secondary markets, too.
At a Los Angeles City Council meeting last week, LA28 CEO Reynold Hoover said he didn't know how much of that fee would be going back to LA28. Hoover has repeatedly pointed out to critics that LA28 needs to deliver the Olympic Games under budget, otherwise taxpayers in L.A. and California will end up paying for cost overruns.
Will LA28 go the way of the World Cup?
Ticket sales for this summer's World Cup provide another window into where Olympics ticket prices could go.
FIFA decided not to cap re-sale prices in the U.S. and Canada for 2026 — a change in policy compared to past World Cup tournaments, according to The Athletic. (In Mexico, ticket re-sales are limited at their face value). That led tickets to be listed for way higher than their original price on the resale market, with FIFA making 30% in fees on each ticket that was re-sold.
The price tag for tickets to this summer's tournament has stoked indignation in fans and local officials alike. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani even launched an effort during his campaign asking FIFA to cap resale prices.
FIFA has also caught flak for increasing ticket prices using dynamic pricing, adjusting ticket prices based on demand. A Congressional coalition led by L.A. Democrat Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove wrote FIFA President Gianni Infantino a letter in March asking him to change course on ticket prices.
"The extreme high demand for World Cup tickets should not be a green light for price gouging at the expense of the people who make the World Cup the most-watched sporting event in the world," the coalition asserted.
Infantino has defended the prices, calling the U.S. market "very special."
Ticket prices under scrutiny
The spotlight on Olympics tickets comes as ticket sales and the companies that control them in the U.S. face growing scrutiny.
Just this month, a jury found that Live Nation and Ticketmaster, which merged in 2010, overcharged customers and acted as a monopoly. California was one of dozens of states that sued the company.
" What we've seen is the public reaching their own breaking point," said Morgan Harper, with the American Economic Liberties Project, a progressive group that has pushed to break up Ticketmaster and Live Nation. "The prices were getting so high that people were like, 'Wait a second. Is it now also gonna be unaffordable to even go to a concert?'"
In California, lawmakers are considering legislation to limit ticket prices, including one bill to cap re-sale at just 10% above face value. Assemblymember Matt Haney (D-SF) introduced the bill, which is aimed at preventing price gouging. In an interesting twist, Live Nation has backed the bill, and critics say it will ratchet up prices by limiting competition.
Even if that bill passes, it won't apply to L.A. in 2028. The legislation specifically excludes sports and the Olympic Games.
Gab Chabrán
covers what's happening in food and culture for LAist.
Published April 22, 2026 5:00 AM
A pizzaiolo finishing a Neapolitan-style pie at last year's Pizza City Fest. The fourth annual event returns to L.A. LIVE April 25-26.
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Susana Capra
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Courtesy Pizza City Fest
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Topline:
Pizza City Fest returns to L.A. LIVE this weekend with 40 SoCal pizzerias, including 11 first-timers, and a lineup that doubles as a snapshot of where Southern California pizza stands right now.
Why it matters: The fest is one of the few events that brings the full geographic and stylistic range of SoCal's pizza scene under one roof — making the case that L.A. isn't just a pizza city, it's a pizza region. Expect Detroit, NY, Neapolitan, tavern-style, grandma pie and more. No dominant identity, and that's kind of the point.
Why now: The event runs April 25–26, and the scene it's showcasing is as strong as it's ever been — more artisan bakers, more diverse styles, and more pizzerias pushing past city limits into the IE, OC, and beyond.
The backstory: Founded in 2022 by food reporter and James Beard Award winner Steve Dolinsky, Pizza City Fest has grown into a three-city operation. The L.A. edition is now in its fourth year and continues to expand its footprint both geographically and stylistically.
What's next: Tickets are still available at lalive.com/pizzacityfest. GA is $99/day, VIP is $199.
For anyone who doesn't think Los Angeles is serious about pizza, they've never been to Pizza City Fest.
Now in its fourth year, the festival returns to L.A. LIVE's Event Deck this weekend — from 1-5 p.m. Saturday and Sunday — showcasing the full range of styles that define SoCal's pizza scene. The event was founded by three-time Emmy and 13-time James Beard Award-winning food reporter Steve Dolinsky, who has built Pizza City Fest into a three-city operation spanning Chicago, Nashville and Los Angeles. This year, 40 pizzerias will be offering unlimited tastings — general admission runs $99 a day, VIP $199. (Drinks, both alcoholic and NA, are also included in the price).
Who's going to be there?
SoCal pizza isn't specific to L.A. What's most exciting about this year's lineup is how far it stretches — from Orange County and the Inland Empire to the San Fernando Valley and Santa Barbara. It’s a testament to the fact that good pizza is everywhere in the region; you just need to know where to find it.
As Dolinsky puts it: "You don't have to get in your car and drive all over Southern California to try all these great pizzas because they're all going to be made fresh, right there in one place."
Eleven out of the 40 pizzerias are making their Pizza City Fest debuts this year (marked with an asterisk).
Saturday
Angel City Pizza (Venice)
Anna Pizza (Valley Village)*
Bianca Sicilian Trattoria (mobile truck — Arts District)*
Bub & Grandma's Pizza (Highland Park)*
Colossus (Long Beach, San Pedro)*
Emmy Squared (DTLA)
Esco's New York Style Pizza (Mid-City)
Fat Lip Pizza & Beer (Corona)
Fat Nattys (Los Angeles)*
Joe's Pizza (Southern California)
Mievè (Miracle Mile)*
Mike's Firestone Pizza (Fullerton)*
Old Gold Tomato Pies (Los Feliz)*
Riip Beer & Pizzeria (Huntington Beach)
Slice House by Tony Gemignani (Southern California)
Thunderbolt Pizza (Long Beach)*
Tribute Pizza (San Diego)
Triple Beam Pizza (Southern California)
Truly Pizza (Dana Point)
Woodstock Farina (mobile truck — Oxnard)
Dessert: Lei'd Cookies (Culver City) and Uli's Gelato (Los Angeles)
Esteban "ESCO" Gutierrez grew up in his father's Manhattan pizza shop. Now he's bringing that New York tradition to Mid-City L.A. — and to Pizza City Fest this weekend at L.A. LIVE.
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Susana Capra
/
Courtesy Pizza City Fest
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Perhaps one of the most exciting aspects of Pizza City Fest is the sheer range of styles on offer. Detroit, NY, Neapolitan, tavern-style, grandma pie — all under one roof. No dominant identity, and that's kind of the point. Unlike New York or Chicago, where pizza culture rallies around a single style, SoCal's scene is pluralist by nature. You've got Ozzy's Apizza repping New Haven-style, Esco's flying the New York flag, Detroit Pizza Depot doing what it says on the tin, and Bub & Grandma's doing their own artisan thing that defies easy categorization.
Keep an eye on Colossus, based in Long Beach and San Pedro, who earned a glowing review from the LA Times and is bringing a 100% sourdough crust to the fest — the kind of artisan approach Dolinsky says has defined the scene's evolution over the past four years.
And then there's PiiZaa — a mobile operation out of the Torrance Farmers Market whose name is apparently how the Vietnamese community pronounces the word. They'll be making a bánh xèo-inspired dish (a traditional stuffed crepe in pizza form) with turmeric, shrimp and pork.
As Dolinsky puts it, "That to me is very LA. Vietnamese culture meets Neapolitan pizza. That doesn't happen really anywhere else in the country." The fest isn't an argument for one style over another — it's an argument that SoCal can do all of them and do them well.
Slice House by Tony Gemignani will be serving at Pizza City Fest at L.A. LIVE this weekend.
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Susana Capra
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Courtesy Pizza City Fest
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Beyond the slices
When you get tired — or full — of stuffing your face with delicious slices, Pizza City Fest has you covered there too.
Saturday's programming kicks off with "The Dough Whisperers" at 2 p.m., featuring Nancy Silverton and Aaron Lindell of Quarter Sheets in conversation about the craft of dough, followed at 3 p.m. by a home baker's masterclass demo from Thomas McNaughton and Ryan Pollnow of SF's Flour + Water — plus a Silverton book signing after.
Sunday brings a backyard pizza oven demo at 2 p.m. from Daniele Uditi of Pizzana. At 3 p.m., Esteban Gutierrez, Sean Lango, and Vito DeCandia make the case that great New York-style pizza doesn't require a New York zip code — moderated by Noah Galuten.
The details
Pizza City Fest runs Saturday and Sunday at the Event Deck at L.A. LIVE in downtown Los Angeles, 1–5 p.m. both days.
General admission is $99 per day; VIP tickets are $199 and include one-hour early entry, access to an exclusive lounge, preferred panel seating and a swag bag.
All tickets include unlimited pizza tastings, beverages, desserts and admission to all panels and demos — yes, that means drinks, both alcoholic and NA.
First-timer? Dolinsky's advice: "Go to the places that are furthest from your home ... go to the places from Corona, the IE and Covina. Who knows when you'll go there?"
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Suzanne Levy
is a senior editor on the Explore LA team, where she oversees food, LA Explained and other feature stories.
Published April 21, 2026 5:31 PM
The iconic King Taco sign at the original Cypress Park location, which opened in 1974 and is now being considered for Historic-Cultural Monument designation.
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Suzanne Levy
/
LAist
)
Topline:
The original King Taco restaurant in Cypress Park will become a Historic-Cultural Monument after the L.A. City Council voted 10-0 on Tuesday. Raul Martinez launched the business in 1974, when it started out as a food truck.
Why it matters: King Taco helped establish the template for the modern L.A. taqueria — shifting the city's understanding of tacos from the hard-shell, Americanized version to soft tortillas filled with carne asada, carnitas and tacos al pastor. It's now one of the few designated restaurant landmarks recognizing Latino culinary contributions.
The backstory: Founder Raul Martinez launched King Taco from a converted ice cream truck in 1974, eventually opening the Cypress Park brick-and-mortar location that became the chain's flagship. The business grew to 24 locations across Southern California.
Adolfo Guzman-Lopez
is an arts and general assignment reporter on LAist's Explore LA team.
Published April 21, 2026 4:49 PM
One of the many "personal delivery devices" bots in cities across the U.S.
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Courtesy Serve Robotics
)
Topline:
They may be cute, but cities are now deciding how to regulate them — and charge them for their use of public infrastructure. Glendale and Long Beach are in the process of creating new rules and fees for personal delivery devices, as they're called, while L.A. is looking at overhauling existing regulations to increase city revenue.
Why it matters: There’s significant growth projected for companies that create and run delivery bots. City officials see that as a source of revenue and are thinking about how to increase it as the bots become more prevalent, potentially charging a fee per trip rather than a flat fee as is current practice.
Why now: Delivery bots perform an essential service delivering products from Domino’s pizza to Walmart purchases. Companies that create the bots say their tech cuts down on the number of car trips making such deliveries.
What's next: Officials in the cities of L.A., Long Beach and Glendale say staff will submit their recommendations for delivery bot regulations in the next several months.
Companies that create and manufacture personal delivery devices, those cute bots you see on public sidewalks, have been working on growth plans for years.
Cities, on whose public sidewalks the delivery bots travel, are only now catching up to regulating them and charging the companies fees.
That's what's happening in Glendale, where, City Councilman Dan Brotman says, “[The delivery bots] just appeared out of nowhere. The company that operates [them] never reached out and talked to us."
He and other council members, he said, want to know if the delivery devices make it harder for Glendale residents using wheelchairs to use public sidewalks.
“I also am curious who is getting the financial benefit from these,” he said.
Glendale’s City Council asked city staff last month to draft two proposals, one with regulations and fees and the other pausing the operation of delivery bots while the council studies their impact. Brotman said staff may deliver those proposals to him and his colleagues in the months to come.
The two largest cities in LA County, at two different stages
The City of Los Angeles approved rules for personal delivery devices a few years ago, including flat permit fees. The City Council has since asked staff in the Department of Transportation to revaluate those rules and make suggestions.
One idea being considered — charging companies for every bot trip instead of the flat fee.
A delivery robot sits next to the bike path by the beach
“[The companies are] starting to put movie ads or show ads, and if they're generating revenue off that, we want to know what that looks like but also be able to have a fee for them,” Hernandez said.
That report should be presented to the City Council later this year, she said.
She’s also keen to hear from the public about their views on delivery bots.
Tell city officials what you think about delivery bots
L.A. residents can give the city their opinion at this link.
Glendale residents can email: CityCouncil@GlendaleCA.gov
Companies that make the devices argue they’re providing an essential delivery service to residents while cutting down on the number of vehicles on the road making the deliveries.
“We currently pay fees in Los Angeles, Chicago and West Hollywood as part of their permit programs and are open to similar models in other cities,” said Vignesh Ram, vice president of policy at Serve Robotics, by email.
Starship Technologies' delivery robot exits the elevator in the company's office.
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Meg Kelly
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NPR
)
The company is now operating in Long Beach; Ram says it notified the city before beginning to operate there.
A City of Long Beach spokesperson told LAist its business licensing, planning and public works teams are currently working on recommendations for regulations. Those should be presented to the City Council early this summer.
