The Brief

"Japanese people, we do not eat too much sushi and ramen, actually. We eat so many different things," says chef Yoya Takahashi.

You've probably noticed that Japanese food in the U.S. has a tendency to fall into certain lanes — sushi, ramen and the like. For Takahashi, after years working in Japanese restaurants across L.A., the repetitive nature of doing the same fish, the same sequence, every day, was driving him almost to his wits' end.

That's when his izakaya concept started to take shape. A drinking and dining experience that was personal and, more importantly, a truer vision of the diverse offerings of Japanese cooking back home. No set menu, a more seasonal approach, Japanese food on its own terms. Basically, whatever the hell he wanted.

The result is Homareya, his izakaya in downtown Long Beach.

What to order

The menu moves with the improvisational ease of a Jerry Garcia guitar solo — unhurried, searching, funky and cool, following the thread wherever it leads, and always landing somewhere that feels inevitable.

It spans the raw, the grilled, the fried, the fermented — Japanese and Californian in equal measure, almost autobiographical in its range. It began with saba nigiri — lightly torched, iridescent skin, 15-year-old vinegar rice, a quiet nod to his sushi roots. Then he moves on to a couple of yakitori skewers — simple and satisfying, approachable and adventurous between the same few bites of chicken thigh and liver. The monkfish karaage arrives looking like chicken and tastes like something better — his non-conforming nature in a single bite.

The Japadilla — a Sonoratown tortilla filled with soy-simmered beef, Jidori egg, konnyaku, mozzarella, sansho pepper and ichimi — is the dish that says everything about Takahashi's cooking.

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Gab Chabrán

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LAist

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Then there's the Japadilla — a Sonoratown tortilla charred over binchotan and filled with soy-simmered beef, Jidori egg, konnyaku (a starchy Japanese root vegetable), mozzarella, sansho pepper and ichimi. Unapologetically Long Beach. Completely his own.

Takahashi regularly visits farmers markets in Long Beach and Cerritos — no further — along with tending a small plot at a community garden a few miles north of the restaurant. His wife Yoshiko Nishibe is the Bob Weir to his Garcia, bringing her own creative spirit to an in-house fermentation program — koji, miso, mirin, fermented soy, all from scratch — and not afraid to experiment with unexpected bases like chickpea and mustard miso, the latter showing up in the firefly squid special, a dish that rewards the curious diner who orders off the menu.

Why Long Beach

Moving to Long Beach 15 years ago, Takahashi fell in love with the bar scene — a city long known for its old-school haunts. It was the individual free spirits he identified with that made it feel like home.

Homareya, on Linden Ave. in downtown Long Beach.

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Courtesy Homareya

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At Homareya, the menu includes sake, wine, and Japanese craft beer, all hand-selected. The wine list itself is a partnership with local bottle shop Buvons, where he sometimes pops up. Then there's the shochu — a Japanese spirit distilled from ingredients like barley, sweet potato, or rice, lighter than most Western spirits and endlessly versatile — which is perhaps the most personal part of the program.

Five selections anchored by the Beni Otome, a sesame shochu that Takahashi serves poured directly over hojicha, a roasted green tea, nutty, herbaceous, and exactly right for a Long Beach summer.

His background

Takahashi grew up in Kyoto, before immigrating to the U.S. in 2000 with only a backpack and a dream of becoming an actor. It makes perfect sense once you look at him — his long grey ponytail, tattooed arms, and unmistakable gruff voice would make him a shoo-in for a bit part in an independent film with the likes of Jim Jarmusch or Wes Anderson.

He ended up washing dishes to pay rent until someone suggested he try making sushi instead — eventually landing in Little Tokyo, where he trained at Hamakawa, a now-closed institution, and later in Gardena at Kanpachi. Learning directly from older Japanese mentors, watching and doing, no internet to fall back on.

The open kitchen at Homareya puts every move in full view of the room.

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Courtesy Homareya

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His grandfather was a stage actor back in Kyoto, and one of those mentors once told him the sushi counter works the same way. Same instincts, different medium — you see it in the quiet, calculated way Takahashi moves before setting a plate down in front of you.

For Takahashi, Homareya represents a reclamation of something: his voice, his cooking, his terms. The name says it plainly — Homare, an alternate reading of the chef's own name, paired with ya, the Japanese word for home. At Homareya, that's not a concept. It's a promise.

Airbnb spent millions to influence L.A.’s local elections this November, but lost in its most expensive races.

The short-term rental giant bet on Mayor Karen Bass with more than $4.1 million in spending toward groups supporting her. Airbnb also poured $2.1 million into the city attorney’s race to back candidate John McKinney.

On Thursday morning, Bass conceded the race to challenger Nithya Raman, as Raman continued to build a decisive lead. Marissa Roy was up in the city attorney race by an almost 2-to-1margin, and was all but guaranteed to defeat McKinney.

Both are progressives likely to push back against Airbnb as it angles to expand its presence in the city ahead of the 2028 Olympics and Paralympics.

“Their investments sure didn't pay off,” said Mike Bonin, a former L.A. City Council member and executive director of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs.

The role of short-term rentals in L.A.’s future became a fault line in the mayoral campaign after Bass quietly put forward a proposal in her annual budget suggesting the city temporarily loosen regulations and allow Airbnb to prepay some of its taxes to help ease the city’s budget deficit.

Under current Los Angeles law, homeowners can use only their primary residence for short-term rentals. Airbnb wants the city to change its rules to allow homeowners to rent out second homes.

That proposal did not survive the budget process and is stuck in a City Council committee. But it didn’t stop Raman from jumping on Bass’ budget maneuver, calling it “a sweetheart deal that [Airbnb] spent hundreds of thousands of dollars lobbying City Hall to get” at a press conference.

Raman, now the mayor-elect, has said she’s against rolling back restrictions for short-term rentals ahead of the Olympics and will increase enforcement of the city’s current rules.

As city attorney, Marissa Roy is also likely to take a strong stance against short-term rental platforms. She has put forward a policy pledging to align with tenants’ unions and community organizations, and will take over an ongoing lawsuit against Airbnb over alleged price gouging during the L.A. fires.

She could also take action against companies including Airbnb over illegal listings. A 2022 report found that nearly half of Airbnb and Vrbo listings were out of compliance with the city’s home-sharing ordinance.

“A lot of people don’t realize the L.A. city attorney has the extraordinary power to sue any business for anything unlawful, unfair or deceptive,” Roy told AirTalk in September.

LAist reached out to Roy requesting an interview and comment on her approach to Airbnb, but did not hear back in time for publication.

Nathan Rotman, Airbnb’s director of policy strategy for North America, said in an emailed statement in the lead-up to the election that the company backed candidates working toward “local jobs, thriving small businesses, strong neighborhood services, and a tourism economy that benefits not just big corporate hotels but also everyday Angelenos who share their homes to make ends meet.”

Rotman also said Airbnb was supporting efforts to expand short-term rentals in Los Angeles to make sure tourists had places to stay in the summer of 2028.

While the citywide races seem all but decided, the outcome of the two open City Council seats remains too close to call. Airbnb weighed in on those elections, too, spending more than $1 million to back groups supporting Tim Gaspar in Council District 3 and more than $300,000 to support campaigners for Jose Ugarte in Council District 9.

As of Thursday, Gaspar was in a dead heat with Barri Worth Girvan, both moderate Democrats battling to replace Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, who represents part of the San Fernando Valley.

In CD-9, where the winner will replace Councilmember Curren Price to represent South L.A., Ugarte maintained the lead with 53% of the vote. His opponent, Estuardo Mazariegos, who is backed by the Democratic Socialists of America, had called for a moratorium on short-term rentals and campaigned by blasting Airbnb’s spending in the race.

On election night, Ugarte told LAist that he hadn’t made up his mind on the proposal still in City Council committee to allow more short-term rentals for the Olympics and planned to hold community meetings on the topic.

“The first thing I want to do is have those conversations with our community, sit down at the table, have Airbnb show up, and also have people that oppose Airbnb show up,” Ugarte said.

With Raman heading to the mayor’s office, Mike Bonin said Airbnb will now be looking to “count to 10” — the number needed in city council to override a mayoral veto.

Maloy Moore and Aaron Schrank contributed to this report.

Nithya Raman, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America who offered a message of hope to a city beset by crises, has beaten Karen Bass in the race for Los Angeles mayor, the first time an incumbent has been ousted from that office in nearly a quarter century.

Raman, who is of Indian descent, becomes the first South Asian mayor of L.A. She was elected to the City Council six years ago.

Bass conceded the race Thursday morning. At the time, she had 48% of the vote compared with Raman's 52%, according to the latest vote count.

In a video statement, Raman said she was "deeply honored" to be L.A.'s next mayor, and she thanked the people who knocked on doors, sent texts and made phone calls in support of her campaign.

Despite the sometimes contentious race she and Bass waged against one another, Raman commended Bass for her decades of service to the city and pledged to earn the trust of all Angelenos.

"And that work starts now, so that we can build housing that people can afford, parks for our children to play in, a transit system that can get people where they need to go, a city that is safe for its working people and its families, and a city government that is actually capable of delivering on its promises," she said in the statement.

"I love this city, and I love its people, and I cannot wait to get started on building a better future together with all of you," she continued. "Thank you so much, Los Angeles."

In her concession statement, Bass said it had been an honor to serve "the city that raised me." She said she had carried that responsibility with her every day since she was elected.

“While this is not the outcome we hoped for, the people of Los Angeles have spoken," she said. "I have called Councilmember Nithya Raman to congratulate her on her victory, and I have committed to ensuring a smooth and seamless transition. Moving this city forward is what Los Angeles needs from all of us.

“I love Los Angeles," she continued. "I believe in Los Angeles. And I will continue to ensure the promise of a better life belongs to all of us. Thank you.”

A champion of tenants' rights, Raman has promised she would tackle housing affordability, homelessness and police reform — the latter by removing Police Chief Jim McDonnell. She also has vowed to improve basic city services like pothole and streetlight repair.

A year ago, Raman wasn’t on anybody’s radar for mayor. A year earlier, she narrowly won reelection to a second term representing District 4, which stretches from Hollywood to Sherman Oaks.

Seeing polls that showed Bass was highly unpopular, she filed to run against her one-time ally on the last day possible, Feb. 7, stunning the political establishment.

She had endorsed Bass only weeks earlier.

Raman’s road to victory

No other political figure stepped up to challenge Bass. Not Rick Caruso, the billionaire developer who lost to Bass four years ago. Not County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath. So Raman did.

In the primary, Raman overcame a strong campaign by TV personality Spencer Pratt to finish second behind Bass. Pratt, who lost his home in the Palisades Fire, came in third.

In the general election, Raman beat Bass despite the political establishment’s backing of the mayor. Bass had the support of the Los Angeles County Democratic Party, the Chamber of Commerce and the L.A. County Federation of Labor. Airbnb also spent big on behalf of Bass, who supported lifting restrictions on the homestay industry in the run-up to the 2028 Olympics.

Raman’s election represented a repudiation of the status quo, a reflection of Angelenos’ deep dissatisfaction with the way the city was being governed. Polls showed support closely correlated with age, with younger voters supporting Raman.

Her victory coincided with a blue wave that swept across the country and came despite a barrage of negative ads against her by the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file officers. The ads focused on Raman’s opposition to an ordinance that allows the police to remove homeless encampments from around schools, daycare centers and other sensitive sites.

Raman said the program merely shuffled unhoused people down the street.

Raman had her share of powerful support. Three big unions broke with the Federation of Labor and backed her over Bass: the Western States Council of Carpenters, UNITE HERE Local 11 and the United Auto Workers.

Hedge fund manager Aaron Sosnick poured more than $8.5 million into ads supporting Raman and bashing Bass. Sosnick is an avid cyclist who wants to see more bike lanes in L.A. He funneled some of his money through Streets for All, a community group that ran ads against Bass.

Outside independent expenditures topped $16 million for Bass and against Raman, compared with $13 million for Raman and against Bass.

Raman also touted a massive door-knocking campaign that involved more than 11,000 volunteers knocking on more than 110,000 doors.

The election marked a generational shift in leaders. Bass is 73 years old and drew much of her support from older voters. Raman is 45 and enjoyed the overwhelming support from voters ages 30 to 39, according to a UC Berkeley/L.A. Times poll taken days before the election.

Mayor Karen Bass (left) and challenger Nithya Raman speak at a forum focused on environmental issues during the 2026 L.A. mayoral race.

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Ashlyn Ablao

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A relative newcomer to LA politics

Raman was born in India and moved to Louisiana with her family when she was 6. She earned a degree in social studies from Harvard and a master's in urban planning from MIT. Raman became a naturalized citizen at the age of 22.

Raman moved to L.A. in 2013 and founded a nonprofit neighborhood homeless services coalition. She also served as executive director of Time’s Up Entertainment, a now-defunct group formed in response to the #MeToo movement.

The mother of twin boys and wife of a Hollywood screenwriter burst onto the political scene when she ousted an incumbent City Council member in 2020 with the backing of the DSA.

In defeating Bass, the first Black woman to serve as L.A. mayor, Raman ousted an icon in progressive politics in L.A. Bass was a community organizer who for years fought against police abuse and the crack epidemic in South L.A. Later, she went on to become speaker of the California State Assembly and represent L.A. in Congress.

Congresswoman and Los Angeles Mayoral Candidate Karen Bass speaks on stage at the Los Angeles County Democratic Party Election Night party held at the Palladium in Hollywood on Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2022.

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Brian Feinzimer

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LAist

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In 2022, Bass was elected as a progressive Democrat with the backing of a coalition that looked a lot like the one she had this year, with the exception of the police union, which backed Caruso four years ago. She was able to portray herself as an outsider coming in to fix City Hall.

This year, however, Bass was the incumbent saddled with the city's problems. Her popularity plummeted in the wake of the Palisades Fire. She was out of town when it broke out and was sharply criticized for the Fire Department’s response.

Adding to her woes was the homelessness crisis. The latest count showed the number of unhoused people was growing after a two-year drop. Numerous audits found deep mismanagement of hundreds of millions of dollars by the regional Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. Until recently, Bass sat on the board of the authority.

Her ouster is an ignominious end to an otherwise honorable career in public service.

In her concession statement, Bass thanked her supporters and her family, whom she said had stood beside her through every challenge.

“Over the past four years, we have taken on some of the most difficult challenges facing any major American city," Bass said. "Coming out of the pandemic, when encampments lined our streets and businesses were trying to reopen — we got Angelenos off the streets, made our neighborhoods safer, built more affordable housing, and created new opportunities for working families.

"We stood together through devastating wildfires and protected our immigrant communities when Donald Trump sent federal troops into our streets to spread fear and intimidation," she continued. "That progress belongs to all of us."

Despite her six years on the City Council, Raman enters the mayoral stage as an outsider promising to shake up an intransigent City Hall.

She may face an uphill battle. All but one of her colleagues on the council backed Bass, including three DSA members. City Controller Kenneth Mejia was the only elected official at City Hall to endorse Raman.

She may have an ally in the city attorney. DSA-backed Marissa Roy is leading Deputy District Attorney John McKinney in the race for that office.

The world of artisanal chocolate has exploded. Going into a specialist store, or even a mainstream supermarket, can be overwhelming, with rows of gorgeously designed chocolate bars facing you. How on earth do you find out what you like — let alone what to buy?

That’s the question Brian Cisneros, director of this weekend’s inaugural L.A. Chocolate Festival, would like to help you with. He sees the festival — in addition to being a great way to bask in chocolate for a day or two — as a way to learn how to read labels, properly taste chocolate and meet the people behind those craft bars.

“You've had some practice, you've met some chocolate makers,” he said. “And now you're able to evaluate, ‘Oh, that was worth the $8,’ or, ‘That was so good, I'm going to get that as a gift.’”

Everything chocolate is on offer, from pastries and drinking chocolate to ceremonial cacao.

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Char Beck

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Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

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Cisneros has been passionate about spreading the bean-to-bar chocolate gospel for 18 years, since he began the then-tiny but now large-scale annual Northwest Chocolate Festival in Seattle.

“When I founded the festival, there were only six craft chocolate or bean-to-bar chocolate makers in the United States,” he recalled.

Chocolate back then was dominated by large conglomerate producers, whose trade and manufacturing practices were increasingly being called out by activists.

“I had learned about all the trade implications in chocolate, and I really wanted to help connect people with chocolate that was ethical,” he said. “That was part of the original reason for the show.”

As the craft movement has expanded, so has the Northwest festival, with more than 100 exhibitors from all over the world. Well established enough, he felt, to expand to Los Angeles this year. He also has a personal connection — he grew up in Bellflower, with a grandmother who lived in East Los Angeles, before moving to Seattle for high school.

“So there is a little bit of a homecoming energy for me personally,” he said, “though I try to keep that internal.”

Exhibitors include Dick Taylor, a small batch maker from Northern California.

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Char Beck

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Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

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The festival is being held on Saturday, Nov. 7, and Sunday, Nov. 8, at The Magic Box @ The Reef in DTLA. It’s the new kid in town — smaller than its Seattle sibling at around 30 exhibitors — but Cisneros sees advantages in a more intimate, less overwhelming event, aiming for a “more boutique experience,” he said. Exhibitors include California maker Dick Taylor and Melissa Coppel, a Las Vegas-based vegan chocolate maker, with educational workshops all day included in the ticket price.

Gov. Gavin Newsom is commuting the death sentences of 548 people, clearing the California death row for the first time since the state conducted hangings in the late 19th century.

It is a monumental move in the history of capital punishment in America: The prisoners represent more than a quarter of the nation’s condemned inmates.

And it is a decision Newsom has spoken about in starkly personal terms. In 2019, shortly after taking office, he issued a moratorium on executions just three years after voters rejected a ballot measure to abolish the death penalty and instead approved one to speed them up. But at the time, the governor said he couldn’t be responsible for killing another person.

“After nearly 30 years in office I have come to understand the limits of what government can justly accomplish,” Newsom wrote in a letter addressed “to all Californians.” “I take this action because I firmly believe that state-sanctioned killing is incompatible with California’s values, undermines the foundations of our legal system, and diminishes each of us.”

Since 2024, death row has been a metaphorical place. The male prisoners were cleared out of their individual cells in San Quentin State Prison and distributed among other 24 facilities. Twenty female prisoners condemned to death were moved to general population at the Central California Women’s Facility that year. Even before Newsom’s 2019 moratorium, it had been more than a decade since the state performed an execution.

Some of the decisions Newsom made Thursday will need court approval. For those convicted of multiple felonies, four of seven judges on the Supreme Court will have to sign off on the commutations.

Newsom said those with the commuted sentences will not be eligible for new Board of Parole Hearings commutation and resentencing regulations. That addresses some concerns prosecutors, victims’ groups and supporters of the death penalty had expressed as they anticipated Newsom’s decision: that those newly sentenced to life might get a chance later to be released.

His anticipated decision garnered sharp condemnation in recent weeks from those groups, who argued it flew in the face of juries and judges that had upheld the death sentences, and voters who have upheld the practice.

“I don’t think he or any person should undo the sentence rendered by a jury and signed off by a judge because of his personal beliefs or feelings,” said Topo Padilla, president of Crime Victims United, last week.

Natasha Minsker, former director of the American Civil Liberties Union of California's Center for Advocacy and Policy, said the death penalty is now a forgotten part of California politics. “I’m shocked, when I talk to legislators and tell them to oppose it, they say we don’t have the death penalty in California,” she said.

Mary McComb, the former State Public Defender, said from her first case defending a man with intellectual disabilities who was charged with a capital offense, she has found a moral reason to oppose the death penalty.

“One can always hope, but without the commutations, it’s not always guaranteed that governors would continue to have the courage to (maintain a moratorium),” McComb said

This is a developing story that will be updated.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.