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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Privacy experts warn of AI-powered policing tools

    Topline:
    Flock cameras, the automated license plate readers (ALPRs), have faced intense backlash in recent months amid stories of abuse. Yet privacy experts say they're just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to police surveillance.

    Why now: AI-powered tools like Fusus from public-safety technology giant Axon pull in footage and data from police body cameras, law enforcement dashcams, 911 dispatch, gunshot detectors and surveillance cameras, including sometimes those of private businesses that opt in.

    Why it matters: Police officers in cities across the U.S. are quick to extol the virtues of real-time crime centers as a game changer that helps them find missing children, monitor large events from the skies and scope out dangerous scenes before putting an officer in harm's way. Many of them are now being powered with AI software. And privacy experts are concerned.

    Police officers in cities across the U.S. are quick to extol the virtues of real-time crime centers as a game changer that helps them find missing children, monitor large events from the skies and scope out dangerous scenes before putting an officer in harm's way.

    Hundreds of police departments have one of these central hubs, which have existed for years. But many are now being powered with AI software, such as Fusus, from the public-safety technology giant Axon.

    Fusus, by Axon's own description, is a "rapidly deployable real-time crime center in the cloud." It functions like the brain of a crime center, synthesizing the data it pulls in and allowing police command centers to watch an entire city from one place.

    Flock cameras, the automated license plate readers (ALPRs), have faced intense backlash in recent months amid stories of abuse. Yet privacy experts say they're just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to police surveillance.

    "I have been watching the debate about Flock with a little bit of puzzlement," says Andrew Guthrie Ferguson, a law professor at George Washington University. "Because real-time crime centers have not just ALPR cameras and sensors, but video analytics and drones and essentially a way to create a visual single-pane-of-glass vision of what's going on in a city, with time machine capabilities where you can go back and investigate crime."

    How AI-powered software fuels real-time crime centers

    Tools like Axon Fusus, which is a leader in this type of software, also pull in footage and data from police body cameras, law enforcement dashcams, 911 dispatch, gunshot detectors and surveillance cameras, including sometimes those of private businesses that opt in.

    Its use is growing fast. In 2024, the technology news site 404 Media reported that just over 100 law enforcement agencies had deployed Fusus, which was then its own company and was acquired by Axon that year. The number of law enforcement agencies using the tool has more than doubled since then, according to Axon.

    Police officers in departments that use Fusus told NPR that the tool serves as a time-saver and a force multiplier for their agencies.

    "We could put analysts in a room and have them access 40 different systems," says Benjamin Weir, a captain with the Oklahoma City Police Department. "But that slows them down. So the biggest leveraging factor for a real-time information center to be productive is to have software that can incorporate all these things into one usable area."

    Quincy Whitner, a lieutenant with the Greenville County Sheriff's Office in South Carolina, says Fusus helped his department find a man who shot a police officer and fled the scene, by combining city surveillance footage with license plate data.

    "Instead of having to go to a million different systems, a million different places to find answers, we can get it in one platform in one place somewhat instantaneously," says Whitner.

    Privacy concerns when surveillance is easy

    But that push-of-a-button mentality is exactly what makes privacy experts nervous.

    Rachel Levinson-Waldman, director of the Liberty and National Security Program at New York University's Brennan Center for Justice, says even a few decades ago, there were more hurdles to overcome when police officers wanted to surveil members of the community. They might have to physically follow someone or do a stakeout. It took time, staffing and resources.

    "In addition to all of the things that you would want in place requiring some kind of criminal predicate to launch it, there is just this kind of organic friction that imposes some constraints," she says. "As that friction gets lifted, it becomes easier and easier to do investigations, to look at people and even to pull up broad-scale information."

    Police told NPR that they understand those concerns but that the good — the potential for stopping and solving crime — outweighs the bad — the potential for misuse and mass surveillance.

    "I understand people's concerns, but if you're not up to no good, we're not looking at you. We are looking at people who are committing crimes," says Michelle Iezzi, deputy director of the Operational Intelligence Division at the Montgomery County Police Department in Maryland.

    Axon did not respond to multiple requests for comment. But CEO Rick Smith said on the latest earnings call that the company strongly values privacy: "We just have to be thoughtful and understand those concerns and say, 'Look, this is a tool to amplify human ability, not to replace human judgment.'"

    But there is broad potential for abuse when a police department is always watching, privacy experts say; surveillance technology can sweep up innocent people by mistake, and it can enable targeting.

    "What happens if there is a government that wants to silence a particular group or even a particular person? And you just built the architecture of surveillance that makes that super-easy," says Ferguson, the George Washington University law professor.

    Courts are moving slowly in deciding when or if this kind of surveillance crosses a constitutional line. In the meantime, Ferguson says, lawmakers could act by limiting how long data is stored, for instance, mandating regular audits or restricting surveillance near sensitive sites like abortion clinics or immigration courts.

    He says those conversations should be happening before a tool ever is used.

    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • SoCal's 'largest street festival' returns Oct. 17
    Seven musicians perform on a stage at the Taste of Soul Family Festival 2025. One person is seen on the left hand edge of the picture on drums. To his front is a man on saxophone. To the right of him is a man on the electric guitar. To the right and back is a man in a black shirt on keyboards. In front of him there's a man in a white suit holding a microphone. To the right of the man with the microphone are two women wearing purple shirts and sunglasses, holding tambourines, and singing into microphones.
    Musicians perform on the Bakewell Media Stage.

    Topline:

    The Taste of Soul Family Festival returns to Crenshaw Boulevard Saturday, Oct. 17 for another full day of free music, health screenings, and food from across the region.

    Why it matters: The festival provides an economic boon for local small businesses, gives neighbors a chance to connect with one another, and provides free health screenings for kids and adults.

    Why now: The one day festival happens once a year and shuts down nearly three miles of Crenshaw Boulevard from Obama Boulevard to Stocker Street for family friendly fun in South L.A.

    Once a year Crenshaw Boulevard comes alive with music, food and celebration at the Taste of Soul Family Festival. What organizers bill as Southern California’s “largest free street festival,” now in its 21st year, takes over nearly three miles between Obama Boulevard and Stocker Street on Saturday, Oct.17.

    Come on in, it’s free

    A large crow fills Crenshaw Boulevard at the 2025 Taste of Soul event. Tents are seen lining the edges of the street.
    Crowds fill Crenshaw Boulevard at Taste of Soul.
    (
    E. Mesiyah McGinnis
    /
    Los Angeles Sentinel
    )

    And “free” is the operative word.

    “At Coachella, it's $500 a ticket. At Taste of Soul, you come free,” said Pamela Bakewell with Bakewell Media, the festival's organizer.

    Danny J. Bakewell Sr. — chairman of the organization and Pamela’s brother — pitched the festival to then-L.A. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa.

    “He went to him and said, ‘Look, if they can do these things in New Orleans, then why can't we do it in Los Angeles?’”

    A woman stands next to a man and they pose for a picture. The woman wears a green tank top and hoop earrings. To her right the man wears a black button up shirt and sunglasses, he flashes a peace sign to the camera.
    Tiffany Haddish with Danny J. Bakewell Sr. at Taste of Soul 2025.
    (
    Ian Foxx
    /
    Los Angeles Sentinel
    )

    That first festival in 2005 drew about 25,000 people, according to organizers. Now, some 350,000 people attend every year.

    A world of vendors

    Organizers say the festival has become an economic boost for small businesses in Southern California, featuring over 100 food vendors of serving a variety of cuisines.

    A food vendor cooks some sort of kebab on a large grill. He wears an apron, with a white shirt underneath. He uses tongs to flip over the kebab. Behind him a man can be seen stirring a large pot with a ladle.
    A food vendor cooks at Taste of Soul 2018.
    (
    Trarell Torrence
    /
    Los Angeles Sentinel
    )

    “It's the biggest event that I do all year,” said Brian McMillan, owner of The Kobbler King in South L.A. “People place orders after the event. They taste the cobbler;  it sets us up for Thanksgiving.”

    McMillan has been a vendor at Taste of Soul for 20 years.

    A man sings with a microphone in his hand, the mic stand is held in his other hand. He wears a blue Dodgers button up shirt. A wide brimmed black hat with a feather in the cap, and white pants.
    Montell Jordan performs on the KJLH Music Stage at Taste of Soul 2025.
    (
    Malcolm Ali
    /
    Los Angeles Sentinel
    )

    “You got food from all over. I have a friend from East Africa; his food is some of the best food I've ever had, and it's extremely healthy,” McMillan said.

    And plenty more to see

    People sit at a medical booth that says "Watts Healthcare Adult". A person standing behind the booth wears all black and helps one person sitting down. Several others behind the booth are walking.
    Visitors and staff at the Watts Healthcare tent during Taste of Soul 2025.
    (
    Ian Foxx
    /
    Los Angeles Sentinel
    )

    McMillan said he relishes seeing different generations of neighbors and customers come by to say hello and get some cobbler.

    “It's like a family reunion, and I think that's very important because you don't see that with too many festivals at all.”

    Taste of Soul Family Festival

    • When: Saturday, Oct. 17 from 10 to 7 p.m.
    • Cost: Free
    • Where: Crenshaw Boulevard between Obama Boulevard and Stocker Street
    Highlights:

    • The event kicks off at 10 a.m. with a parade featuring marching bands from Dorsey and Crenshaw high schools and a drill team from a local church. 
    • Live performances from gospel to soul and featuring musicians curated by Inglewood radio station KJLH
    • Free health services and screenings including for blood pressure, mammograms and dental and eye exams.

  • Sponsored message
  • Why the waves are hitting the shore hard
    A large wave bursts into white spray against a wooden seawall as a small crowd of onlookers and photographers watches from behind it, beside beachfront homes.
    Locals and members of the media fill the boardwalk as king tides slam the wooden bulkhead on the Peninsula in Long Beach, Monday, Sept. 28, 2026

    Topline:

    Long Beach is famously surrounded by a breakwater to protect its harbor, but that massive barrier hasn’t been able to shield homes on the city’s Peninsula from hurricane-charged swells recently. Over the last few weeks, strong waves have repeatedly stripped away sand, broken through a boardwalk bulkhead and threatened to collapse beachside homes by clawing away the sand underneath them. All of this keeps happening in a narrow stretch of homes along the Peninsula, mostly between 62nd and 69th places.

    Why it matters: El Niño’s warm waters have supercharged high tides. That, combined with hurricane-driven waves coming up from the south, has stripped so much sand away from the Peninsula’s beach that the wooden bulkhead under the coastal boardwalk has been exposed. At high tide, breakers now slap directly against the wood, repeatedly splintering it. The city is hoping to soon start a $11.4 million dredging project to gather enough sand to rebuild the beach and protect the boardwalk, but that can’t happen while it’s getting pounded by the surf.

    What's next: There may be some relief soon. Hurricane season in the eastern Pacific runs from mid-May through November. Hurricanes later in the year are much more likely to form in the western Pacific — as opposed to the southeast — and the federal breakwater that shields Long Beach’s harbor blunts the swells that originate from the west. That’s why much of California’s western coast may still see dangerous waves through the winter, though Long Beach is usually safe. To bolster the Peninsula’s defenses, Long Beach is now considering a $6.8 million plan to build a rock revetment — a wall of boulders that would sit behind the beach as a backup.

    Long Beach is famously surrounded by a breakwater to protect its harbor, but that massive barrier hasn’t been able to shield homes on the city’s Peninsula from hurricane-charged swells recently.

    Over the last few weeks, strong waves have repeatedly stripped away sand, broken through a boardwalk bulkhead and threatened to collapse beachside homes by clawing away the sand underneath them. All of this keeps happening in a narrow stretch of homes along the Peninsula, mostly between 62nd and 69th places.

    Those few blocks are vulnerable to swells coming from the south because of an opening in the breakwater and jetty that allows boat access to Alamitos Bay.

    In order to protect those homes, Long Beach typically builds a sand berm to block waves. When waves rip it away, the breakwater keeps it from washing out to sea, and it instead piles up to the west near downtown (a phenomenon called littoral drift.) The city spends $1 million to $1.5 million a year on trucking that sand back to the Peninsula and rebuilding the beach.

    This year, it hasn’t been enough.

    El Niño’s warm waters have supercharged high tides. That, combined with hurricane-driven waves coming up from the south, has stripped so much sand away from the Peninsula’s beach that the wooden bulkhead under the coastal boardwalk has been exposed.

    At high tide, breakers now slap directly against the wood, repeatedly splintering it.

    The city is hoping to soon start a $11.4 million dredging project to gather enough sand to rebuild the beach and protect the boardwalk, but that can’t happen while it’s getting pounded by the surf.

    There may be some relief soon. Hurricane season in the eastern Pacific runs from mid-May through November. Hurricanes later in the year are much more likely to form in the western Pacific — as opposed to the southeast — and the federal breakwater that shields Long Beach’s harbor blunts the swells that originate from the west. That’s why much of California’s western coast may still see dangerous waves through the winter, though Long Beach is usually safe.

    To bolster the Peninsula’s defenses, Long Beach is now considering a $6.8 million plan to build a rock revetment — a wall of boulders that would sit behind the beach as a backup.

    An aerial view looking down a long, narrow strip of land packed with homes and buildings, with a wide sandy beach and open ocean on the left and a calm bay on the right.
    This aerial view of the Peninsula was included in a city report on ways to replenish its sand.
    (
    City of Long Beach
    /
    via Long Beach Post
    )

    But for a long-term solution, officials say it may cost $150 million to $350 million for a full habitat and shoreline restoration — funded partly by state mitigation credits.

    It’s the kind of project that would take massive amounts of approvals and planning and likely some delays. The city council, for now, has approved $30,000 to look into it further.

  • Newsom took stance on anti-billionaire tax measure
    California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a man with a tan skin-tone and gray hair, wearing a white collared shirt and gray suit jacket, speaks during an event in San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2023.
    California Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during an event in San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2023.

    Topline:

    Not only has Gov. Gavin Newsom vocally opposed the proposed California billionaire tax, but he also wants to prevent the state from ever passing a wealth tax in the future.

    The backstory: On Friday he endorsed Proposition 42, a ballot measure that would cancel out Proposition 40, the proposed billionaire tax. Prop. 42 would prohibit retroactive taxes like the one-time 5% tax on assets that would apply to any billionaire who lived in California on Jan. 1, 2026, if Prop. 40 passes. But Prop. 42, funded and placed on the ballot by billionaire and Google co-founder Sergey Brin to defeat the billionaire tax, also would go further, by banning any new taxes on personal property.

    His party opposes it: Newsom’s decision to support Prop. 42 runs counter to his own Democratic Party and some labor unions. It also aligns him with some of the wealthy tech donors with whom he’s maintained longstanding relationships dating back to his days as mayor of San Francisco.

    Not only has Gov. Gavin Newsom vocally opposed the proposed California billionaire tax, but he also wants to prevent the state from ever passing a wealth tax in the future.

    On Friday he endorsed Proposition 42, a ballot measure that would cancel out Proposition 40, the proposed billionaire tax. Prop. 42 would prohibit retroactive taxes like the one-time 5% tax on assets that would apply to any billionaire who lived in California on Jan. 1, 2026, if Prop. 40 passes.

    But Prop. 42, funded and placed on the ballot by billionaire and Google co-founder Sergey Brin to defeat the billionaire tax, also would go further, by banning any new taxes on personal property.

    That includes pensions and 401K accounts before retirees start drawing retirement income from them. It also includes other investments, financial assets, business holdings, art collections and all other forms of personal wealth that would be affected by the billionaire tax or any future wealth tax.

    Newsom’s decision to support Prop. 42 runs counter to his own Democratic Party and some labor unions. It also aligns him with some of the wealthy tech donors with whom he’s maintained longstanding relationships dating back to his days as mayor of San Francisco.

    Proponents primarily argue that middle-class workers’ retirements and pension accounts should never be taxed as assets before the gains are later taxed a second time as income, even though there is no such proposal. Lawmakers have in the past proposed asset taxes but those bills went nowhere in the Legislature and any tax would require a two-thirds majority to pass. The proposed billionaire tax also exempts many kinds of retirement accounts.

    “We all agree that Californians deserve to have their retirement and life savings protected from new state taxes so those savings are there when they need them,” Newsom said in a statement released by the proponents, who also include police and fire unions.

    Proponents of the tax criticized his Prop. 42 endorsement as “in lock step with his billionaire backers.”

    “By voting yes on Prop 42, he’s showing California his true colors,” said Debru Carthan, vice president of Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West in a statement. “He’d rather millions of children and families lose their healthcare than ask a couple hundred billionaires to finally pay their fair share.”

    Newsom has not yet taken a position on Prop. 41, another Brin-backed, anti-billionaire measure that would nullify Prop. 40 by subjecting the tax revenues to certain state spending limits and audits, said spokesperson Izzy Gardon. The billionaire tax measure, funded by one healthcare union, would put 90% of the money it collects toward the state’s healthcare program for low-income residents, Medi-Cal.

    Newsom, along with many other leading California Democrats and most Republicans, has vocally opposed the billionaire tax and tried to negotiate to keep it off the ballot. In general during his two terms as governor he has opposed state-level taxes on assets, out of concern the wealthy will leave the state and deprive the state of their income tax revenue.

    But he has also sought to take advantage this year of a populist upswing and frustration toward tech billionaires ahead of his decision on whether to run for president after he leaves office. The California Democratic Party endorsed the billionaire tax and polling shows a slim majority of likely voters support it.

    In response to the billionaire tax, Newsom this summer announced a proposal to impose a national tax on the wealthy, including a minimum tax rate on anyone with a net worth of more than $100 million. He also wants to undo corporate tax cuts that President Donald Trump and Congress approved in 2017, boost inheritance taxes and close loopholes the wealthy use to borrow from unrealized capital gains without paying income taxes.

    Critics from the left have tried to use his Prop. 40 opposition against him. Last weekend as he rallied for the billionaire tax, Democratic California Rep. Ro Khanna, another possible 2028 presidential contender, said donor relations were the “only reason” for Newsom’s opposition.

    “You can’t be anti-Trump and then do the bidding of Trump donors,” Khanna said in a video with progressive former congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti.

    Khanna pointed to Brin, who has never donated to Newsom but has had a relationship with the governor for years. Newsom and Brin attended each other’s weddings. The tech magnate has recently also turned rightward, courting Trump’s favor.

    Newsom announced his endorsement of Prop. 42 on Friday along with his positions on most of the 14 ballot measures Californians are deciding on.

    He endorsed most measures on the ballot, but opposes Proposition 39, the Republican-backed voter ID measure; Proposition 43, a measure to make it more difficult to pass most local taxes; and Proposition 44, a health union-backed measure to dictate how much money clinics serving low-income patients must spend on patient care.

    He hasn’t yet taken a position on Proposition 45, the business-backed measure that puts time limits on the environmental review process for new developments.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Politi drawings and a displaced family
    A painting of a house with children playing outside.
    The painting, “Grandmother’s House,” from Leo Politi’s book, "Bunker Hill: Reminiscences of Bygone Days".

    Topline:

    A family whose Bunker Hill home was razed to make way for redevelopment of downtown L.A. in the 1950s and 1960s recently saw drawings of their home painted by Caldecott-winning artist Leo Politi.

    The backstory: In the 1960s, Politi painted the historic Bunker Hill neighborhood. Thousands of people were forced by eminent domain to relocate for the modernization plan known as the Bunker Hill Redevelopment Project.

    What happened: The Bruce family was among the displaced. The family knew about the drawings from their cherished copy of a book by Politi. But they never saw the paintings in person, which are housed in the Central Library's Special Collections.

    Read on ... to learn about their experience of seeing these drawings recently at the library.

    Vicki Rodriguez and her family gathered at Central Library in downtown Los Angeles in September — blocks from where they lived more than half a century ago — to see their lives on Bunker Hill portrayed by a famous painter they called “Mr. Politi.”

    In the 1960s, Caldecott-winning artist Leo Politi painted the historic Bunker Hill neighborhood. Thousands of people were forced by eminent domain to relocate for the modernization plan known as the Bunker Hill Redevelopment Project. Politi, who had once lived there himself, took it upon himself to sketch, then paint, some of the houses that were soon to be demolished.

    “I saw these beautiful mansions being torn down,” Politi told an interviewer at KCET in 1987, “and I says, ‘I just got to start drawing them and recording them,’ so I did a lot of studies up there, and when I finished, I did the book.”

    A painting of two girls playing under trees.
    "The Veranda" by Leo Politi in "Bunker Hill, Los Angeles: Reminiscences of Bygone Days". The drawing features Ruby and Julie.
    (
    A scan from the book.
    )

    In 1964, he published a selection of what he captured in a book, Bunker Hill Los Angeles: Reminiscences of Bygone Days. The beloved childhood home of Vicki and her family was featured in those paintings.

    Watching Mr. Politi at work

    Vicki, her sister Ruby Besing, and their cousin Julie Lendt remember playing outside the house they all lived in at 221 S. Bunker Hill Avenue and watching Politi sketch.

    They didn’t know then that the friendly man with an easel and paints was a lauded artist. When they saw the finished product, they were thrilled to find that Politi called them “the last children on Bunker Hill.”

    A black and white photo of a home.
    Photo taken in 1960 of 221 S. Bunker Hill Ave., where the Bruce family lived.
    (
    Historic American Buildings Survey
    /
    Courtesy Library of Congress
    )

    How Politi's art ended up at the library

    In 1965, after displaying some of Politi’s paintings from the book, Central Library acquired 44 of his sketches and drawings for $3,000. Though collecting art isn’t typically part of the library’s mandate, librarians deemed the pictures of the now-leveled neighborhood to be of important historical value.

    Vicki and her family — who relocated to Echo Park after being forced to move — learned a few years ago that several of the artworks had been put on display in the library’s children’s section.

    But the picture of their family home at 221 S. Bunker Hill Avenue wasn’t one of them. It was housed in the library’s Special Collections.

    How the Bruce family came to Bunker Hill

    Though Politi refers to the house in the book as belonging to their grandmother, it actually belonged to Vicki’s parents, Byron and Vaden Bruce, who’d grown up poor in Kentucky and moved west in the mid-1940s to Los Angeles in search of a better life.

    Byron’s aunt, a preacher named Statia Mobley who ran a mission on Skid Row, married the couple in May 1946. They celebrated their wedding with a dinner at Clifton’s Cafeteria, a special treat that they indulged in on their anniversary each year after.

    A man and a photo in their wedding pic taken in the 1940s.
    Vaden and Byron Bruce on their wedding day at Clifton’s Cafeteria in May 1946.
    (
    Courtesy Ruby Besing
    )

    Byron Bruce was a musician whose sight was limited. Since he couldn’t drive, Bunker Hill was the perfect launch point from which he could walk to the many bars and clubs that dotted the downtown landscape. He was also a smart businessperson who cobbled together the money to buy a few homes around the neighborhood, sliced into apartments, which he maintained for his tenants. Vaden worked for over 30 years in the administrative office at the Sears in Boyle Heights.

    Vicki, Ruby and Julie all walked down the hill each day and through the 2nd Street tunnel to Fremont Elementary School.

    Leaving Bunker Hill

    As they played in the streets while Politi worked to capture them, they had no idea about the yearslong battle to level their neighborhood. The Bruces never troubled their children with the unfolding drama over its purchase by eminent domain. (Those who didn’t own their home — the majority of the people evicted from Bunker Hill — were forced out without any assistance.)

    When they finally had to leave in the summer of 1963, their childhood on the hill became a cherished memory.

    Three women standing in front of a drawing at a library.
    Vicki Rodriguez, Ruby Besing and Julie Lendt pose with a sketch they’d never seen from the Leo Politi Collection at Central Library
    (
    Lisa Napoli
    /
    LAist
    )

    For 30 years now, Vicki, who lives with her husband in Tujunga, has been a longtime secretary of my neighbor on the modern Bunker Hill — directly across the street from where the Bruce family once lived.

    When he told me about Vicki’s roots in the neighborhood, I helped her connect with the library.

    What the family found in the library's collection

    Four women in a library. One of them is holding a painting of the Bunker Hill home they lived in.
    Ruby Besing, librarian Ani Boyadjian, Julie Lendt and Vicki Rodriguez.
    (
    Lisa Napoli
    /
    LAist
    )

    In September, Vicki, Ruby, Julie, and Vicki’s son, Jeffrey, huddled around boxes of art as librarian Ani Boyadjian carefully opened the first. The very first piece she pulled out was one depicting their Bunker Hill Avenue home. But it wasn’t the picture Politi used in the book — it was another one that the family hadn’t known about.

    Looking at paintings and sketches they didn’t know existed, these last children on Bunker Hill, now in their 60s and 70s, found themselves transported back in time to their beloved neighborhood — and flabbergasted to see how much attention Politi had paid them, even Ruby’s beloved childhood pet cat, Poncho.

    “To our knowledge, there were only the two paintings in the book. And then at the library, we see there are something like 15 sketches and paintings, renderings of the house we’d never seen before,” Vicki said after the visit. “It blew me away. Seeing this artwork was a dream come true.”

    The story continues

    A few days after their visit, Vicki, Ruby and Julie returned to the library so that librarian Boyadjian could record their oral histories. Listen to what they told her here.

    To learn how to access the Library’s special collections, visit this link.