The Brief

For generations of U.S. schoolchildren, phrases like "shuttle run" and "sit-and-reach" likely conjure vivid memories of what was once a staple of American physical education: the Presidential Fitness Test. And thanks to a new executive order, it's slated to return to gymnasiums nationwide.

On Thursday, President Donald Trump signed the order reviving the test, a set of standardized exercises that schools conducted to measure students' physical fitness for over half a century until 2013, when President Barack Obama phased it out in favor of a more holistic approach. It's not yet clear which exercises will be part of the test going forward, or when it will launch.

It was traditionally conducted once or twice a year for students ages 10 to 17, and included drills like push-ups, the back-and-forth PACER running test and the infamous one-mile run.

And it was a competitive affair: Students who placed at or above the 85th percentile on all exercises were eligible for the Presidential Fitness Award, which Trump's order is also reinstating.

"From the late 1950s until 2013, graduate scholars all across our country competed against each other in the presidential fitness test, and it was a big deal," Trump said at the signing ceremony, flanked by a slew of professional athletes. "This was a wonderful tradition, and we're bringing it back."

Trump is also reestablishing the President's Council on Sports, Fitness, and Nutrition and tasking it with developing criteria for the test. Its rollout will be administered by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

Kennedy's "Make America Healthy Again" report, released in May, bemoans the decline of American kids' activity and physical fitness levels, rising rates of obesity and what he calls the "childhood chronic disease crisis."

Trump's order adds another layer of urgency, saying that Americans' physical wellbeing is in decline, and is a "threat to the vitality and longevity of our country," especially on the eve of 2026 — America's 250th birthday and the year it's set to host the FIFA World Cup.

"Rates of obesity, chronic disease, inactivity, and poor nutrition are at crisis levels, particularly among our children," the order reads. "These trends weaken our economy, military readiness, academic performance, and national morale."

Leaders made a similar argument about patriotism when the original test was introduced in the Cold War era. But the trends cited by the Trump administration have only worsened since then. So experts and educators tell NPR they are exercising caution when it comes to their hopes for a revamped version.

Joanna Faerber, a physical education teacher working with rural Louisiana schools on federal grants, says Trump's announcement drew a passionately divided response in her professional network.

"We all agree that childhood obesity and lack of physical activity and physical education in school is limited," she said. "I think measuring it is the question."

How did the test come about?

Pioneering orthopedic surgeon Hans Kraus — now recognized as the "father of sports medicine" in the U.S. — worked with another doctor, Sonja Weber, in the 1940s to create the Kraus-Weber test. They designed the test to evaluate fitness through sit-ups and other exercises focused on core strength and flexibility.

In the 1950s, Kraus and his fellow fitness enthusiast Bonnie Prudden set about administering the test to thousands of schoolchildren in the U.S., Italy, Switzerland and Austria. The researchers found that 58% of American kids failed at least one element of the six-part test, compared to just 8.7% of Europeans.

"We have no wish to change the standard of living by trying to do away with the automobile and television," Kraus said, presenting their work to a White House gathering in 1955. "But we must make sure that we make up for this loss of physical activity."

Their findings — which Sports Illustrated at the time called "The Report That Shocked the President" — spurred President Dwight Eisenhower to order the creation of the President's Council on Youth Fitness in 1956. (That's the same council that Trump reestablished in this week's order.) The following year, the council piloted its own national fitness test.

President John F. Kennedy built on Eisenhower's momentum, launching a nationwide public service campaign encouraging Americans to take the 50-mile hikes once required of U.S. Marines. Kennedy was a strong advocate of physical fitness, penning an influential Sports Illustrated essay to that effect — titled "The Soft American" — as president-elect in 1960. Trump referenced the essay in his executive order, and RFK Jr. talked about it at the signing ceremony.

"He was lamenting the fact that America had prided itself on a beef jerky toughness, and that … we were falling behind Europeans, we were falling behind other nations," Kennedy said of his uncle.

The third iteration of the council under President Lyndon B. Johnson formalized the fitness test in 1966, and added the element of an award for top performers.

From there, the test became a fixture of American P.E. classes, though its components did evolve over the decades. For example, it ditched the softball throw, which came to be seen as more of a skill (for grenade-wielding soldiers) than a measure of fitness.

"I think it was instilled to try to get people back in the '60s ready to enter into the armed forces and get them fit for battle," Laura Richardson, a clinical associate professor in the School of Kinesiology at the University of Michigan, told NPR. "And then as time evolved, they said, 'We need to change this.'"

Why did the test go away?

Over the decades, the physical fitness test drew increasing criticism for its negative impact on mental health. Many students found it an exercise in humiliation in front of their peers, fueling concerns about body image from a young age.

Critics also doubted the test's effectiveness, saying its task-specific, one-size-fits-all nature was not conducive to making individual progress towards a healthier lifestyle. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) data shows that the adult obesity rate rose from about 13% in 1960 to about 34% in 2008, during the rough window the test was in effect.

The Obama administration phased out the fitness test after the 2012-2013 school year, replacing it with the Presidential Youth Fitness Program. The voluntary program provides resources to schools for assessing and recognizing youth fitness, shifting its emphasis from athleticism to overall health.

Many schools do that using the FitnessGram Assessment, which was developed by the Kenneth H. Cooper Institute at Texas Tech University and evaluates criteria like aerobic capacity, flexibility, body composition and muscular strength.

While specifics about Trump's revamped Presidential Fitness Test are still scarce, the educators NPR spoke with hope it will continue to prioritize that kind of health-related fitness over specific skills.

They would like to see the test include robust resources for the teachers who will be implementing and collecting data from it. And they hope that it will enable schools to spend more time allowing and encouraging kids to be active — not just to prepare for the test, but to form lifelong habits.

"A fitness assessment is just to let you know where you are," Faerber said. "It's not the end. It's the beginning of changing."

Ricardson says it will likely take years to see whether the new test is working, because of the amount of individual and population-level data required. And, she notes, fitness is just one avenue for addressing childhood obesity, along with things like nutrition, sleep and stress.

"I think the biggest thing is that right now we have child fitness at the forefront," she adds. "And that is what we need to be focusing on: How do we help kids get to where we want them to be, less about the test and more about how we get them there."
Copyright 2025 NPR

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Día de los Muertos, or Day of the Dead, is a time to honor the memory of loved ones who have died. The holiday’s most beloved traditions include building ofrendas at home or visiting cemeteries to decorate the graves of those who have departed. 

The celebration, widely observed in Mexico and other Latin American countries, also brings colorful, vibrant events to Los Angeles. On or before Nov. 1 and 2, cempasúchil-covered altars, intricately designed sugar calaveras and pan de muerto will spring up. 

We’ve rounded up a list of mostly free events on L.A.’s Eastside and downtown to celebrate the cherished cultural holiday.

Oct. 17: Día de los Muertos at El Sereno Community Arts 

El Sereno Community Arts presents its 17th annual Día de los Muertos community celebration with a day full of activities for the whole family. The event will feature free arts and culture programming, community altars, live musical performances and food from local vendors. The festival will also feature artwork and handmade catrinas made from the arts center’s community workshops. 

Oct. 17: What We Carry: East L.A. to Palestine at Tonalli Studio 

Tonalli Studio will open its Día de los Muertos exhibition and ofrenda to showcase how land, home and family are threatened today. What We Carry tells the stories of resilience across generations from the communities of East L.A. to Palestine. Guests are invited to add names, prayers or written statements to this year’s “East L.A. to Palestine” ofrenda. 

Oct. 18: Paint and Sip at Cafe Niña 

Join the beloved coffee spot for a morning decorating a miniature altar to add to your ofrenda at home.  Each ticket will include your choice of a coffee or matcha, a paint set with a miniature ofrenda and a light brunch. Tickets are limited, so be sure to grab yours through their Instagram page. 

Oct. 18: Crafting Party at Benny Boy Brewing 

Benny Boy Brewing is hosting its 4th Annual Día de los Muertos Crafting Celebration, featuring sugar skull decorating sessions. There will be an assortment of crafting materials to choose from and additional items include a clear box to display your completed sugar skull, ribbon, cempasuchil flowers and a customized tealight candle. Guests can purchase a small or large skull and get free face-painting. Please note that the event is for guests 21 and over. 

Oct. 24: Calavera LGBTQ+ Festival by Latino Equity Alliance 

The Latino Equity Alliance will celebrate its annual Calavera LGBTQ+ Festival with an evening of drag and musical performances, dancing, community resource booths and an altar. In collaboration with the Get Out the Vote Initiative, the festival will also feature a free, nonpartisan, L.A. County Mobile Voting Center located outside the venue for the public to access. 

Oct. 24 – Nov. 2: Día de los Muertos at Gloria Molina Grand Park 

For 10 days, Gloria Molina Grand Park will transform into an exhibition space honoring cultural traditions through art, community altars and remembrance. Kicking off the festivities with an opening ceremony, attendees can enjoy live musical performances from El Río, Grupo Bella, Anaís Azul, and Mariachi Arco Iris de Los Angeles. The celebration will honor indigenous roots by including a sacred processional and blessing from Ohtli Yollotl Collective. Guests can explore up to 17 unique altars from local artists and organizations on display and are encouraged to contribute to the event’s designated community altar by leaving a photo, note, or memento in remembrance of a loved one. This year’s theme is “The Power of One” and is curated by artist Consuelo G. Flores. Guests will be able to participate in family-friendly activities, including free face painting, sugar skull workshops and wellness offerings from community partners. 

Oct. 25: Family Day at LA Plaza de Cultura y Artes 

For an afternoon full of family-friendly activities and entertainment, LA Plaza de Cultura y Artes welcomes attendees to participate in this year’s community celebration. Featuring three workshops that explore traditional practices, including painting skull masks, flower accessories and herb bundles. Food from Tamales Veracruz y Más and Sammy’s Elotes y Más will be available for purchase. This year’s celebration will feature a number of live entertainment acts, including Banda Filarmónica Los Alebrijes, Grupo Folklórico Princesa Donaji, and Los Elejidos de Asís de los Muertos. LA Plaza encourages guests to contribute to their Ofrenda Comunitaria.

Oct. 25: Las Fotos Project Community Wellness Day 

In partnership with Youth to the People, Las Fotos Project is hosting its bi-monthly community wellness day with a Día de los Muertos celebration. The event will feature family-friendly activations like art-making, including their signature vela decorating station, calavera or catrina face painting,  a community ofrenda, and a stylized portrait station. Guests can enjoy light bites and beverages and explore the free clothing swap station and community resources available, including special guest Soluna to discuss their free mental health resources. In partnership with Polo’s Pantry and Saticoy Food Hub, there will also be fresh produce available while supplies last. 

Oct. 27: Community Ofrenda at SuperNova Thrift 

Beginning Oct. 24, SuperNova Thrift invites the community to take part in the making of their Día de los Muertos altar. People are encouraged to bring a photocopy of their loved ones with their name, a letter, drawing, or memory, flowers, and small nonvaluable offerings. Participants are also welcome to join by being a helping hand in the making of the altar. The altar will be open for viewing at the storefront from Oct. 27 to Nov. 2, with three special days of remembrance.

Oct. 30: 1st Street Community Block Party

The 1st Street Collective, a hub for the businesses along Boyle Heights’ 1st Street corridor, is back with its Día de Muertos Community Block Party at Mariachi Plaza. This year’s celebration will feature music, dancing, family-friendly activations and local vendors. Enjoy free face painting, live art installations, performances, a community altar and more for people of all ages. 

Nov. 1: Día de los Muertos at Plaza de la Raza 

Join Plaza de la Raza’s annual outdoor community celebration, which will include hands-on workshops, musical entertainment, art and local vendors. Attendees can join a variety of crafting workshops, from calaca puppet making to papel picado, alebrije making, and flower making with altarista Ofelia Esparza and family. Attendees can also walk through a vendor marketplace and explore the artwork and altar installations that will feature over 25 participating artists.  Live performances include members of Ozomatli, El Mariachi Manchester, Danza Divina de Los Angeles, Tiny Tots Folklorico, Plaza de La Raza Mariachi and Folklorico students, and Folkor Pasión Mexicana.  

The Boathouse Gallery will also be open for its “El Velorio” exhibit, featuring original work from over 200 local artists and curated by Superchief Gallery, Irene Hernandez and Manny Martinez. The exhibit will be on display from Oct. 10 to Nov. 7. 

Nov. 6 – 8: Every Altar Begins with a Story by Colibri Dance Theatre & Casa 0101 Theater 

This Día de Los Muertos, a contemporary theatrical dance production takes center stage at Casa 0101. Presented by the Colibri Dance Theatre, the performance will be full of stories of love, family, resilience, joy, grief, forgiveness and strength.  In this showcase, an altar comes to life as told through the eyes of CUENTOS characters “La Catrina,” “El Catrin,” “Alebrije,” and “Calacas.” Attendees can experience a night of movement, music, and poetry that honors Día de Muertos traditions and cultural practices. 

Nov. 7 : Cafecito + Little Piñata Workshop 

Join this community collaboration between Healing in Spanglish and Little Piñata Guy for a mini piñata workshop to dedicate and honor loved ones. Each attendee ticket includes coffee from Anhelo Coffee, Pan de Muerto by Repostería Aguilar, and materials to create your own mini piñata. Spend your morning remembering your loved ones and crafting with community. Tickets are limited. 

Nov. 7: Día de los Muertos at Self Help Graphics & Art 

To round out their monthlong community art workshops and events, Self Help Graphics and Art will host its 53rd Annual Día de los Muertos celebration. This year’s celebration is in partnership with the Smithsonian Folklife Festival and the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Latino. The communal gathering will begin with a procession at 2 p.m. at Mariachi Plaza led by Danza Azteca Chicomecoatl and will end on the corner of 1st Street and Anderson Street, outside Self Help Graphics, for the festivities. Attendees can shop through the “Muertos Market,” featuring local artists and artisans, local food vendors, Self Help Graphics prints for sale, face painting, and arts activities for all ages. The celebration will also include a main stage for live musical performances from Extra Ancestral, Chulita Vinyl Club L.A., Jimetta Rose and the Voices of Creation, La Santa Cecilia, The Red Alibi, Mendez High School Mariachi, and headliners, Los Lobos. 

Nov. 7 – 8: Floricanto’s Fiesta de Día de los Muertos

The Floricanto Center for Performing Arts and Danza Floricanto will host a Día de los Muertos-themed showcase for its 24th annual program. For one weekend only, the Center will be transformed into a cemetery, and a series of characters, including the show’s guide “La Catrina,” will lead audiences through an evening of storytelling and dance. The showcase will feature themes of love, death, mental illness, teen pregnancy and immigration. Show doors open 30 minutes before showtime. 

For years, California has grappled with a problem that has affected nearly every aspect of our society: The state doesn’t have enough homes that people can afford to live in. Proposition 1 aims to address that crisis.

It’s estimated that more than 180,000 Californians are homeless. Rents are so high that a minimum wage worker would need to work 102 hours a week to afford a typical one-bedroom apartment, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

A big piece of that problem is construction: Not enough homes are being built. Fewer than a third of California cities and counties are on track to permit enough market-rate housing to hit their state-mandated targets, and fewer than 6% are on track for very low-income housing. Those targets are based on the state’s assumption that we need nearly 2.5 million more homes.

Legislators have passed multiple laws trying to address that by making it easier, faster and cheaper to get projects permitted and built. Prop. 1 is supposed to supply the money.

A recent report estimated nearly 40,000 affordable units throughout California have been designed, permitted and partially funded and are sitting stalled because developers just can’t quite get enough money to build them.

What would Prop. 1 do?

If it passes, Prop. 1 would allow the state to sell $11.25 billion in general obligation bonds to fund various types of housing, including homes for veterans, homeless Californians, renters, homeowners, farmworkers, students and tribes.

Where would the money go?

Prop. 1 would fund a variety of programs. Here’s how it breaks down:

• $7.2 billion to buy, build or renovate apartment buildings, generally through low-interest loans to developers. Projects funded this way would have to reserve a certain number of units for low-income households. Some would be used for “supportive housing,” homeless housing that includes additional services. This, in combination with other funding sources, would help support up to 40,000 rental units, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.
• $1.25 billion to help veterans secure loans to buy homes.
• $1.1 billion to help low and moderate-income households buy homes.
• $500 million for the infrastructure that supports new housing construction, such as water, sewage, parks and transportation improvements. 
• $450 million to build or renovate an estimated 2,500 units of farmworker housing. 
• $350 million to fund affordable homes for an estimated 1,200 University of California and California State University students.
• $200 million in housing grants to tribes, which could fund both home construction and renovation.
• $200 million up for grabs to cities, counties and other groups that pitch pilot projects to develop low-cost housing. 

How would California pay for it?

It would cost the state between $500 million and $600 million each year for about 25 years to repay the cost of the general housing bond, according to the legislative analyst. That money would come from the state’s general fund, and factors in interest. The $1.25 billion for veterans housing would not cost the state anything, as participating vets would pay it off through monthly loan payments.

Have we done anything like this before?

California voters approved (by the slimmest of margins) another bond in 2024 that provided $2 billion to fund homes for people who need mental health and addiction services and veterans. That 2024 bond also was dubbed Prop. 1.

What do supporters say?

Supporters include housing developers and advocates, veterans groups, the California State University and University of California boards, groups representing California’s cities and counties, Democratic legislators and Gov. Gavin Newsom.

Donors backing Prop. 1 also reflect some who would benefit. The campaign has received more than $12 million, including about $2 million from carpenters' unions, $1 million from Airbnb and $1 million from Building a Better California, a PAC funded by Google founder Sergey Brin and other Silicon Valley billionaires.

Vivian Wan, chief executive of affordable housing provider Abode, says her organization has four projects with a planned total of about 230 units in the works that she hopes Prop. 1 will fund. Three are in the Bay Area and one is in Yolo County. Without that cash infusion, all four projects are stalled, she said. Projects for homeless and low-income residents need large subsidies since their tenants don’t pay enough in rent to offset the cost of building. They often also have to fund additional services, such as case managers to help residents navigate their physical and mental health, addictions, finances and more. City and county dollars can pay for some but not all of that.

Prop. 1 would be “huge,” Wan said. But it wouldn’t magically solve the housing crisis.

“Is it enough? Absolutely not,” she said. “We are lightyears behind in terms of production to meet the need. We have underinvested in housing for decades. This is going to help, for sure, but we really need a permanent source.”

What do opponents say?

When this measure came up for a floor vote before the Legislature, two Republican senators voted no, as well as seven Republican assemblymembers.

Sen. Tony Strickland, a Republican from Huntington Beach who opposed the bill, said calling it “The Veterans and Affordable Housing Bond Act of 2026” amounted to a bait-and-switch maneuver, as only a small fraction of the total funds go to vets.

“It really just says that you're using veterans to pass your $10 billion general obligation bond,” he said during a June hearing.

And, he said, there are better ways to get families into housing than using a bond to “borrow money against the future.” The strong revenues California experienced this year won’t continue, making it risky to push the state deeper into debt, he said.

Opponents have not reported receiving any contributions.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Throughout the arduous process to rebuild the Altadena home where she lived for nearly 50 years, Mary Landau has sometimes felt like giving up. Much of what has sustained her is the encouragement she receives from her disaster case manager.

“She said, ‘You can do this,’” said Landau, a 78-year-old retired teacher who enjoys studying Altadena history and cannot imagine living anywhere else, even after the Eaton Fire destroyed her house. “She gave me hope and strength.”

Landau meets weekly with Veda Ashby Romero, a trained recovery expert who helps her navigate insurance, complete online forms and qualify for financial assistance.

Now Landau is one of roughly 1,400 households affected by the 2025 Los Angeles fires who are set to lose their disaster case managers by the end of October, as a standoff between California and the Federal Emergency Management Agency over the program’s funding drags on.

The news has rattled Landau. “The safety net has been pulled out from under me, and the hope is not as strong as it was,” she said.

The program’s early termination is the latest setback for L.A. communities in the middle of recovery and awaiting billions of additional federal dollars. It also highlights how some disaster-impacted communities still face issues like delayed FEMA payments and inconsistent communication, despite President Donald Trump’s administration pledging to streamline processes after long criticizing the agency’s bureaucracy.

FEMA did not respond to a request for comment but has previously touted the assistance it has provided for the program. The White House says California has mismanaged the crisis.

Case managers simplify a notoriously opaque recovery process

Landau kept her insurance policy up to date for the 1938 two-bedroom, one-bathroom ranch home where she raised her three children and tended a wildflower garden. She still faced a shortfall of at least $200,000 to rebuild the modest home and owed $225,000 on her mortgage.

Ashby Romero supports her through the insurance process — a tedious one that has involved multiple adjusters and required creating an inventory of the half-century’s worth of possessions she lost. She also found Landau a grant to cover a year’s worth of mortgage payments. “I would never have gotten it without her,” Landau said. “I’m very bad with paperwork.”

Trained disaster case managers help people find rental assistance, new employment and money to close the gap between what insurance pays and the actual cost to rebuild. They guide survivors on how to avoid scams, challenge insurance payouts and appeal FEMA decisions.

“The recovery process is very complicated, and a lot of the systems are not designed to make it easy for people,” said Matt Gsell, disaster recovery manager at CORE, the nonprofit managing Landau’s case and one of five participating in LA’s case management program.

Late reimbursements and insufficient funds led California to end the program

After the January 2025 fires, California requested $28 million for case management. FEMA instead awarded $13.2 million for 24 months, to be paid in four equal installments.

FEMA can fund disaster case management for presidentially declared major disasters. The money is reimbursed to the state, which usually contracts with one or more nonprofits to administer the program. In the case of an exceptional disaster, states can request extensions for up to 36 months.

By August, FEMA had made only one of the four payments, leaving the state to front the rest despite “numerous requests” for reimbursement, according to the California Department of Social Services.

FEMA also had not answered a March request for an additional $6.5 million to sustain the program the full 24 months, in light of high demand. Seven hundred households remain on a waitlist for services.

California then announced it could no longer float the costs and would shutter the program at the end of October. FEMA eventually reimbursed the outstanding payments but did not give an answer about the additional money.

Rep. Judy Chu, a Democrat whose district includes Altadena, told The Associated Press that FEMA also had not responded to questions from her office about the additional money. Failing to fund the program the full 24 months “risks abandoning survivors,” Chu said, adding that FEMA should also be prepared to extend the program for longer if needs persist.

Nonprofits scramble to reassign clients

With the projected end date looming, nonprofits are triaging open cases and trying to move as many as possible to other organizations that can continue the work using philanthropic dollars.

But there won’t be enough resources to keep everyone in case management.

“They are overloaded,” said Bree Jensen, spokesperson for the Eaton Fire Collaborative and an Eaton Fire survivor. “You can’t put everything onto the local nonprofits.”

The uncertainty is destabilizing, as more than 100 case managers stand to lose their jobs and must weigh whether to seek new work now or wait for answers, Jensen said.

“We can’t go month to month,” said Gsell. CORE has already closed some of its less severe cases and is trying to transfer 200 of its 450 clients to other nonprofits.

The case management program is just a small part of the federal support California has requested to recover from fires that destroyed more than 16,000 structures.

Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, asked Trump, a Republican, and Congress for $15.7 billion, pared down from an earlier request of $33 billion, much of which would go toward rebuilding housing. Trump has not sent the Republican-controlled Congress a supplemental disaster request for the L.A. fires.

White House spokesperson Lauren Bis said the Trump administration has obligated billions of dollars for L.A.’s recovery.

Landau is waiting for construction to begin on her new home. She is still wrangling with insurance and a bank to receive her final payment. She and her children lean on each other for support, she said, but pressing on won’t be the same without Ashby Romero.

“To meet with somebody who cares about you, wants to see that you land on your feet in a good situation,” she said, ”it was so important.”

California Attorney General Rob Bonta has filed the state’s 100th lawsuit against the federal government since President Donald Trump took office for a second time in 2025.

Bonta reached that milestone in 21 months. During the first Trump administration, California officials sued the federal government a total of 123 times in four years.

The lawsuit filed Thursday in U.S. District Court for the Central District of California alleges that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement overstepped its Constitutional limits by taking people into custody at state courthouses, a practice forbidden by a U.S. District Court judge that the lawsuit alleges ICE nevertheless continues to employ.

For instance, the California Justice Department found that ICE detained 34 people at state courthouses in June 2026. In July 2026, the month after the judicial order to stop making arrests at courthouses, ICE detained 28 people at courthouses.

“ICE’s directive on courthouse enforcement and the resulting enforcement activities have had a profound chilling effect that has hindered California’s ability to enforce the law and protect public safety,” the state Justice Department said in a news release.

Picking people up at a courthouse can have a chilling effect on witnesses, victims and even suspects who are afraid to show up for court, California Supreme Court Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said last year.

“Making courthouses a focus of immigration enforcement hinders, rather than helps, the administration of justice by deterring witnesses and victims from coming forward and discouraging individuals from asserting their rights,” Guerrero said.

In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law a measure that requires federal immigration agents to present a judicial warrant and identify themselves before making arrests within 1,000 feet of a state courthouse.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.