Topline:
There's a cooling trend for the first half of the week, followed by warmer temperatures after midweek.
Quick Facts:
Its back — the heat wave strikes again for the weekend.
Friday's highs at the beaches will be in the 70s — in downtown L.A., in the mid-80s. But in the valleys, temperatures are ramping up, ranging from 89 to low 90s for the San Gabriel Valley, but in the San Fernando Valley, the hottest parts will get up to 97.
In the Antelope Valley, it'll be 94-100, yikes.
Over in the Inland Empire, temperatures will stay in the mid-90s.
In Orange County valleys, it'll be in the upper 80s but down by the coast, it'll be in the mid-70s.
In the Coachella Valley, temperatures will rise up to 110.
The National Weather Service forecasts that come Monday, the weather will start to cool down.
It's August and time for another heat wave in SW CA. Expect temps as much as 20 degrees above normal Sat thru Mon. Even coastal areas will be very warm. Plan accordingly for the #heat. #CAwx #LAheat pic.twitter.com/nJFNb68Ahy
— NWS Los Angeles (@NWSLosAngeles) August 2, 2023
Gearing up for the weekend, an excessive heat watch has been issued for Coachella Valley, San Diego County deserts and San Gorgonio Pass near Banning starting Saturday morning through Monday evening.
On August 4, 2002 the Pines Fire erupted near Julian.
Check out our full list of things to do this weekend.
Topline:
Voter turnout is tracking higher across the state than at this point in the June primary, which is typical for elections.
About the results: No results will be released until after the polls close at 8 p.m. on Tuesday. The first tallies will be vote-by-mail ballots, followed by early in-person voting.'
Read on ... for more about the vote counting process.
Here's what you should know about the vote totals currently released:
Keep in mind that Nov. 10 will be the final day for votes postmarked by Nov. 3 to arrive at county elections offices, so the total number of votes cast won't be known until then.
In Los Angeles County, the combined tallied votes as of Sunday add up to about 24% of registered voters.
In Orange County, the current tally as of Monday morning represents about 32% of registered voters.
In L.A. County, updates on the counting are expected to continue through Nov. 26.
The county must certify results by Dec. 3.
In Orange County, updates on the counting are expected to continue through Nov. 26.
Final county results must be certified by Dec. 3.
That hasn't been true in quite some time. It takes a while to get results because after the initial tallies on election night, there are still many, many votes to count, and more mail-in ballots are usually arriving.
Here’s what we know so far.
Los Angeles County has more than 5.9 million registered voters. As of Sunday, Nov. 1:
What's next:
Orange County has more than 1.9 million registered voters. As of Monday morning, Nov. 2:
What's next:
Political Data Inc. is tracking ballot returns across California and in some high-profile races.
As of Sunday, Nov. 1, statewide turnout was 23%. Note: That is already higher than this time in the primary. Democrats outnumber Republicans statewide by almost double, and have returned more ballots so far (2.7 million compared to 1.5 million — representing about 26% of each party's registered voters).
Because of the increasing use of vote-by-mail ballots, the tally has gotten longer, according to the California Voter Foundation. In an analysis, the organization found:
Election officials must physically open mail-in ballots and verify signatures.
Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation, recently wrote about the ripple effect of turning in mail-in ballots by hand or in drop boxes on Election Day. She wrote, for our partner newsroom CalMatters:
"We turn in ballots in envelopes on Election Day that take time and care to process and cannot be processed until after Election Day. Processing these ballots — which account for as much as a quarter of all ballots cast — creates a bottleneck I like to call 'the pig in the python effect.' It prevents counties from doing other tasks they need to do to certify the results."
That said, counting has been speeding up considerably. According to Alexander's organization, the overall share of ballots counted within seven days of the election jumped from 72% in 2022 to 93% in the June primary. L.A. County is moving to around-the-clock counting this cycle, in a move election officials say will help increase voter confidence in the results.
Topline:
Colleges and universities will soon have to make it easier for students to request more financial aid, as well as be more transparent about how they estimate the cost of attendance.
Why it matters: A new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September requires colleges and universities to clearly display how students can request additional financial aid if they believe their awarded amount does not sufficiently cover their costs. Institutions must also publish how they calculate their costs of attendance, which is used to determine how much financial aid students receive.
The backstory: Existing law already requires campuses to publish cost estimates, which not only include tuition and fees, but also housing, transportation, food and other likely expenses. With the new requirements, advocates say that students will now have an easier time finding what to do when their costs exceed those estimates.
Read on... for more on the new law.
Colleges and universities will soon have to make it easier for students to request more financial aid, as well as be more transparent about how they estimate the cost of attendance.
A new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September requires colleges and universities to clearly display how students can request additional financial aid if they believe their awarded amount does not sufficiently cover their costs. Institutions must also publish how they calculate their costs of attendance, which is used to determine how much financial aid students receive.
Authored by Democratic Assemblymembers Celeste Rodriguez of the San Fernando Valley and Marc Berman of Menlo Park, Assembly Bill 2251 requires schools to implement the changes by the fall of 2027.
Existing law already requires campuses to publish cost estimates, which not only include tuition and fees, but also housing, transportation, food and other likely expenses. With the new requirements, advocates say that students will now have an easier time finding what to do when their costs exceed those estimates.
“California has a really strong record of looking at new ways to improve college affordability and AB 2251 is yet another example,” said Laura Szabo-Kubitz, senior policy advisor at The Institute of College Access and Success, an organization that advocates for college affordability. “It’s a step towards other advocacy efforts to bridge the affordability gap.”
Junely Merwin, now a consultant for The Foster Youth Pre-College Collective, received a full-ride scholarship to attend Cal State Fullerton in 2015. But as a former foster youth and young mother, she needed additional aid to help cover childcare costs.
“My money really went down the drain to child care and just how expensive it was,” Merwin said. “Even with the full-ride scholarship, it was not enough.”
Seeking more financial support, Merwin came across her school’s process to revise her cost of attendance. However, the website was unclear and, when she reached out to the financial aid office with questions, she was passed along to multiple staff members.
After she was finally able to complete an appeal process, Merwin’s cost of attendance was adjusted to include her childcare expenses. This allowed her to accept more scholarship funds.
Over half of colleges and universities statewide use estimates that are lower than what students actually pay to attend college, with some underestimating it by over $10,000, according to 2024 research from John Burton Advocates for Youth, the lead sponsor of the law. The California organization advocates for unhoused and foster youth.
Students cannot receive more financial aid - including loans, grants and some scholarships - than the estimated cost of attendance calculated by the campus. This can lead them to work excessive hours and take fewer classes to make up the difference, according to research from The Institute for College Access and Success.
When students’ costs exceed those calculated by their college, they can apply for a cost of attendance adjustment. But students often don’t know that is an option.
According to a March report from John Burton Advocates for Youth, almost half of colleges statewide fail to adequately inform students of the resources and options available to them when applying for aid adjustments.
Those adjustments can be especially helpful to low-income students and former foster youth, who often receive the maximum amount of aid but still need more, said the organization’s director of education, Jessica Petrass. Because of this, students often have to turn down additional aid they would otherwise be eligible for.
Representatives of campus programs that provide support for foster youth across the state’s three higher education systems do not find cost adjustment processes to be accessible, concluded a report by the John Burton youth advocacy organization. A majority of those surveyed said information on campus websites is insufficient and unclear.
“That is why I see AB 2251 as both a transparency and student access issue, because it is not enough to simply have a policy in place,” Merwin said. “Information needs to be communicated clearly, consistently, in a way that students can actually understand and use.”
Colleges vary greatly in how and where they explain how to request an adjustment to the cost of attendance and financial aid limit. While some schools plainly detail costs on their websites, others lead students through a maze of weblinks and documents.
Under the new law, campuses must publish clear details on how a student can submit an adjustment request, how long it might take and who they might need to speak to. This information will need to appear on the same page as the school’s cost of attendance details.
Jackie Cordero, a first-generation college student who attends UC Santa Cruz, is currently going through the process of requesting an adjustment to her cost of attendance. Cordero chose UC Santa Cruz because of the generous financial aid package she was offered. But after her father was injured and could no longer work, she was left to figure out how to pay for the expenses her financial aid didn’t cover.
Through her own research, and by contacting the financial aid office herself, she found that requesting more financial aid was an option. But it has not been easy. Cordero said that the documents her school asked for — detailing her father’s work termination and her mother’s income — didn’t exist in physical form. She's struggled to supplement that paperwork, and instead has had to write letters detailing her family's finances.
“There should probably be a little bit more help towards people who want to do a cost of attendance (adjustment),” she said. “I still am a little confused about the process and approaching (the financial aid office) can be a little difficult.”
Under federal law, students are not required to submit documentation for cost of attendance adjustments, but colleges almost always request them before granting additional awards.
Across all three public higher education systems, staff at John Burton Advocates for Youth found that 83% of campuses do not reveal the breakdown of the total cost of each expense category – such as housing and transportation – on their websites. This information allows students to have a clearer understanding of whether their expenses exceed the calculated costs and if they might be eligible for a cost of attendance adjustment.
“At the end of the day, these budgets are an estimate … You're doing your best guess to get the best average to represent every student's unique circumstance,” Petrass said.
Most campuses do not cite the data sources behind their estimates. Only 17% of UCs, 26% of Cal States and 22% of community colleges explain how they come up with these estimates, according to the youth advocacy organization.
Each system calculates costs differently. UC schools use a survey conducted by its Office of the President. Cal State campuses and community colleges use a mix of data, including from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and survey estimates from the California Student Aid Commission.
While the law guarantees a new standard of transparency for financial aid, it does not provide any new financial aid funding, nor does it guarantee that any student’s cost of attendance adjustments will be approved.
The California Student Aid Commission estimates the state may spend anywhere from $805,000 to $2.3 million more on Cal Grant awards due to adjustment applications that wouldn’t have otherwise been submitted. That assumes a 3% to 5% increase in the number of adjustments approved annually, according to the commission.
Even if a student’s appeal for a financial aid increase is accepted, many campus financial aid websites say additional aid typically comes in the form of loans. The law will also not change the often-complicated cost adjustment process, or the way colleges estimate their cost of attendance.
“I think there are still areas in which California could continue to change policy to better strengthen this process,” Petrass said. “I think there's opportunities to look at reducing documentation requirements for students as well to, again, just make it a more seamless process that aligns with the minimum federal requirements.”
Mariam Farag and Max Guerra are contributors with the College Journalism Network, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. CalMatters higher education coverage is supported by a grant from the College Futures Foundation.
This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.
Topline:
Don’t be fooled by early election returns. It can take California weeks to tally votes, leading to “red mirages” and “blue shifts.”
The backstory: It happens in close races in almost every major election. Early California returns show Republicans winning or at least faring better than expected. Then, as votes are counted over the following days, the tallies shift in Democrats’ favor. This “blue shift” or “red mirage” isn’t a result of California Democrats “finding votes” or rigging elections, as President Donald Trump and his supporters have repeatedly claimed.
Why it matters: Trump and his allies in the federal government are already laying the groundwork for questioning the election results as they embark on an unprecedented attack on California’s elections, setting up what could be a showdown over the fundamentals of American democracy. Experts urge you not to be fooled by their claims of “rigged” elections based on early returns.
Read on... for more on what to know about "blue shift" and "red mirage."
It happens in close races in almost every major election. Early California returns show Republicans winning or at least faring better than expected. Then, as votes are counted over the following days, the tallies shift in Democrats’ favor.
This “blue shift” or “red mirage” isn’t a result of California Democrats “finding votes” or rigging elections, as President Donald Trump and his supporters have repeatedly claimed.
Trump and his allies in the federal government are already laying the groundwork for questioning the election results as they embark on an unprecedented attack on California’s elections, setting up what could be a showdown over the fundamentals of American democracy.
Experts urge you not to be fooled by their claims of “rigged” elections based on early returns.
The shifts in early tallies, experts say, are merely the result of when and how Democrats and Republicans tend to vote and the length of time it takes California election officials to count millions of ballots.
The phenomenon has been described since at least 2013, but the terms gained traction around the contentious 2020 elections.
Six years ago, election night returns showed Trump leading Joe Biden in several key states, but as counties nationwide counted ballots over the coming days, Biden ended up winning in the states that put him over the top in the Electoral College.
In the final weeks of his first term, Trump made claims, which have been repeatedly debunked, that the race was stolen from him. Thousands of his supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol in the deadly riot on Jan. 6, 2021.
California has seen its own red mirages in congressional and local races over the years. In 2018, for instance, four Republican candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives appeared to be ahead on election night, but ended up losing to their Democratic opponents by the time all votes were counted.
In the primary this June, Spencer Pratt, a Republican former reality TV star, appeared to be beating progressive Los Angeles City Council member Nithya Raman in early returns in the race for LA mayor. Raman ended up pulling ahead and advanced to the general election to face incumbent Mayor Karen Bass.
The shift led Trump to call the results “rigged” and others on the MAGA right to declare Democratic shenanigans were at work.
Experts and elections officials say you shouldn’t believe such claims.
First, let’s state the obvious: California is the most populous state. There are 23 million registered voters in California; that’s more voters than the entire populations of the 16 least-populated states combined.
Los Angeles County — the most populated in the country — alone has nearly 6 million registered voters.
There are also lots of Republicans in California, even though Democrats greatly outnumber them.
Want to blow some minds at your next cocktail party? Ask your friends to name which county in the U.S. had the most Trump voters, by raw numbers, in the 2020 election. The answer: deep-blue Los Angeles County, where Biden overwhelmingly won.
So how does that translate into a red mirage?
In the June LA mayor’s race, the city’s Republicans turned their ballots in earlier than Democrats did.
There was so much last-minute uncertainty over the crowded field of Democratic gubernatorial candidates who appeared on the same ballot that many liberal voters waited an especially long time to return them.
That meant more Republican votes were reported in the first wave of election returns, a red mirage that disappeared as Democratic votes were fully tabulated.
That could very well happen in the various partisan races on the ballot in California, including those that could determine which party controls Congress.
And, as usual, the rest of the country may end up waiting weeks for California’s results to get an answer.
There’s no getting around it: California’s vote counting process is slow, and that gives more time for doubts about the election results to fester.
“It is undermining voter confidence. It’s opening the door to election mis- and disinformation,” Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation, said in a briefing last week. “It’s leading to threats and criticism of our election staff. …. And it shortens the time required for an orderly transition of power.”
But there are reasons why California counts so slowly.
During the pandemic, California began mailing every registered voter a ballot. Mail-in ballots require far more time to process than in-person ballots. Many voters also hang on to their ballots until Election Day.
Adding to the counting delays, California gives voters a seven-day grace period for ballots postmarked by Election Day to arrive and get counted.
California also has the longest period in the country to “cure” ballots that come in with problems such as mismatched signatures that require election officials to contact voters to fix them. This year, voters have until the day before Thanksgiving to cure their ballots, Alexander said.
The state only requires counties to count ballots for at least six hours a day, and they’re not required to count on weekends or holidays.
Alexander said many counties go beyond that, but it’s up to each election office. The decision is often dependent on whether the county has enough election workers, can pay them over time and has space for them to work, all of which depend on local budgets.
Recent changes to California law aim to speed up the count, and lawmakers this year provided $29 million for counties to buy more ballot-counting machines or hire more workers. Still, Alexander said some close races could remain undecided for weeks. Counties have 30 days to officially certify the results.
Ben Gips of Protect Democracy, a nonpartisan nonprofit dedicated to fighting authoritarianism, urged California voters not to be misled by those who would use such delays to sow doubt about an election that is working as intended, if slowly.
“These delays really can add fuel to that strategy, and it can make it much easier to do that deception,” Gips said.
This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.
Topline:
Palmer Luckey, a 34-year-old tech entrepreneur and billionaire, has pumped more than $350,000 into over 70 campaigns across the country this cycle, and all but two of those campaigns were for Republicans, according to an analysis of the latest Federal Election Commission, or FEC, campaign records.
The details: Anduril Industries, a military defense-tech company based in Costa Mesa where Luckey is an executive, has more-than-doubled its revenue since President Donald Trump came into his second term, and is projected to double its gains again this year, according to the private markets research company Sacra. The FEC analysis includes processed FEC contributions through June 30 and the most recent filings available through Oct. 14 that the FEC has yet to review. The totals can marginally shift based on amendments or refunds and other reconciliations of the filings.
A split at Anduril: The records show the company CEO Brian Schimpf and COO Matt Grimm, have donated exclusively to Democrats running for Congress during that time period, following similar donation patterns from previous cycles. Luckey, Schimpf, Grimm, and a spokesperson for Anduril did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Anduril Industries, a military defense-tech company based in Costa Mesa, has more than doubled its revenue since President Donald Trump came into his second term, and is projected to double its gains again this year, according to the private markets research company Sacra.
Its most visible political figure is founder Palmer Luckey, a 34-year-old tech entrepreneur and billionaire who’s been called the “godfather of Republican fundraising on the West Coast.”
Luckey has pumped more than $350,000 into over 70 campaigns across the country this cycle, and all but two of those campaigns were for Republicans, according to an analysis of the latest Federal Election Commission, or FEC, campaign records.
The analysis includes processed FEC contributions through June 30 and the most recent filings available through Oct. 14 that the FEC has yet to review. The totals can marginally shift based on amendments or refunds and other reconciliations of the filings.
The records show the company CEO and COO have donated exclusively to Democrats running for Congress during that time period, following similar donation patterns from previous cycles.
Luckey, CEO Brian Schimpf, COO Matt Grimm, and a spokesperson for Anduril did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The records show that while Luckey donated over $350,000 to federal candidates for this election cycle, Schimpf and Grimm have donated about that same amount to Democratic candidates.
This divide is just business as usual, said Mike Madrid, a California-based GOP consultant.
“There’s nothing more nefarious than what it presents itself as,” Madrid said. “Which is a multi-billion-dollar defense company [that] wants to make sure that it has relationships regardless of who is in control of which branch of government.”
Others say the routine nature of this type of giving is itself the problem. Brendan Fischer, director of strategic investigations at Campaign Legal Center, a nonprofit in Washington, D.C., said those with the deepest pockets often have the loudest voice in Washington.
“With fewer limits on money in politics, a small number of corporations and executives can have an even greater influence in our elections and over our elected officials,” he said.
Luckey founded Anduril alongside Schimpf and Grimm. He grew up in Long Beach, homeschooled by his mother. Luckey began attending Golden West College and Long Beach City College at the age of 14, and studied at California State University, Long Beach, before dropping out to build Oculus VR. He amassed his wealth when Facebook bought the startup for $2 billion in 2014.
In addition to campaign donations, Luckey hosted fundraisers this summer for Republicans including Senators Tom Cotton of Arkansas and Rick Scott of Florida, and Rep. Ken Calvert of California, according to The Guardian. FEC records show Luckey’s cumulative federal election contributions to GOP-affiliated committees total above $1 million in this election cycle.
“He’s clearly a very influential bundler and fundraiser,” Madrid said.
Luckey started Anduril in 2017 with four others: Grimm, Schimpf, Trae Stephens and Joe Chen. That June, executives pitched low-cost border surveillance to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection paid the company to test it.
Anduril now employs about 8,000 people and generated $2.2 billion in revenue last year. Forbes reported that the Pentagon had more than 120 separate deals with the company before a March software deal with the U.S. Army worth up to $20 billion. That contract allows the military to speed up the purchase and deployment of AI-powered software and hardware, primarily for anti-drone defense.
Luckey's giving tells only half the story of Anduril's politics. Grimm and Schimpf, who run the company day-to-day, have given only to Democrats running for Congress this cycle, the FEC records show.
And their resources are vast. After a $5 billion funding round in May valued Anduril at $61 billion, Forbes estimated Schimpf, the 42-year-old CEO, a veteran of the defense company Palantir, was worth $1.5 billion, making him the company's third billionaire.
Schimpf and Grimm have together given at least $360,000 to Democratic candidates’ campaigns this cycle, according to the FEC records. Schimpf gave $218,000 and Grimm $142,000. Federal law caps how much one person can give to each candidate’s committee, but not how much a person can give in total, meaning the two can spread their donations across dozens of campaigns. If additional committees — joint fundraising and party committees — are included, that total from the two executives is nearly $1 million.
Anduril's own political action committee, Anduril PAC, gave $94,000 to Republicans’ and $84,000 to Democrats’ campaigns this cycle, according to the FEC records.
Thaddeus Kousser, a political science professor at the University of California, San Diego, said the PAC is following a typical strategy of giving, and "retaining access to both sides to make their case in a capitol," rather than spending only on the political party who holds the majority.
Kousser added that the split among the Anduril executives is less common — with Luckey largely backing Republicans, and Schimpf and Grimm backing Democrats.
Anduril’s business relationship with the federal government began during Trump’s first term.
Since Trump returned to office, the size of its deals has grown sharply. The company’s first defense contract win, a $12.5 million Marine Corps deal, dates back to 2018, about a year after the company got its start, according to Sacra. Then in 2020, Anduril won border surveillance tower deals with CBP worth $25 million to $36 million, according to Anduril’s newsletter. Anduril also won a nearly $1 billion contract from the U.S. Special Operations Command in January 2022 during President Joe Biden’s administration.
In March, Anduril was awarded a 10-year, sole-source Army contract with a ceiling allowing them to spend up to $20 billion, about 20 times the 2022 award.
The deals have kept coming. In June, CBP awarded Anduril a $363 million contract to supply over 200 80-foot surveillance towers across the U.S.-Mexico border in the Southwest. On Oct. 6, Trump visited Sparrows Point, Maryland to announce a $6.6 billion public-private investment anchored by a $2.9 billion Navy contract for Anduril to build a “software-defined shipyard” at Sparrows Point.
Luckey and Anduril’s executives aren’t just spending on federal candidates across the aisle — they’ve also backed opposite sides of California’s governor’s race. A review of state campaign spending records shows the same split that appears in their individual giving at the federal level. The governor's race is the clearest example, where leaders of the company gave the legal maximums to rival campaigns.
The records show no contributions from the three Anduril executives to state ballot measure committees.
Schimpf focused his contributions toward California candidates: 11, who received a cumulative total of at least $50,500. Grimm gave Rep. Dave Min (D-Calif.) the maximum, $7,000, one of nine candidates he gave the maximum amount allowed. Min, who represents coastal Orange County, has been a vocal critic of the Trump administration, and joined Sen. Peter Welch (D-Vt.) in an oversight push on Trump's pardons.
Most of Schimpf's total donations, nearly three quarters of $1 million dollars, did not go to individual candidates. FEC records show more than two-thirds of it, over $520,000, went to the Democrats' House and Senate campaign committees and to joint fundraising committees, which take one large check and split it among several campaigns and party committees.
At least an additional $218,000 went to candidates, many of whom have committee seat oversight roles for the defense industry or ties through their own backgrounds, the records show. He gave to 15 of the 27 Democrats on the House Armed Services Committee. Grimm gave to six of those members, according to the records.
Luckey's giving points the other way. Of the more than 70 federal campaigns he supported in U.S House or Senate races, only two were Democrats: Rep. Henry Cuellar of Texas and Rep. Betty McCollum of Minnesota, the records show.
The practice of strategic donations to both sides of the aisle isn’t new, but the scale has changed, said Madrid, the GOP consultant.
"I don't believe for a moment that there's anything more nefarious going on here than what has been going on for the entirety of the existence of the republic," he said. However, there are "a lot more billionaires than there used to be."
Fischer, with the Campaign Legal Center, said campaign donations can have significant consequences for taxpayers.
“There's a well-documented record of federal contractors using their corporate resources to support lawmakers, and those lawmakers then channeling rewards in the form of taxpayer-funded contracts,” he said. “Taxpayer dollars are being used to reward political donors rather than to advance the public's interest.”
Gerald Rich and Maloy Moore contributed to this story.
To examine the giving, reporters at Stanford University used DataTalk, a research assistant built by Big Local News and the Stanford Open Virtual Assistant Lab that answers campaign-finance questions using official FEC data.
The reporters reviewed FEC records for the 2025-26 election cycle, covering processed contributions received through June 30, 2026, and the most recent filings available through Oct. 14 that the FEC has yet to review. Because the FEC itemizes only donors whose cumulative giving to a committee exceeds $200, the figures are a floor.
Reporters asked the tool for the itemized contributions of Palmer Luckey and the company's two top executives, CEO Brian Schimpf and COO Matt Grimm, as well as for donations from Anduril's political action committee. Additional FEC analysis examined other committee contributions.
California state filings were reviewed manually by LAist via the California Secretary of State's website.
