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The most important stories for you to know today
  • Reports shows CA reduced pollution by 3%
    Typical traffic on a Los Angeles freeway.
    A motorcycle officer weaves through traffic on a Los Angeles freeway during the evening rush hour on April 12, 2023 in Los Angeles.

    Topline:

    California's planet-warming pollution shrank by 3% in 2023, one of the largest year-over-year reductions the state has seen, according to a report by nonprofit Next 10.

    The findings: The state’s use of cleaner fuels in heavy-duty transportation, like big rigs, and its deployment of battery storage and solar energy drove this climate progress, in large part. The report found that fossil fuels supplied just 36.3% of the state’s electricity in 2024, an all-time low, and renewables surpassed 50% of the energy that powers California’s grid.

    More work to be done: Researchers said that while the data is encouraging, California policymakers and regulators need to do more to hit the state’s 2030 goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 40% below 1990 levels. That would require an average annual emissions reduction rate of 4.4%, a number far higher than historic annual reductions. For the state to reach its even more ambitious 2045 emissions goal — of 85% below 1990 levels — California would have to double that reduction rate.

    California’s planet-warming pollution shrank by 3% in 2023, one of the largest year-over-year reductions the state has seen, according to a report by nonprofit Next 10. The state’s use of cleaner fuels in heavy-duty transportation, like big rigs, and its deployment of battery storage and solar energy drove this climate progress, in large part.

    The report found that fossil fuels supplied just 36.3% of the state’s electricity in 2024, an all-time low, and renewables surpassed 50% of the energy that powers California’s grid.

    “California is doing extremely well in reducing our carbon emissions and moving towards a low-carbon economy,” said F. Noel Perry, founder of Next 10, a nonprofit that aims to educate the public and policymakers on economic, environmental, and quality of life issues.

    While the transportation sector comprised the state’s largest category of emissions, accounting for roughly 38% of emissions in 2023, it also saw the largest percentage decrease in emissions of any other sector, falling by 4.6%. Heavy-duty trucks relied more on biofuels, which are made from plants or other organic materials instead of fossil fuels, which account for the majority of the drop.

    There was a dip in pollution from cars, too, although it was far smaller.

    Emissions fell in all other categories the researchers reviewed, with the exception of pollution from residential and commercial sectors, which grew by nearly 7%.

    The large increase is from grocery stores, commercial and industrial cold storage facilities, and others, that have replaced gases in old refrigeration systems with ones that don’t harm the ozone layer, but can cause a lot of warming if they leak.

    Researchers said that while the data is encouraging, California policymakers and regulators need to do more to hit the state’s 2030 goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 40% below 1990 levels.

    That would require an average annual emissions reduction rate of 4.4%, a number far higher than historic annual reductions. For the state to reach its even more ambitious 2045 emissions goal — of 85% below 1990 levels — California would have to double that reduction rate.

    “This is an encouraging result, especially amid the current federal administration’s hostility toward clean energy and climate change and environmental policies,” said Hoyu Chong, lead researcher on Next 10’s report.

    “California is still not quite on track to meet its 2030 goals, but I do think it’s getting closer to within striking distance,” Chong said. “I like to use the analogy of saving money. Even if a person might not reach their savings goal by their deadline, the fact that the person has saved something is still better than nothing, right?”

    The report echoes an oft-touted phrase by Gov. Gavin Newsom: that California’s economy grows while the state reduces emissions.

    Authors say further phasing out of fossil fuels and electrifying the grid will be crucial, as well as more cuts to emissions from transportation, buildings and industry.

    Next 10 has tracked California’s progress toward its 2030 climate goals since the state adopted the targets in 2006.

  • How it could limit access for childhood vaccines
    A close up of a child, who's head is out of frame, holding a white toy stuffed bear in one hand and a lollipop, and a wristband, on the other hand.
    A child holds a toy bear with a band-aid after receiving a flu shot during an immunization event in Los Angeles. Flu is one of six vaccines that will no longer be given routinely but now require a consultation with a doctor.

    Topline:

    In a major change in vaccine policy, the Trump administration recently dropped recommendations that all kids get six immunizations long considered routine. Instead, they're now in a category called "shared clinical decision-making."

    What is it? That's when the patient (or the parents if the patient's a child) has a conversation with a health care provider to decide if a treatment is appropriate, says Wendy Parmet, who studies health care policy at Northeastern University in Boston.

    New hurdles to vaccine access: And there are many practical implications that could become hurdles to kids getting the shots, even if their parents do want them, Scott says. That includes deleting automatic electronic medical record alerts when shots are due and canceling standing orders for nurses and pharmacists to vaccinate kids without getting a doctor involved.

    Read on... for what this means for childhood vaccines.

    In a major change in vaccine policy, the Trump administration recently dropped recommendations that all kids get six immunizations long considered routine. Instead, they're now in a category called "shared clinical decision-making."

    That's when the patient (or the parents if the patient's a child) has a conversation with a health care provider to decide if a treatment is appropriate, says Wendy Parmet, who studies health care policy at Northeastern University in Boston.

    "In theory, shared clinical decision-making sounds great," she says. But the approach is usually reserved for complicated medical decisions where the answer is often muddy, not for routine vaccines that have been clearly shown to be safe and effective.

    Some examples include: Should someone get surgery or physical therapy for back pain? Which men need regular PSA prostate cancer testing?

    But many doctors say there's no ambiguity when it comes to these vaccines, which protect against hepatitis A, hepatitis B, the flu, meningitis, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), and rotavirus, a dangerous gastrointestinal infection.

    "These vaccines have clear evidence of benefit for all children," says Jake Scott, an infectious disease researcher at Stanford University. "So moving them to shared decision-making doesn't reflect the scientific uncertainty that the category exists for. It manufactures this sort of uncertainty where no uncertainty really exists."


    The problem with shared decision making in this context, is "you're suggesting that both options are equally valid," says Dr. Lainie Friedman Ross, a pediatrician and bioethicist at the University of Rochester School of Medicine. "And the fact is: Not getting vaccinated puts your own child at risk, puts you at risk and puts your community at risk. So it is not an equal decision."

    Vaccine critics argue there's enough nuance about these immunizations to warrant moving them to the shared clinical decision-making category. And administration officials say the change is designed to restore trust in vaccines.

    But Ross and others argue that dropping these vaccines to a lower spot in the new CDC vaccine hierarchy sows dangerous confusion and doubt, especially at a time when vaccine hesitancy is already on the rise and vaccination rates are already falling.

    "It's a huge embarrassment for U.S. public health and a disaster for public trust, and most of all for children," says Dr. Douglas Opel, a professor of pediatrics at the Washington School of Medicine.

    They also point out that doctors already routinely answer any questions parents may have, in addition to providing detailed handouts about each vaccine.

    New hurdles to vaccine access

    And there are many practical implications that could become hurdles to kids getting the shots, even if their parents do want them, Scott says. That includes deleting automatic electronic medical record alerts when shots are due and canceling standing orders for nurses and pharmacists to vaccinate kids without getting a doctor involved.

    "Moving it from routinely recommended to shared clinical decision-making has a dramatic effect on the practical delivery of vaccination," Scott says.

    And while the administration says the decision shouldn't affect whether government programs or private insurance pay for the immunizations, some legal experts say that may not be guaranteed.

    "The administration says that there's not going to be insurance implications. But there are a number of problems there," says Dorit Reiss, who studies vaccine policies at UC Law San Francisco. "First of all they can change their interpretation later. Second, if a private insurer wanted to challenge this and say, 'This vaccine is no longer recommended. I don't have to cover it,' they probably have some good arguments."

    Even with insurance, parents may now get hit with co-pays for those extra conversations with swamped pediatricians, according to Dr. Molly O'Shea, a Detroit-area pediatrician who serves as a spokesperson for the American Academy of Pediatrics.

    "Before, if it was a vaccination that we didn't have to have a conversation about, we could feel safe allowing families to schedule a vaccine-only appointment," O'Shea says. "Because shared-decision making is required now, that takes time and that now is going to be billed for."

    New liability concerns for drugmakers

    Another big question is: Does this make vaccine makers and doctors vulnerable to getting sued? Many lawyers don't think so.

    "On a legal standpoint, nothing has changed," says David Carney, a Philadelphia lawyer who's the president of the Vaccine Injured Petitioners Bar Association.

    But some lawyers argue that the change does open the door to more litigation over vaccine injuries.

    "The immunity under the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (the 1986 Act), which shields pharma and physicians from liability when vaccines cause serious harms and deaths, only applies to vaccines that are recommended for routine administration to children and/or pregnant women," Aaron Siri, managing partner at Siri & Glimstad, wrote in an email to NPR.

    Siri is a close ally of Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and has been extensively involved in litigation against federal agencies and vaccine manufacturers.

    Some legal experts say that this uncertainty is alarming. Without liability protection, vaccines could become unavailable, says Parmet.

    "We don't quite really know whether shared clinical decision-making will be considered as sufficient enough of a recommendation to provide the liability protection," Parmet says. "And if it doesn't do that, then there are real concerns about whether the manufacturers will continue to make vaccines."

    A chilling effect on prescribers

    Even if the change doesn't lead to an increase in successful lawsuits involving vaccines, just the possibility of lawsuits could be enough to intimidate doctors, some say.

    "They're worried about stepping on a landmine if one thing goes wrong," Parmet says. "One kid gets sick. The next day — even if it has nothing to do with the vaccine — are they going to be the ones held responsible? And someone's going to say, 'You had the nurse do it without talking to the doctor?'"

    That could make doctors hesitant to recommend these immunizations, which means imposing shared clinical decision-making could leave more kids more vulnerable to dangerous infections.

    "I do think many physicians will be chilled in their behavior around recommending vaccination," says Michelle Mello, a professor of health policy and law at Stanford. "We've got this change now that plunges us into a situation of chaotic uncertainty."
    Copyright 2026 NPR

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  • Policy expands restrictions at Long Beach schools
    A hand places a phone into a box with slits for the phones to fit into them.
    Long Beach teachers may ask students to store their phones in a locker, like the one pictured here, with the principal's approval.

    Topline:

    Long Beach Unified students return to school Monday for their spring semester, but under a new policy, classrooms will be free of cellphones.

    The timing: A California law requires schools to restrict student cellphone use by July 2026. The district convened a working group of staff, educators, students, parents and caregivers in October 2024 to develop the policy, and announced the impending change in September.

    What the policy says: Students in transitional kindergarten (TK) through eighth grade must turn off and store their devices when they arrive on campus until they leave, including during before- and after-school programs. Devices include phones, smartwatches, headphones and gaming consoles. High school students can use their devices during passing periods and at lunch. Students will not be barred from using their phones in case of an emergency, with administrator permission, at the direction of their doctor or if they have a disability and using their device is part of an individualized education program (IEP).

    Why it matters: The policy cites research that shows young people interact less often in-person than previous generations and that social media use can be linked to negative mental health outcomes, including anxiety and depression.

    Long Beach Unified students returned to school Monday for their spring semester, but under a new policy, classrooms will be free of cellphones.

    The district convened a working group of staff, educators, students, parents and caregivers in October 2024 to develop such a policy in response to a California law that requires schools to restrict student cellphone use by July 2026.

    The district announced the policy in September, promising the rollout would begin this month.

    How does the cellphone ban work?

    Here are the basics:

    • The policy applies to smartwatches, headphones and gaming consoles.
    • Students in transitional kindergarten (TK) through eighth grade must turn off and store their devices when they arrive on campus until they leave, including before- and after-school programs. 
    • High school students can use their devices during passing periods and at lunch. 
    • Students can’t use their phones in restrooms or on field trips. 

    There are exceptions. Students can use their phones:

    • In case of an emergency.
    • With administrator permission.
    • At the direction of their doctor.
    • If they have a disability and using their device is part of an individualized education program (IEP). 

    Each school is responsible for creating a plan to implement the district-wide policy and individual teachers may use lockers or other methods to store students' phones.

    The district’s policy prohibits specific types of cellphone and social media use, too:

    • Cyberbullying on or off campus. 
    • Recording or photographing fights, criminal behavior or another person without their permission. “We've had major problems with kids filming inappropriate things in the bathroom, with things like fights,” said Chris Itson, a program administrator in the district’s communications department, during a July 16 board meeting. “It's a motivator because it's ‘Now I can get attention by doing this online.’”
    • Impersonating another person online. For example, creating a fake social media profile or posts that falsely represent another student. 

    The policy also cites research that shows young people interact less often in-person than previous generations and that social media use can be linked to negative mental health outcomes, including anxiety and depression.

    What we know about bans in other districts

    Listen 46:11
    On Feb. 18, 2025, the Los Angeles Unified School District, the second largest public school district in the country, implemented an all-day cell phone ban for its students. Now that it’s the end of the school year, we head to Venice High School to see how the ban actually went.

    On Feb. 18, 2025, the Los Angeles Unified School District, the second largest public school district in the country, implemented an all-day cell phone ban for its students. Now that it’s the end of the school year, we head to Venice High School to see how the ban actually went.

  • CA cities saw lowest rates in decades
    A slightly ariel shot of two police officers walking towards a taped off area on a street lit by red and blue police lights.
    Oakland police officers walk through a crime scene outside the West Oakland BART station on Jan. 3, 2018.

    Topline:

    Homicides in California surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, killings are down to historic lows in Los Angeles, Oakland, San Francisco and many other cities.

    Why now: The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”

    The backstory: The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people. But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.

    Read on... for more about what experts say could be the cause.

    For the second year in a row, Gov. Gavin Newsom is celebrating California’s declining homicide rate while using it as a cudgel against his political foes.

    “Your state's homicide rate is 117% higher than California's,” he told a Missouri congressman who needled Newsom on social media last summer.

    Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders caught his attention, too. “Your homicide rate is literally DOUBLE California’s,” he wrote on social media addressing her.

    What’s been clear for the last three years is that homicides are down in Los Angeles and San Francisco — but also in Fresno, Oakland, Richmond and Lodi.

    “California cities are seeing record-low homicide rates,” Newsom said in his state of the state speech earlier this month. “Oakland, the lowest since 1967; LA, the lowest since 1966; and San Francisco, the lowest since 1954.”

    After a spike during the early days of the pandemic, homicides are in fact down nationwide.

    The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”

    Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice at nonpartisan think tank the Public Policy Institute of California, said the spike of homicides during the pandemic may have been the result of disruptions in government activities: Schools were shut down, people were out of work, community-based programs for violence prevention and many basic public services were put on pause, Lofstrom said.

    The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people.

    But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.

    California’s population was about 20 million people the last time the state recorded such low homicide numbers, half of what it is today.

    At the same time the homicide numbers were climbing, the percentage of cases cleared by police was falling. A police department’s “clearance rate” compares the number of crimes reported to the number of arrests made.

    Lofstrom said that the homicide clearance rate statewide was 64.7% in 2019, and that it had dropped to 54.6% in 2021 – though the rates can vary dramatically among police departments.

    “What we see now in the data up to 2024 is that we’re back up over 64% for homicide clearances,” Lofstrom said.

    Half as many homicides in Oakland

    Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said homicides are down along with major gun crimes including robberies and assaults with firearms. Oakland’s 67 homicides in 2025 were its lowest since 1967. It had 134 homicides in 2021.

    In Los Angeles, homicides dropped by more than 18% to 230 in 2025, according to a Los Angeles Times analysis of LAPD data.

    The numbers documenting the recent decline in homicide rates, and the earlier spike, come with a major asterisk: The way crime data is collected is inconsistent. Law enforcement agencies self-report to the FBI, which each year publishes data under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program. The California Department of Justice then produces statewide reports from those numbers.

    But not every department reports its statistics. And among those that do, some don’t report all their data — or report the information differently. For example, some jurisdictions only report crimes that lead to incarceration.

    Homicide numbers in California are provided by the state Justice Department near the end of the fiscal year in June, so the most recent statistics are from 2024. The Justice Department declined to provide CalMatters with updated numbers through 2025.

    The drop in homicide rates wasn’t as pronounced in Orange and Orange and Ventura counties, which never experienced a significant pandemic spike, and Kern County, where the homicide rate maintains a stubborn hold as the state’s highest.

    Nationwide drop in crime

    A long-range look at crime statistics, particularly homicide data, shows that the 2020-21 crime rate nationally and in California was still a fraction of its highs in the early 1990s. Simply counting the year-over-year changes belies a larger truth: Crime throughout the 2020s has been down significantly compared to the rate 20 or 30 years ago.

    As with the long-term homicide rate declines, the recent tapering in California is part of a nationwide trend. A report published Thursday by the Council on Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan Washington, D.C., think tank found that among 35 major cities nationwide, homicides dropped by 21% between 2024 and 2025.

    When the FBI publishes its crime statistics later this year, Council on Criminal Justice researchers said in the report that the national homicide rate could drop to 4 per 100,000 people, which would be the lowest homicide rate ever on record.

    Shani Buggs, an associate professor at UC Davis and public health researcher, said in the report that cities with major decreases in their homicide rate tended to spend federal pandemic funds on violence prevention and have police departments that focused on people with repeated allegations of violent crimes, helping them quickly resume pre-pandemic clearance rates.

    “We do not have reliable, multi-sector data or comparable contextual information available across jurisdictions to definitively identify — now or perhaps ever — what drove these declines,” Buggs said.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • CA leaders react to Alex Jeffrey Pretti death
    Demonstrators gathered at night in the streets of Downtown L.A. In the distance, a tall building with a tower is illuminated.
    Demonstrators, gathering in support of Minneapolis residents following recent ICE actions, hold a vigil and rally in Los Angeles on Jan. 24, 2026.

    Topline:

    California leaders are reacting to Saturday's shooting of 37-year-old Minneapolis resident, Alex Jeffrey Pretti.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom: Newsom on Saturday called for U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem to resign and Border Patrol chief Gregory Bovino to be fired a day after federal immigration enforcement officers shot at another U.S. citizen in Minneapolis multiple times, killing him. He also called for ending the militarization of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and investigations into “every single federal agent who is breaking the law.” His office posted a know-your-rights guide for dealing with local police and immigration enforcement officers.

    Attorney General Rob Bonta: Bonta has also filed a brief supporting Minnesota’s lawsuit opposing the federal government’s immigration campaign in the state.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom on Saturday called for U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem to resign and Border Patrol chief Gregory Bovino to be fired a day after federal immigration enforcement officers shot at another U.S. citizen in Minneapolis multiple times, killing him.

    Weeks after the death of Renee Good, Border Patrol agents killed Alex Pretti on Friday, a 37-year-old intensive care nurse who worked for the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. During an altercation in which Pretti was observing and documenting federal agents beforehand, multiple officers tackled Pretti to the ground. Pretti reportedly had a gun, for which he had a lawful permit to carry. After one agent took away the gun while Pretti was pinned on the ground, officers appear to have fired at him at least 10 times.

    Immediately after the shooting, members of the Trump administration called Pretti a domestic terrorist. First Assistant U.S. Attorney and former California Republican Assemblymember Bill Essayli defended the agents, arguing that there “is a high likelihood” law enforcement officers “will be legally justified in shooting you” if you approach them with a gun — an assertion that the National Rifle Association called “dangerous and wrong.”

    On Sunday President Donald Trump also blamed Democrats and sanctuary laws, such as those in California, for the two deaths in Minneapolis.

    In response, Newsom called for Border Patrol officers to return to the border, ending the militarization of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and investigations into “every single federal agent who is breaking the law.” His office also posted a know-your-rights guide for dealing with local police and immigration enforcement officers.

    But the governor’s statements are part of a political calculus that is playing out as he makes a likely bid for the presidency. After Good’s death, Newsom’s team responded that ICE is “state sponsored terrorism.” Newsom eventually walked back this description during an interview with conservative commentator Ben Shapiro.

    Meanwhile, as Congress weighs a spending deal that would include billions of dollars more for the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Assemblymember Isaac Bryan of Culver City called for a general strike to oppose ICE, similar to the large-scale walkout organized in Minneapolis.

    California Attorney General Rob Bonta also filed a brief supporting Minnesota’s lawsuit opposing the federal government’s immigration campaign in the state. Along with 19 other attorneys general, the brief argued that the “government’s unlawful conduct … infringes upon (Minnesota’s) constitutionally-guaranteed state sovereignty,” and that without legal intervention the government “will no doubt threaten other States and local communities across the nation.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.