The Brief

Seventeen years ago, Californians bet on a grand vision of the future. They narrowly approved a $10 billion bond issue to build a high-speed rail line that would zip between San Francisco and Los Angeles in under three hours. This technological marvel would slash emissions, revitalize the state’s Central Valley, and, with some financial help from the feds and private sector, provide the fast, efficient, and convenient travel Asia and Europe have long enjoyed.

State officials promised to deliver this transit utopia by 2020. Instead, costs have more than doubled, little track has been laid, and service isn’t expected to begin before 2030 — and only between Bakersfield and Merced, two cities far from the line’s ultimate destinations.

It’s little wonder the project finds itself in a precarious financial position, fighting political headwinds, and deemed a boondoggle by everyone from federal Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy to Abundance authors Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson.

“In the time California has spent failing to complete its 500-mile high-speed rail system,” they wrote, “China has built more than 23,000 miles of high-speed rail.”

The reasons for this vary with who’s being asked, but people with expertise often cite three fundamental missteps: creating a new agency to lead the effort, failing to secure adequate funding from the start, and choosing a route through California’s agricultural heartland. The state’s strict environmental review process hasn’t helped, either.

Protestors voice their opposition to Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, who in February went to Union Station in L.A. to call California’s high-speed rail efforts a “boondoggle” and “failed experiment.”

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Rail's challenges

Such struggles are not unique to the Golden State, where support for the project remains strong. Although the private sector venture Brightline has seen some success, publicly funded high-speed rail efforts in Texas, Ohio, Washington, D.C., and beyond have stalled. Regulatory complexity, a political environment that favors cars and highways, and constant funding challenges stymie America’s aspirations even as other countries have spent big on tens of thousands of miles of track. Gov. Gavin Newsom promises to see the nation’s most ambitious rail project through despite recently losing all federal support, but its troubled path underscores the systemic challenges of building big in America.

California has always been a car-crazy place, and by the early 1990s, transportation studies made clear that its highways would not keep pace with the growth to come.

Policymakers saw an answer in bullet trains.

The Legislature established the California High-Speed Rail Authority in 1996 and gave it the tough job of planning, designing, building, and running the system.

Some consider that a mistake because the agency lacked experience managing so big a project and navigating complex bureaucracy. Even some rail supporters concede it would have been better to let the authority provide oversight and leave the heavy lifting to the state Department of Transportation, or CalTrans.

“It’s building a lot of overpasses and right-of-way, which Caltrans does all the time,” said Ethan Elkind, director of the UC Berkeley climate program in its Center for Law, Energy and the Environment.

Without that experience, the authority’s 10 employees relied heavily on consultants like engineering firm WSP, running up expenses.

“We paid WSP and their predecessor more than $800 million in consulting fees,” said Lou Thompson. He chaired the High Speed Rail Peer Review Group, established in 2008 to provide project oversight, from 2012 until 2024. The authority has in recent years eased its reliance on consultants, who reportedly have gone from 70% of its workforce to 45% over the past seven years.

Funding and politics

Once the High-Speed Rail Authority set up shop, work proceeded in fits and starts. Even as it considered routes and started the myriad bureaucratic tasks the project required, political interest waxed and waned with the state’s fiscal health. Skeptics lamented the cost and questioned whether bullet trains would attract enough riders to be worthwhile. But rail advocates, environmentalists, unions, and others kept pushing forward and in 2008 convinced voters to approve Proposition 1A, securing $10 billion to finance construction.

It was never going to be enough — at the time, the cost was pegged at $45 billion, a figure that did not account for inflation — and funding has been a challenge from the start.

Still, the Obama administration saw an opportunity to show that the economy was bouncing back from the Great Recession. The federal American Reinvestment Recovery Act provided $3.5 billion to help get things started. The authority, which had already mapped a route through the Central Valley, soon began grading land, moving utilities, and taking other steps toward construction of the first leg, a 119-mile stretch from Bakersfield to Madera.

Things chugged along until 2013, when a state judge blocked the use of Prop 1A funds, ruling that some of the work did not meet the rules for bond expenditures.

With federal support contingent upon the state’s cash, the federal grants had to be renegotiated — before they expired in 2017.

“We were literally sitting there saying, ‘Well, if we don’t start going, we could lose $700 [million] or $800 million of the federal money,” said Dan Richard, who was the High-Speed Rail Authority’s board chair from 2011 until 2019.

That prompted the agency to do something no one wanted to do: Move forward without having acquired all of the necessary land. So it did.

Then President Donald Trump took office. He seemed interested in what California was attempting to build, having lamented that China and Japan “have fast trains all over the place” while the U.S. relies upon “obsolete technology.” His opinion soured when Gavin Newsom became governor in 2019 and the two sparred over the president’s policies. Trump later canceled nearly $1 billion in federal funds for the rail project.

The Biden administration restored it and provided another $3.1 billion from the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. The infusion was to help build a station in Fresno and acquire trains for testing. Even with the windfall, California remained at least $7 billion short of what it needed for the first short run through the Central Valley. The situation grew worse in July when Trump rescinded the entire amount after the Federal Railroad Administration said it saw no way of covering that shortfall and no path to completion by 2033.

Newsom said the move “reeks of politics," and the state is suing. But the impact goes beyond California by establishing a precedent to cancel projects at will.

“How do you go to your voters and say, ‘Put up the money. We expect 50% federal share,’ without knowing that the next administration could turn around and say, ‘I don’t like that project,’” Richard said.

The High-Speed Rail Authority initially planned to rely upon state, federal, and private sector funding in equal measure, but California has provided 75% of the $14.6 billion spent so far. The authority wrote in a letter to the Railroad Administration that Newsom’s plan to allocate $1 billion, pulled from the state’s cap-and-trade program, toward the project each year for 20 years will be enough to finish the Central Valley segment. The governor also recently signed a bill requiring the authority to update its estimate on the funding gap for that leg of the journey.

With California seemingly on its own, Thompson said the project needs an income stream approaching $5 billion a year to build everything. That is one reason the authority in June asked the private sector and financial institutions to weigh in on the chance of public-private partnerships. Its chief executive, Ian Choudri, said private investors have shown “extreme interest.”

Thompson isn’t buying it.

“My opinion is that that is hot air,” he said. The way he sees it, no one’s going to invest until they can see that there is demand for the rail line.

Politics and permitting

One of the reasons Brightline is held up as an example of how to bring high-speed rail to the United States is its strategy includes building on public land. Part of its 235-mile line between Miami and Orlando stands on land owned by Florida East Coast Railway. The company’s planned run between Las Vegas and L.A. will largely follow Interstate 15.

California could have done the same and built along the 5 Freeway, which bisects the Central Valley, but chose to go through major population centers 20 to 50 miles to the east. That pivotal decision increased the project’s cost and complexity. Following the freeway would have been straighter and flatter, without the elevated track, tunnels, and other infrastructure needed to traverse cities. The route also turned a state effort into a regional development project beset by local politics.

The High-Speed Rail Authority had good intentions, however. It hopes that bringing rail to places like Merced and Bakersfield might entice Silicon Valley and Los Angeles firms to open offices in the Central Valley, which would be a 90-minute ride from their headquarters. It also would boost local economies left behind by the state’s boom — and it has, to some extent. The project has added 11,000 construction jobs to the region. But that exacted its own toll.

“Those economic benefits have been really substantial, so that sort of worked, but it came at potentially the cost of not being able to build the system at all, because by starting it in the Central Valley they’ve basically blown all the money there,” said Elkind of the UC Berkeley Climate Program.

Should the state once again ask voters for money, it would have had a stronger case if initial construction had occurred in major population centers, he said.

The route also created additional hurdles as the project navigated California’s environmental oversight rules. Going through several cities and all that farmland increased the number of stakeholders who had to be consulted, ballooning the environmental review process.

To be fair, the California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, has long protected the state’s rich biodiversity. But some rail proponents argue it has been used to stymie progress. High-Speed Rail Authority data shows it has spent more than $765 million on environmental review. Lawsuits stemming from CEQA can be particularly expensive.

“If you have a $100 billion project, and let’s say that interest rates are 3% a year, every year’s delay costs you $3 billion,” Thompson said. “A $50,000 lawsuit can delay you for a year, and so there’s an enormous pressure on you to try to bargain your way out of these kinds of situations.”

California recently loosened CEQA requirements for the rail system’s maintenance facilities and stations, a move Newsom cheered.

“These are very targeted exemptions that will help cut red tape and deliver on California’s vision of high-speed rail without compromising environmental protections,” gubernatorial spokesperson Daniel Villaseñor wrote in an email.

Whether that reform has an impact remains to be seen, because most of the environmental review is already completed.

And regulation was never the project’s biggest problem.

“It just seems like the easy, obvious answer,” said Hana Creger, associate director of climate equity at the Greenlining Institute. “But I think these things are a lot more complex.”

Progress on high-speed rail

Given all of this, it can be easy to lose sight of what progress has been made. The authority is quick to note that 463 miles of the 494-mile system has cleared the environmental review process and is “construction ready.” It also boasts of having laid 70 miles of guideway — meaning track, elevated structures, or other riding surface — and erected 57 structures. All told, the project has created more than 15,500 jobs since its inception.

Despite the challenges, Newsom remains steadfast in his determination to see Californians one day riding the trains they were promised so many years ago. “I want to get it done,” he said in May. “That’s our commitment.”

That will surely resonate with his constituents; recent polling shows 62% of voters believe the state should continue financing the project, though opinions split sharply along partisan lines. Still, experts caution that support isn’t enough. Tangible progress and credible funding streams are essential to maintain momentum.

The High-Speed Rail Authority seems to understand this and is pressing ahead to connect Bakersfield to either Merced or Gilroy.

There’s a lot to do before crews start laying track, but the goal is to finish that run by 2032 and the authority recently opened the bidding process to begin installing track next year.

Looking further ahead, its latest plan, released late last month, calls for extending the line south to Palmdale by 2038, putting it within 80 miles of San Francisco and 40 miles of L.A. at a cost of $87 billion.

“While challenges remain, so too does the potential to deliver a modern transportation system worthy of the state’s ambitions — one that reflects the scale, complexity and promise of California itself,” Choudri wrote in the plan. “Let’s go build it.”

Assuming the project retains its $4 billion federal grants, the project has $29 billion available, with an additional $15 billion from Newsom’s proposal, according to the CHSRA. Thompson said the governor’s proposal, which would set aside $1 billion every year for the project, should keep it alive for the next four years.

Beyond that, it will need an infusion of cash, likely from voters but possibly from a future presidential administration.

“I think the path forward is that they could show some first segment success and then go back to the voters,” Elkind said. “You just got to get through this first era here, and get something built that they can show to the voters.”

Ultimately, California’s high-speed rail is more than a train line; it is a test of the nation’s ability to deliver transformative infrastructure. Its path forward remains uncertain, but every mile of track laid could lead to a turning point — not just for the state, but for the broader goal of building the kind of transportation network other countries take for granted.

More than 20 locations in South L.A. will get speed cameras under a pilot program that gets rolling this fall. 

The plan, which was approved by the L.A. City Council last month, will cover a total 125 targeted zones in the city, according to L.A. Department of Transportation documents. The cameras could start snapping photos of speedsters as early as July, with a 60-day warning period  — where drivers wouldn’t be fined — running into September. 

LADOT says the cameras are aimed at reducing traffic fatalities while complying with a 2023 state law that requires LA and five other cities to establish automated speed enforcement programs before 2032.

L.A. saw 290 traffic fatalities in 2025, according to LA Police Department data, 6% less than 2024. Several of the city’s deadliest intersections are clustered in South L.A. along Western Avenue, Vermont Avenue and Figueroa Street, according to data analyzed by Crosstown.

Where will the speed cameras be installed in South LA?

Some intersections will have multiple camera clusters installed on the streets around them. The intersection of Gage Avenue and Figueroa Street, for example, will have cameras to the north, south and west. 

Cameras will be located on:

• Figueroa Street between Adams Boulevard and 23rd Street
• Figueroa Street between Gage Avenue and 62nd Street 
• Figueroa Street between 68th Street and Gage Avenue
• Figueroa Street between Manchester Avenue and 85th Street 
• Normandie Avenue between 62nd Street and 64th Street
• Western Avenue between 55th Street and 53rd Street 
• Western Avenue between 24th Street and Adams Boulevard 
• Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard between Hobart Boulevard and Saint Andrews Place 
• Florence Avenue between Van Ness Avenue and Haas Avenue 
• Florence Avenue between Vermont Avenue and Hoover Street 
• Vermont Avenue between Florence Avenue and 71st Street 
• Vermont Avenue between 58th Place and 57th Street 
• Vernon Avenue between Wadsworth Avenue and McKinley Avenue 
• Gage Avenue between Hoover Street and Figueroa Street 
• Gage Avenue between Halldale Avenue and Raymond Avenue
• Slauson Avenue between Brentwood Street and Inskeep Avenue 
• Slauson Avenue between Budlong Avenue and Menlo Avenue 
• Central Avenue between 92nd Avenue and 91st Street 
• Avalon Boulevard between 77th Street and 74th Street 
• Manchester Avenue between Wadsworth Avenue and Central Avenue
• La Brea Avenue between Veronica Street and Coliseum Street 
• La Cienega Boulevard between Coliseum Street and Bowesfield Street 
• Arlington Avenue between Adams Boulevard and 18th Street 
• Jefferson Boulevard between Crenshaw Boulevard and Bronson Avenue

More than 20 locations in South LA will get speed cameras under a pilot program that gets rolling this fall.

How much will tickets cost? 

Cameras will snap a photo of a speeding vehicle’s rear that includes its license plate as well as its make and model. 

The system will document the date, time and vehicle speed, then issue a citation to the vehicle’s registered owner, according to LADOT’s policy plan.  

Fines will ratchet higher based on how fast a vehicle is moving, starting with a $50 fine for vehicles going 11 to 15 mph above the limit. 

Vehicles moving 16 to 25 mph over the limit will get $100 fines, and vehicles going 26 mph or more over the limit will get $200 fines. 

The max fine will be $500 for vehicles that go 100 mph or more above the speed limit.

LADOT said camera images will not include rear windshields or faces, and that state law does not allow the cameras to use facial recognition technology.

How were speed camera locations selected?

Some Angelenos submitted comments to LADOT, worrying the speed camera program will disproportionately affect people of color, according to a March 20 department memo. 

LADOT said in the memo that it worked to minimize any inequity, in part, by distributing the cameras evenly across the city’s 15 council districts, with every district getting at least eight cameras, and no district getting more than nine.  

The transportation department said it based much of its location selection on speed-related collision data and proximity to places like senior centers and schools. 

State law requires that the city continue monitoring the program’s effectiveness and impact on civil rights and liberties, according to LADOT.

The post Speed cameras are coming to South LA — here’s where they’ll be installed appeared first on LA Local.

Top officials from the Department of Homeland Security talked to House lawmakers about what the agency needs for next fiscal year — even as it's in the midst of a record-breaking shutdown.

The acting head of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the admiral of the U.S. Coast Guard and others testified about the impact of the current funding lapse on their workforce and programs. Several agency leaders requested money for more staff, while also raising concern that not all their workers were back in the office and had missed paychecks.

Some lawmakers called the hearing on Thursday an "absurdity," and the process "frustrating."

Lawmakers have been in a stalemate for over 60 days about funding the entire department, which includes agencies that oversee immigration enforcement, disaster relief, cybersecurity and the U.S. Coast Guard.

Democrats in the Senate refused to fund DHS as part of regular appropriations for the current fiscal year after immigration officers shot and killed two U.S. citizens in January. That meant the department ran out of money to operate on Feb. 14; it's now been without funding for more than 60 days. The previous longest shutdown, in November, lasted for 43 days — though it affected all government agencies.

But Democrats have failed to get Republicans on board with their demands for changes in how DHS's law enforcement operates. The White House and congressional Republicans have instead managed to find alternative sources of funding to continue immigration enforcement.

That includes the $75 billion congressional Republicans provided to ICE last summer as part of a partisan tax and spending package, which also included funds for Customs and Border Protection. ICE has tapped into that funding during the two most recent government shutdowns to continue paying its officers.

During the current shutdown, President Donald Trump signed a memo to pay Transportation Security Administration employees, and later extended it to all DHS employees, without detailing where exactly the money was coming from.

Here are some takeaways from the hearing:

1. Longest-ever shutdown dominates the testimony

In an opening statement, Rep. Rosa DeLauro said she noted "the absurdity of holding a hearing on funding for these agencies" for next year — while both parties are split on how to fund the agencies even for this year.

Republicans for their part are discussing whether they could fund the department for three years, or the rest of Trump's term, through a partisan process called reconciliation — the mechanism also used for immigration-focused funding passed last year.

All three of the DHS officials voiced support for the plan and urged Republicans to pass a reconciliation measure by June 1.

Rep. Mark Amodei, R-Nev., the chairman of the Homeland Security appropriations subcommittee, expressed skepticism about the plan, saying it was "phenomenally interesting" that the agency officials were asking for a bill with no changes to immigration oversight.

"It's like saying, 'We're going to abolish Article 1 for three years,' no disrespect," he later said during closing comments, referring to the article in the U.S. Constitution that established Congress. "We want to give you your stuff in a consistent, predictable, sustainable way – that's our job. Just prefund me for three years. Really? How about you prepay me for three years. You'd be dumber than hell to do that."

2. Detention conditions, deaths, expansion plans probed

Texas Democrats questioned Todd Lyons, the acting ICE head, on the agency's plans to retrofit warehouses across the country as processing or detention facilities.

Reps. Henry Cuellar and Escobar asked about plans to bring warehouses to their state and argued the communities were rebuking the effort and lacked the infrastructure to support the projects.

Lyons said one facility in San Antonio is scheduled to be a processing center for 500 to 1,000 people and may include an immigration court. Other plans, such as a facility in McAllen, Texas, are under review.

"Secretary [Markwayne] Mullin is looking over the whole detention plan, and he's going to make an informed decision of where he wants to move forward and locations," Lyons said.

Rep. Lauren Underwood, D-Ill., asked Lyons about the record number of deaths under ICE custody. Lyons noted that the FBI was not investigating the death of a man at the Camp East Montana detention center in Texas, which a coroner determined was a homicide.

"Zero deaths is what we want. We don't want anyone to die in custody," Lyons said, adding that the agency spent "almost half a billion last fiscal year…to ensure that people have proper care."

But, when asked, he couldn't say how many people were still working in the Office of Detention Oversight, which would investigate such deaths and broader detention conditions and standards.

3. USCIS seeks funding for a law enforcement unit

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services Director Joseph Edlow said his agency wants to create a new law enforcement arm and hire and train 200 officers separate from those who work for ICE and CBP.

Under Trump, USCIS has increasingly turned to anti-immigration policing from its traditional focus on the ways people can lawfully migrate and stay in the U.S.

"What I am trying to create here is a very narrow criminal investigation branch that is going to focus specifically on immigration fraud and entitlement fraud," Edlow said, adding that each special agent would go through a nine-week training specific to USCIS.

Republicans and Democrats asked Edlow about growing waits for people to get an answer on their work permits or naturalization application.

"I agree processing times on certain applications have gone up over the last fiscal year," Edlow said. "I consider this to be short-term pain, which is going to really lead to long-term gain in the fair and proper processing of immigration."

USCIS is not directly impacted by the department-wide shutdown since they are funded by fees people pay when they submit their applications. Edlow said that last fiscal year the agency collected $7.5 billion in fee revenue, exceeding its goals.

4. Other DHS agencies including TSA and Coast Guard take the stand

Officials for the non-immigration agencies under DHS also testified about the need for funding.

Nick Andersen, acting director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), said the shutdown has harmed his agency's work, with only about 40% of staff consistently working.

Karen Evans, the acting administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, said the funding lapse is delaying reimbursements to local governments to handle disasters.

"We know the reimbursements are critical," Evans said, noting the agency and other parts of DHS are responding to several disasters right now, including a super-typhoon in the Northern Mariana Islands and Guam.

And U.S. Coast Guard Admiral Kevin Lunday said there were over 500 unpaid utility bills because of the shutdown, "threatening to cut off electricity and water to Coast Guard stations" and a backlog to process 18,000 merchant mariner credentials, a standard credential required to work on U.S. vessels.

5. Upcoming national events pose national security, personnel challenges

Sean Curran, director of the U.S. Secret Service, warned that the next few years through 2028 are poised to be a heavy lift for the agency. Curran noted that the current workforce is not big enough to handle the FIFA World Cup, 2028 Olympics and the 2028 presidential cycle.

His agency is asking for funding to hire 852 new positions and he noted the Secret Service is also helping to train local law enforcement for the events, which also requires funding.

"I found out that [Los Angeles Police Department], they're not ready for drone detection and mitigation so we are going to train them," Curran said.

Rodney Scott, the commissioner of Customs and Border Protection, also said the funding lapse put on hold training for personnel related to the World Cup games this summer.

The agency is also unable to pay for border maintenance, contractors, and certain planes and boats.

Ha Nguyen McNeill, the TSA acting administrator, said the agency is poised to lose more people as the shutdown drags on.

Shortages in TSA staffing prompted hours-long delays at airports nationwide last month, before Trump said the executive branch would pay them.

"We are less than two months away from the FIFA world cup and it takes us 4 to 6 months to train a new officer so with any spikes in attrition that is going to put us in a difficult position come this summer," Nguyen McNeill said.

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A large flatbed truck pulled up outside a remote immigrant detention center north of Los Angeles last month. On the truck bed, converted into a mobile stage, a band played protest songs. Huge speakers projected them loud across the desert landscape. But were they loud enough, the musicians wondered, to penetrate the detention center's tall, thick, concrete walls?

Loyda Alvarado looked toward the barbed wire fence and began to sing to the immigrants jailed inside:

Asómate a la ventana, te traje una serenata

Look out the window. I've brought you a serenade.

Aunque estés encarcelado, mira, te canta quien te ama…

Though you're locked up, someone you love is here to sing to you.

In a crowd of protesters looking on, a young woman's phone rang. It was her dad calling. He was detained inside, fighting deportation. She climbed onto the truck and took a microphone.

"He can hear us!" she yelled. "They all can hear us!" The crowd erupted.

In March, the band brought a musical serenade to immigrants detained at a large desert detention center in Adelanto, Calif. They blared their songs through massive speakers in the hopes the music would penetrate the facility's walls.

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The concert was staged by Los Jornaleros del Norte. Since federal agents began aggressive immigration raids in LA last June, the band's 11 members have been crisscrossing Southern California on their mobile stage determined to lift the spirits of people affected by the crackdowns. The band also hopes to provide a jolt of musical energy at otherwise somber protests.

"Since day one, we as musicians started organizing to protest wherever there were raids," said Omar León, the band's director, accordionist and songwriter. The band has often rolled up to street corners days or even hours after immigration agents have whisked someone away there. Many of their songs are about undocumented workers trying to make a living while evading immigration agents. Most are protest songs played as upbeat Mexican cumbias or as corridos, a style of ballad that often narrates the experiences of working class people.

Band director Omar León is a community organizer and former day laborer, as are most of the band's members. He's also the band's songwriter and plays the accordion and keyboard.

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León said the band's goal at demonstrations is to redirect protesters' anger and sorrow.

"People are already ready to march and to chant," he said. "But when they hear the music, they get more excited. It also minimizes tension and confrontation between police, ICE agents and the people who are protesting."

Loyda Alvarado, a lead singer in the band, said that in the crackdown's early weeks and months, it was hard to bring lively cumbias to the very place where an immigrant worker had just been taken away from their family and community.

"It just felt so heavy," she said. But over time, watching people dance and sing to their music, "I was reminded that this is a way in which we resist as well. The joy, despite all the suffering, despite all the pain, is such an important part of what we do because it helps us to keep our culture and to connect with each other."

Dancing at an October memorial vigil for a day laborer who was hit by a car while trying to evade arrest by immigration agents.

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The concert and serenade outside the desert detention center was one way the band has tried to reach detained immigrants themselves.

"We are bringing music for the people we love," said Manuel Vicente, who plays congas. "And to show them that we're waiting for them outside. And that their community is doing everything we can to bring them back."

Though the band has turbocharged its performance schedule in the last year, it's been performing at immigrant and workers' rights protests for three decades. Pablo Alvarado and Lolo Cutumay were among a small group of workers who formed the band in the mid 1990s after one of them witnessed immigration agents raid a site where day laborers were lining up for free health services. Their first song told the story of that raid

Most of the members of Los Jornaleros del Norte at a recent rehearsal near Los Angeles.

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Their name, Los Jornaleros del Norte means The Day Laborers of the North. To this day, most of its musicians are current or former day laborers, and work closely with the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, using music to help mobilize immigrant workers.

On a recent evening, the band's mobile stage pulled up to a Home Depot east of LA. Weeks earlier, masked immigration agents had chased down day laborers gathered in the parking lot in search of a day's work. One of them, Carlos Roberto Montoya Valdéz, ran across the nearby freeway in a desperate attempt to escape. He was hit and killed by a car. The Jornaleros had come to honor his life.

The band often performs at the sites of recent immigration raids, including Home Depot stores, where immigration agents have repeatedly targeted day laborers waiting in parking lots hoping for work.

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For more than an hour, they played sentimental ballads as a tribute, and later, fast-paced cumbias to liven the mood.

"The songs that we do are stories about hardworking immigrants, hardworking women and hardworking men," Omar León said after the performance, as he put his accordion away. "Tonight we chose songs that talk about life, that talk about struggle. We chose love songs to remember Carlos Roberto Montoya."
Copyright 2026 NPR

LOS ANGELES — Singer D4vd has been arrested on suspicion of killing a 14-year-old girl whose decomposed body was found last year in his apparently abandoned Tesla that was towed from the Hollywood Hills, authorities said Thursday.

Los Angeles police said in a brief statement that the 21-year-old Houston-born alt-pop singer whose legal name is David Burke was being held without bail on suspicion of murder after his arrest in the investigation of the killing of Celeste Rivas Hernandez.

Police said investigators would present a case to prosecutors at the Los Angeles County District Attorneys Office on Monday. The office said in its own statement that it is aware of the arrest and its Major Crimes Division will review the case to determine whether there is enough evidence to file charges.

The singer had been under investigation by an L.A. County grand jury looking into the death of Rivas Hernandez. The probe was officially secret, but its existence — and the designation of D4vd as its target — was revealed on Feb. 25 when his mother, father and brother filed an objection in a Texas court to subpoenas demanding they testify.

Emails seeking comment from an attorney and a publicist who have previously worked with D4vd were not immediately returned. His representatives have not responded to multiple previous requests from The Associated Press for comment on the case.

The long-dead body of Celeste Rivas Hernandez was found in a Tesla on Sept. 8, a day after she would have turned 15. She was a 13-year-old seventh grader when her family reported her missing in 2024 from her hometown of Lake Elsinore, about 70 miles (112 kilometers) southeast of Los Angeles. Authorities give her age as 14 when she was killed in court documents.

The 2023 Tesla Model Y was registered in the singer's name at the Texas address of his subpoenaed family members, according to court filings from prosecutors. It had been towed from an upscale neighborhood in the Hollywood Hills where it had been sitting, seemingly abandoned.

Police investigators searching the Tesla in a tow yard found a cadaver bag "covered with insects and a strong odor of decay," court documents said, and "detectives partially unzipped the bag and observed a decomposed head and torso."

Investigators from the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner's Office removed the bag and "discovered the arms and legs had been severed from the body," according to court documents. A second black bag was found under the first, and dismembered body parts were inside it. No cause of death has been publicly revealed.

Authorities had not publicly named D4vd — pronounced "David" — as a suspect prior to the arrest.

D4vd gained popularity among Generation Z fans for his blend of indie rock, R&B and lo-fi pop. He went viral on TikTok in 2022 with the hit "Romantic Homicide," which peaked at No. 4 on Billboard's Hot Rock & Alternative Songs chart. He then signed with Darkroom and Interscope Records and released his debut EP "Petals to Thorns" and a follow-up, "The Lost Petals," in 2023.

When the body was discovered, D4vd had been on tour in support of his first full-length album, "Withered." Later, the last two North American shows, in San Francisco and Los Angeles, along with a scheduled performance at LA's Grammy Museum, were canceled, as was the European tour that was to have begun in Norway.
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