Under proposed legislation, California teens under age 16 would be required to sit in the back seat if they don't meet height requirements.
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Topline:
A new bill would require all children younger than 10 to use booster seats and bar all those under 13 from sitting in the front seat. The pending measure also would require children as old as 13 to use a booster seat unless they meet the same size criteria.
What's behind the bill? Crash statistics that show small-framed children, regardless of age, are disproportionately hurt in crashes when not in the back seat or using a booster seat. Current California law requires children to use booster seats until they turn 8 or reach a height of 4 foot 9 inches, though the California Highway Patrol recommends all children younger than 13 sit in the back. Traffic safety advocates are pushing for a ban on teens up to 16 years old from sitting in the front seat if they’re not tall enough.
Bill advances out of committee: Last week, the Assembly Transportation Committee voted to advance the new, more restrictive booster rules which has support from some child and automotive safety and health care groups. All 12 Democrats on the transportation committee voted to advance the measure, though some, including Rhodesia Ransom of Stockton, had concerns. Noting that she has “a 23-year-old, height-challenged child whose legs often don’t go over chairs,” Ransom, who is Black, said she was worried the bill would give police an excuse to pull over people of color like her.
Calling “shotgun” to ride in the front seat may no longer be an option for small-sized California middle and high schoolers.
Citing crash statistics that show small-framed children, regardless of age, are disproportionately hurt in crashes when not in the back seat or using a booster seat, traffic safety advocates are pushing for a controversial bill that would ban teens up to 16 years old from sitting in the front seat if they’re not tall enough.
The bill would require all children younger than 10 to use booster seats and bar all those under 13 from sitting in the front seat. The pending measure also would require children as old as 13 to use a booster seat unless they meet the same size criteria.
Current California law requires children to use booster seats until they turn 8 or reach a height of 4 foot 9 inches, though the California Highway Patrol recommends all children younger than 13 sit in the back.
Last week, the Assembly Transportation Committee voted to advance the new, more restrictive booster rules, Lori Wilson’s Assembly Bill 435, which has support from some child and automotive safety and health care groups. Violators would face tickets of $20 for a first offense and $50 for each subsequent offense.
Wilson, a Democrat representing Suisun City, told the committee she remembers “being a child calling shotgun” so she could ride in the front seat.
But she said alarming numbers of kids are getting hurt or dying in crashes because safety belts and airbags aren’t fitted for their small bodies.
“God forbid something happens, we want our children to be safe,” Wilson told the committee.
Under Wilson’s bill, beginning in 2027, a child would need to pass a “five-step test” to be able to ride in the front seat or move out of a booster seat, depending on the child’s age:
1. Does the child sit all the way back against the seat?
2. Do the child's knees bend comfortably at the edge of the seat?
3. Does the belt cross the shoulder between the neck and arm, resting on the collarbone?
4. Is the lap belt as low as possible, touching the thighs?
5. Can the child stay seated like this for the whole trip?
The CHP, AAA, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, the California Department of Public Health, the California Hospital Association, American Academy of Pediatrics and other groups promote the use of the five-step test to determine if a child is ready to use a seat belt instead of a booster seat, according to the bill’s proponents.
Wilson said Louisiana and Minnesota have enacted similar laws.
Another opportunity for racial profiling?
All 12 Democrats on the transportation committee voted to advance the measure, though some, including Rhodesia Ransom of Stockton, had concerns.
Noting that she has “a 23-year-old, height-challenged child whose legs often don’t go over chairs,” Ransom, who is Black, said she was worried the bill would give police an excuse to pull over people of color like her.
Wilson, who’s also a member of the Legislative Black Caucus, acknowledged Ransom had a point.
“A police officer could profile them … and say, ‘I’m going to use the five-point test,’ ” she said. “Hopefully that is rare.”
The four Republicans on the committee did not vote on Wilson’s bill, which counts the same as voting “no.” As CalMatters has reported, the widespread practice of dodging tough votes allows legislators to avoid accountability.
Republican Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a retired CHP officer representing Palmdale, told the committee he worries the bill would be hard to enforce.
“Determining the age of children is very difficult to do when you have no verifying identification at that age level,” he said. “So you’re going to have to trust the parents.”
He added that parents won’t want an officer reaching into their vehicle and touching their child’s thigh to make sure the seat belt is properly fitted.
A child sits in a pick-up truck at a Walgreen’s parking lot in the San Fernando Valley, on July 17, 2021.
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Pablo Unzueta
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CalMatters
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Assemblymember Heather Hadwick, a Republican representing the rural northeastern corner of California, was concerned that Wilson’s bill didn’t address cab-only pickup trucks that many of her constituents drive. Wilson told her not to worry.
“Since this law has been incorporated in other states, I’m positive that we can find a solution,” Wilson said.
Other ‘nanny state’ bills have failed
San Joaquin Valley Republican David Tangipa, who recently was a tight end on Fresno State University’s football team, asked how a child-sized booster seat would have worked with his large-framed Polynesian family.
“When I was about 12 years old, I was 6 foot and 210 pounds,” he said. “I’m the smallest out of my siblings.”
Jennifer Rubin, an advocate for Safe Kids Greater Sacramento, told Tangipa that he and his siblings would have passed the five-step test earlier because they were tall.
Rubin’s group is a lead supporter of the bill. No group formally opposed it.
The bill now moves to the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Democratic-authored bills rarely fail to advance out of their first committee. But from there, the most controversial bills that become “nanny state” fodder for conservative media can sometimes get watered down or killed.
For instance, last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom stepped in to kill a bill that would have prohibited young children from playing tackle football. Proponents of the legislation said young children suffer too many head injuries playing the sport.
Newsom also killed proposed legislation last year by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener that originally would have required “speed governors” to be installed in any new car in California. The devices would have blocked motorists from driving more than 10 mph over the speed limit. The bill was amended to have cars make a “brief, one-time visual and audio signal to alert the driver each time they exceed the speed limit,” according to the bill’s analysis.
Newsom vetoed that bill in September, saying the federal government is responsible for implementing such regulations, not California.
Asked last week about the teen booster seat bill, Newsom spokesperson Daniel Villaseñor declined to comment, saying the governor doesn’t typically comment on pending legislation.
Kevin Tidmarsh
is a producer for LAist, covering news and culture. He’s been an audio/web journalist for about a decade.
Published February 24, 2026 5:27 PM
This repurposed space may be familiar to many bargain-hunting shoppers.
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Kevin Tidmarsh
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LAist
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Topline:
The 99 Cents Only chain may be gone, but a new art exhibit at its former store on Wilshire and Fairfax is keeping its legacy alive in the most eccentric way possible.
What you can see: From shopping carts suspended upside down to video art stuffed on the shelves to paintings and graffiti in every nook and cranny, the curators behind 99CENT have filled the space with artwork and L.A. artifacts for a free exhibition.
About the exhibition: A representative for the gallery The Hole, which curated this exhibit, said the works in the store pull from its “West Coast network of artists and outsiders.” That ethos is on full display, as many of the works veer toward the countercultural and psychedelic.
How to visit: “99CENT” is at the former 99 Cents Only store at 6121 Wilshire Blvd. The exhibition is free and open to the public from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. until Sunday.
Keep reading … to get a preview of the art.
The 99 Cents Only chain may be gone, but a new art exhibit at its former store at the intersection of Wilshire Boulevard and Fairfax Avenue is keeping its legacy alive in the most eccentric way possible.
From shopping carts suspended upside down to video art at the checkout counters to paintings and graffiti in every nook and cranny, this is not the same 99 Cents Only store where you used to buy your cleaning supplies.
The curators behind 99CENT, which is on display through the end of this weekend, have filled the space with artwork and L.A. artifacts for a free exhibition. So I had to check it out:
99CENT's art
Many of the involved artists used practically every square inch of parts of the store.
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The artists on display at 99CENT work across mediums.
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Art and graffiti were both on full display at 99CENT.
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Many of the works of art look like regular street signs ... until you look a little closer.
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Presumably, this fruit wasn't bought at the 99 Cents Only store, which closed last year.
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Many different art styles were on display at 99CENT.
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The exhibit makes creative use of space, including hanging things from the ceiling.
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Despite this sign, the inside of the store was covered in graffiti, though some staff members could be seen cleaning up graffiti on the outside.
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Many of the items on display were carefully crafted. The $9.99 sticker may not be accurate pricing.
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What you can see
As soon as you walk in, you’re treated to a complete reimagining of the 99 Cents Only store. This former site of the modern big-box discount chain has been infused with a healthy dose of the West Coast art styles that sprung up from places like the Mission District, Haight-Ashbury and Venice.
One of many sections of the repurposed store that showcases objects, graffiti and artworks.
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Artists whose work was on display used all kinds of mediums. In this case, mirrors and wheelchairs.
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All the original shelving is there, but nearly every nook and cranny has been filled with art.
Inside the old freezer
Even the store's freezers were fair game to show off art at 99CENT.
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The inside of the store's freezer, which was repurposed as a gallery space.
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But look close and you’ll see cheeky nods to the 99 Cents Only store of yore. Much of the old shelving and signage is still there, even if slightly rearranged. On some shelves, hygiene supplies sit side by side with artworks and found objects.
99CENT displays
Some parts of 99CENT even loosely resemble the former store.
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Though this is an artists' flea market, these works of art presumably would cost more than 99 cents to buy.
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Many books on display this week, like this one, probably never went for sale at the original 99 Cents Only stores.
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These curated vintage shirts presumably were also not for sale at the original 99 Cents Only store.
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Some old shopping carts have been converted into suspended sculptures. In between songs, the loudspeakers play what I’m pretty sure are authentic 99 Cents Only in-store announcements in English and Spanish.
One major auditory difference — and I can confirm this as a former 99 Cents store shopper — the music on the store’s PA system is much more lo-fi and homespun than the radio pop the old store used to have on.
Inside the "tent"
In the background, behind the hanging shopping cart, you can see the entrance to an improvised structure in aisle 11.
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Inside the improvised structure in Aisle 11.
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Since this is a self-described “artist flea market of sorts,” many of the artists have also scrawled their phone numbers and Venmo usernames near their works, and walking through different stations at the store really does feel like walking through different stations of a carefully curated swap meet or flea market.
Many works of art coexisted with produce and groceries, like this work held down by two Grey Poupon bottles.
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Even for works that aren’t on sale, most paintings and sculptures I saw identify the artist, though it’s admittedly a little more haphazard than most galleries I’ve been to.
About the curators
Representatives for the gallery The Hole, which curated this exhibit, said that the works in the store pull from its “West Coast network of artists and outsiders.”
These paintings share wall space with this sculpture made of repurposed blue jean fabric.
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Kevin Tidmarsh
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One artist in particular takes the spotlight: The walls are covered by paintings by the San Francisco-based street artist Barry McGee and works from his personal collection — people who parked in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art’s garages in the early 2000s may remember his now-lost murals. All told, the curators say over 100 artists were represented.
With so many artists on display, very little space in the former store goes unused.
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How to visit
You can see “99CENT” for yourself at the former 99 Cents Only store at 6121 Wilshire Blvd., a stone’s throw away from LACMA.
The exhibition is free and open to the public from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. through Sunday.
Mayor Bass says it's thriving, data says otherwise
By Jarrett Carpenter | Crosstown
Published February 24, 2026 4:00 PM
Aerial view of housing stock in Los Angeles.
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Matt Gush
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Getty Images
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Topline:
A Crosstown analysis of data indicates that the pace of actual building may be considerably slower. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass’s Executive Directive 1 was supposed to slash red tape and accelerate approval times for housing projects that consist entirely of affordable, or below market rate, units. She said builders had already broken ground on 6,000 of them.
Analysis findings: Of the 32,838 units plan-approved under ED1 through the end of last year and listed on the case summary dashboard, 4,993 have been issued building permits for new construction, a Crosstown analysis found.
Why it matters: The slower-than-advertised pace of affordable units is just one part of a broader stagnation afflicting the city’s home-building sector. Last year, a total of 7,892 apartment units were permitted, according to data from the Department of Building and Safety. That includes everything from affordable units to luxury apartments. It represents a 1% increase from the year prior but a 34% decrease from 2019.
Read on ... for more about the analysis on affordable housing.
In her State of the City address this month, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass boasted that her administration had fast-tracked the construction of more than 30,000 affordable housing units.
A Crosstown analysis of the data indicates the pace of actual building may be considerably slower. Bass’s Executive Directive 1 was supposed to slash red tape and accelerate approval times for housing projects that consist entirely of affordable, or below market rate, units. She said builders already had broken ground on 6,000 of them.
Of the 32,838 units plan-approved under ED1 through the end of last year and listed on the case summary dashboard, 4,993 have been issued building permits for new construction, a Crosstown analysis found.
Just 26% of affordable units entitled during ED1’s first year, 2023, have been granted building permits, all of which have been approved for two years or more.
“Mayor Bass was correct in her statement that 6,000 units are currently under construction,” the mayor’s press office said in a statement to Crosstown. The mayor’s office did not provide a clear explanation as to how that total was calculated.
The slower-than-advertised pace of affordable units is just one part of a broader stagnation afflicting the city’s home-building sector. Last year, a total of 7,892 apartment units were permitted, according to data from the Department of Building and Safety. That includes everything from affordable units to luxury apartments. It represents a 1% increase from the year prior but a 34% decrease from 2019.
Los Angeles faces an acute housing shortage, a problem that has exacerbated a longstanding homelessness crisis and has contributed to rising unaffordability that burdens many of the city’s residents. According to the Southern California Association of Governments, the city of Los Angeles must produce 456,643 housing units during the decade, a pace it now appears certain to miss by a wide margin.
Despite the chronic need for more housing, builders say they are up against an array of obstacles in Los Angeles. Production costs are more than double the average costs in Texas, according to a RAND study. The controversial Measure ULA, informally known as the ”mansion tax,” has also been blamed for construction slowdowns. The levy, which went into effect in April 2023, adds a 4% tax on residential and commercial properties sold for $5.3 million or more, and a 5.5% tax on properties sold for over $10.6 million, including apartment blocks. The revenues are intended to be put toward affordable housing. But the extra tax makes building an apartment project and then selling it particularly burdensome.
Ari Kahan, principal of California Landmark Group, said his development firm has significantly scaled back their Los Angeles projects.
“We still explore unique opportunities, but we cannot afford the risk of both ULA and the inevitable other shoe dropping on another related issue in the city of L.A.,” Kahan said.
The city’s housing crisis has been at the forefront of Bass’s first term agenda. ED 1, which went into effect in 2023, was intended to fast-track construction by reducing approval times for affordable housing projects and shelters to 60 days. The directive prompted a flurry of new proposals. But moving those proposals from the drawing board to actual construction has been slow.
Building struggles
ED1 and programs that encouraged affordable housing, such as bonus diversity programs and the Transit Oriented Communities Incentive Program — which incentivizes low-income housing near bus and train stations — have been big enticements for new development. However, Kahan said Measure ULA has made it difficult for developers to turn a profit on those projects, and he predicts that most of them will never be built.
The measure has generated over $1 billion through January 2026. Critics assail the nickname “mansion tax” because the levy equally applies to multifamily apartment buildings and commercial properties, not just expensive single-family homes. Fifty-nine percent of transactions are single-family residences, 25% are commercial properties and 13% are multi-family residences, according to the ULA Revenue Dashboard.
Joe Donlin, director of United to House LA, the coalition of housing, labor and renters groups behind the measure, defended the tax and said it’s important to let the policy “breathe and take effect” to understand its full impact. He called the measure an economic engine for the city, adding that $400 million in ULA revenue went out to affordable housing developers last fall.
“We’re talking about hundreds of new homes being built, thousands of new construction jobs, investment in neighborhoods that haven’t seen investment like this in a long time,” Donlin said.
Donlin said Los Angeles’ housing struggles are likely due to stubbornly high interest rates, insurance costs and construction material costs around the time Measure ULA went into effect.
Stephanie Klasky-Gamer, president of LA Family Housing, said she has been able to sidestep Measure ULA because she manages the properties she builds instead of selling them. For her, one of the biggest affordable housing hurdles is a lack of federal assistance to help low-income tenants pay rent.
“[Los Angeles’s] largest housing gap is for our extremely and very low-income households. In order to make housing affordable to that target income group, it would require a larger allocation of rental subsidies,” Klasky-Gamer said.
President Donald Trump’s 2026 budget proposal aimed to cut over $26 billion from federal rental assistance programs, but the House Appropriations Committee rejected the cuts and increased funding for housing assistance programs. Tenant-based vouchers received $2.4 billion more than they did in the 2025 fiscal year, and the project-based rental assistance program received an extra $1.65 billion.
Westchester grows, downtown dwindles
In a rocky year for issued apartment permits, some Los Angeles neighborhoods showed marked increases, while others saw steep declines.
Westchester had 787 apartment units permitted last year, the most of any neighborhood. North Hollywood had the second most at 502, and Mid-City had the third most with 449.
Downtown saw a substantial dip in permits issued. Last year, 207 units were approved, nearly half as many as the year before and an 87% decrease from 2022.
The regression comes as downtown contends with a massive homelessness population. Downtown had the most non-emergency calls for homeless encampments, 8,417, of any neighborhood in 2025, according to MyLA311 service data.
How we did it: We examined all ED1-related projects on the city’s case summary dashboard and compared those with the Department of Building and Safety’s permits issued for new apartments. In addition, we compiled the number of apartment new units permitted for construction in the city over the past decade. In a previous article, Crosstown used a slightly different methodology to determine the number of permitted apartments in the city. The slight changes in methodology account for the difference in numbers in that article.
Have questions about our data? Write to us at askus@xtown.la
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Bald eagles welcome 3rd egg after losing first two
Jason Wells
manages the daily news product that you hear and read every day — otherwise known as being a professional cat herder.
Published February 24, 2026 3:48 PM
Jackie and Shadow welcomed a third egg Tuesday after losing their first two.
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Friends of Big Bear Valley
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Topline:
Bald eagles Jackie and Shadow, whose trials and triumphs in parenthood have been livestreamed to the world from Big Bear, got another shot at raising at least one chick this season after welcoming a third egg to their nest Tuesday.
Why it matters: Their legions of fans were left crushed earlier this year when Jackie's first two eggs were lost. Friends of Big Bear Valley, which operates the livestream, confirmed in January that an egg was cracked. A raven then came back to the nest later that day and breached both eggs.
What's next: She could still lay another egg as part of her second clutch, like she did several years ago after her eggs also were broken or breached by ravens. She's typically fertile and able to lay eggs January through April each year.
East L.A. is the most populous unincorporated community in the state. Here’s what that means and how it affects its nearly 119,000 residents.
Why it matters: East L.A. is not a city, and it’s not part of the city of L.A.. Instead, it’s an unincorporated part of L.A. County, and even though it’s the most populous unincorporated area in California, community organizers say many residents are unaware of the problems that raises.
What is an unincorporated community? An unincorporated area is land within a county that has not been designated to be a city, meaning that it relies on county services, including for law enforcement, public works and local government. Instead of being governed by a city council and a mayor, major decisions for East L.A. residents fall under the authority of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors.
Read on ... for more on what it means to be unincorporated and residents can make their voices heard.
This story was originally published by Boyle Heights Beat on Feb. 24, 2026.
East Los Angeles is home to nearly 119,000 residents, but the community has no mayor or city hall.
So who makes decisions? Who fixes potholes? Who gets called to report illegal dumping?
East L.A. is not a city, and it’s not part of the city of L.A. Instead, it’s an unincorporated part of L.A. County, and even though it’s the most populous unincorporated area in California, community organizers say many residents are unaware of the problems that raises.
According to the L.A. County Planning Department, there are approximately 120 to 125 unincorporated areas in the county, which altogether represent two-thirds of its total area and one-tenth of its population.
“For the 1 million people living in these areas, the Board of Supervisors is their ‘city council’ and the supervisor representing the area is their ‘mayor,’” the department website says.
So what does it mean to live in an unincorporated community?
Let’s break it down:
What is an unincorporated community?
An unincorporated area is land within a county that has not been designated to be a city, meaning that it relies on county services, including for law enforcement, public works and local government.
Instead of being governed by a city council and a mayor, major decisions for East L.A. residents fall under the authority of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors.
East L.A. residents have called for representation that’s more closely tied to their community and financial transparency, saying they want to know how their tax dollars are spent locally.
Who represents East LA?
East L.A., located in Supervisorial District 1, has been represented by County Supervisor Hilda Solis since 2014. Her term is set to end this year.
Solis also makes decisions for the nearly 2 million other residents who live in District 1, which covers more than 20 cities, stretching from Silver Lake to Pomona, as well as various neighborhoods of the city of Los Angeles, including Boyle Heights and downtown.
Independent cities often provide residents with their own municipal services such as law enforcement, firefighting, animal control, trash collection, road maintenance, library services and parks.
Here’s a list of services available to East L.A. residents:
First District Field Office – East Los Angeles
Services: Here’s how you can get in touch with Solis’ office if you have questions or concerns.
Location: 4801 E. Third St., Los Angeles
Contact: (323) 881-4601
East LA Sheriff’s Station
Services: In addition to serving East L.A., the station also serves the cities of Commerce, Cudahy and Maywood, as well as unincorporated Belvedere Gardens, City Terrace, Eastmont, Saybrook Park and Union Pacific.
Location: 5019 E. Third St., East Los Angeles
Contact: (323) 264-4151. For emergencies, call 911.
Services: The L.A. County Fire Department serves all of the unincorporated area within Los Angeles County, as well as 60 incorporated cities, 59 of which are in Los Angeles County and one in Orange County.
Contact: (323) 881-2411. For emergencies, call 911.
Services: L.A. County Public Works responds to calls about graffiti, potholes, illegal dumping, homeless encampments, transportation services and building and safety permits, among other things.
Contact: Reports can be submitted online. Urgent requests can be made by calling the 24-hour line at (800) 675-4357.
Services: 211 L.A. County provides health and social service resources, including housing support, mental health care, financial assistance and recovery resources. During disasters, like wildfires and other crises, the line provides real-time information and can help people find shelter, food, financial help and emotional support.
Contact: Dial 211. Those unable to reach 2-1-1 service can call (800) 339-6993. TTY/TDD# (phone for hearing impaired): (800) 660-4026
For a full list, check out this guide to unincorporated areas services for District 1.
Why isn’t East LA its own city?
Over the decades, multiple efforts to incorporate East LA into a city have failed. A recent fiscal analysis concluded that cityhood remains financially unviable for the region. Residents have continued their calls for more financial transparency and better representation. A new effort on the horizon may allow citizens to directly advise the county on issues unique to East LA.
How can residents make their voices heard?
The report that deemed cityhood unfeasible for unincorporated East LA last year recommended the formation of a Municipal Advisory Council (MAC) — a formal, citizen-led body that would provide residents with a structure for public input and give stakeholders a direct line of communication to county leadership.
At the first of six community forums on Saturday, Feb. 21, some residents deemed the MAC a stepping stone towards proper incorporation down the line. Others asked for better economic investment and access to a localized, itemized budget every year for residents to understand how their tax dollars are spent on improving social services and local businesses.
“Every problem we have, can be solved if we have a local government,” resident Francisco Cardenas. “We have nobody to complain to.”
Here’s everything you need to know about the MAC and the upcoming community forums where residents are invited to weigh in. The next meeting will take place Thursday at East L.A. Library, located at 4837 E. Third St. Register here.
Reporting for this story came from notes taken by Andrew Lopez, a Boyle Heights Beat contributor and Los Angeles Documenter, at the East LA MAC community forum on Feb. 21. The LA Documenters program trains and pays community members to document what happens at public meetings. Check out the meeting notes and audio on Documenters.org.
