The Brief

Spring is here and so is wedding season — but what many people consider to be the ideal wedding may be changing.

Marriages have been on the decline, with the average marrying age rising to about 30 for men and 28 for women in the United States. With shifting values on marriage, a looming recession, and the ongoing recovery from the pandemic, a three-tiered cake and hundred-name guest list no longer reflect what many couples want and value.

Enter the micro wedding.

A bride and groom hike up a mountain trail in New Hampshire as part of their micro-wedding ceremony

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Emma Thurgood

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Courtesy Emma Thurgood

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What is a micro-wedding?

A micro wedding, or elopement ceremony, usually has between 25 to 50 guests, typically just close friends and family, and does not follow the standard wedding format. They can be as small as just the couple and the officiant or as individualized as a hike up a local mountain or time spent baking cookies after exchanging vows.

“In the industry, we sort of talk about weddings in a box, or wedding factories,” said Emma Thurgood, an elopement specialist who also plans micro-weddings. “I call them manufactured weddings, where you go to a venue, and the venue helps you plan the same wedding that they do for all their other couples. Elopements and micro weddings are outside of that kind of experience.”

Thurgood said that is what can be so special about a micro wedding: Couples can create a day that represents their relationship and interests.

Thurgood said that what really matters when planning a micro wedding is that the “experience for the day feels like it’s a true reflection of the couple.”

A bride and groom get married on a cliff overlooking the ocean in California

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Courtesy Jaime Trabert

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Unusual locations

Micro-weddings also tend to take place at unconventional locations. This is due in part to conventional wedding venues requiring guest minimums that do not accommodate for the smaller scale of a micro-wedding.

But this obstacle can also be an advantage when trying to create a unique and memorable experience.

“It's kind of turned a con of not being able to find micro wedding venues into a pro, because we're really looking outside the box and saying, ‘Hey, let's get married at a bowling alley or a bookstore’,” said Jaime Trabert, co-owner and founder of Our Little Wedding, a California-based micro-wedding planning agency.

Other venues include the couple’s backyard, a favorite restaurant, or a national park.

Although micro weddings and elopement ceremonies can be cheaper than their more traditional counterparts, the main draw is to have a tailor-made experience that prioritizes the couple.

“They like the idea that they don't have to spend as much on an elopement, but then also the money they do spend, they can allocate it to things that they care more about than just feeding and entertaining a hundred people,” said Thurgood.

A new perspective on marriage

According to Shane McMurray, CEO and founder of wedding research company the Wedding Report, the number of marriages in the U.S. has been declining since 1984.

McMurray said that micro weddings have been around for a while — though they’ve just recently become more popular, in large part due to the COVID-19 pandemic requiring large gatherings to be scaled back.

“I think that it goes back to what is the true purpose and sole intent of the event for those that wanted to be married,” said Sarah Beachkofsky-Moore, Executive Director for the Center for Low Country Hospitality Education at the University South Carolina, Buford. “Especially during the pandemic, you couldn't have a group of more than 10 together. So it truly made you narrow down who did you want to have where, and when, and for what purpose.”

Beachkofsky-Moore also said that the pandemic gave people the opportunity to reflect on their relationships and ideas of marriage.

More and more couples are choosing to live together prior to marriage, and younger generations may be viewing a walk down the aisle as an unnecessary affirmation of their commitment to one another — especially one that has such a steep price tag.

A small wedding ceremony in a national park in California

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Viera Photographics/Viera Photographics

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Courtesy Jaime Trabert

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According to a survey conducted by the Thriving Center of Psychology, 73% of Gen Z and Millennials say that weddings are too expensive. The average wedding costs about $35,000, according to The Knot’s 2023 Real Wedding Study.

And, as McMurray said, the easiest way to cut down on wedding costs is to cut out wedding guests.

Still, this new trend towards smaller ceremonies and weddings that forgo the traditional aesthetic and routine may have more to do with shifting perspectives on marriage and its value in today’s society.

Perspectives around marriage, especially amongst younger Millennials and Gen Z, have been shifting away from traditional ideals for a number of years now. According to that same survey by the Thriving Center of Psychology, 84% believe that marriage is not necessary for a fulfilling relationship.

“I think people are starting to feel that this kind of traditional American wedding is really performative and micro weddings are allowing people to kind of have a day that's more authentic to them,” said Trabert. “Freeing them up from any rules and expectations.”

Inside the micro-wedding industry

Despite a growing popularity in micro weddings, the percent of weddings that fall within the 25 to 50 guest range is roughly 15%, said McMurray. And for less than 25 guests, it's about 2%. According to McMurray, many weddings are still typically anywhere from 50 to 100 guests.

Although the number of micro-weddings is still in the minority, there is a budding industry dedicated to helping couples create these intimate ceremonies.

A couple kissing at the end of their micro-wedding ceremony

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Courtesy Jaime Trabert

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Trabert and her husband started out as wedding photographers with their own company Viera Photographics. They had been doing wedding photography for more than 15 years when the pandemic hit. Since most weddings during that time moved to micro weddings, Trabert and her husband decided to start their own wedding planning company focused on these more intimate ceremonies.

“It also had been an idea that we had had for a really long time, just kind of noticing a trend of couples on these big weddings, not really enjoying themselves and not really being able to be in the moment and enjoy their day,” said Trabert.

Our Little Wedding offers all-inclusive as well as partially inclusive wedding packages.

According to McMurray, photography and videography are one wedding expense that has gone up in the last few years.

This is also true of micro weddings, which is why so many professionals in this niche sector of the industry tend to be photographers. A challenge that comes up when trying to find resources for clients, said Thurgood, an elopement specialist, micro-wedding planner, and photographer based in New England.

A couple kissing after saying their vows in a small sitting room of an inn.

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Emma L Thurgood

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Courtesy Emma Thurgood

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Because micro-weddings go against the established standards of the industry, most wedding vendors and venues do not accommodate for elopements and micro weddings. Thurgood said that most venues, make-up artists, and caterers have a minimum headcount that often doesn’t suit the micro-wedding scale.

“It's a slow tide turn, but it is starting to happen where there are more resources to help couples plan weddings like that,” Thurgood said. “That's the biggest struggle I think couples face logistically.”

One-stop shopping

That's also why businesses in the industry like Thurgood's and Trabert's are often all-encompassing.

Thurgood officiates and legalizes her couples’ marriages herself, and Our Little Wedding offers officiants, make-up artists and floral arrangements.

“And that is in essence just to keep the wedding planning as simple and streamlined as possible for our clients,” said Angelina Apilado, lead wedding planner at Our Little Wedding, who said that wedding planning can be overwhelming.

However, micro weddings also offer some flexibility that traditional ceremonies don’t — namely the diversity of possible venues.

McMurray mentioned that the biggest disrupter to the wedding industry has been the shift from traditional ballrooms and banquet halls to more interesting locations: Think tops of mountains, middle of the woods, barns, rooftops, and sometimes schools.

Trabert noted that beyond venue space, micro weddings allow couples to get married sooner. And there could be a major benefit for the wedding industry as a whole, if venues start accommodating micro weddings on weekdays.

“We're working with these bigger venues to create packages that fit for micro weddings. And we do them on a Wednesday instead of a Saturday. So it helps not only the couples, but it helps the venues and their businesses as well,” said Trabert.

Possibly the biggest hurdle the industry faces is the traditional ideals of many outside the micro-wedding space.

Helping people plan these smaller ceremonies also means helping them navigate “the interpersonal drama that might arise,” as Thurgood put it — primarily from family and friends that want the pomp and circumstance.

Apilado said that the American wedding culture puts a lot of expectations on couples getting married.

“I think the biggest thing is emphasizing to these couples is that they don't have to feel like they have to do X, Y, and Z to have this perfect wedding,” said Apilado. “It is what they want and their partner want at the end of the day.”

California Democrats are targeting a handful of vulnerable GOP state legislators in hopes of flipping their seats blue.

What are their chances? Tuesday’s election results will offer an early clue.

Embattled Republicans from Sacramento to San Diego have drawn a crowded field of Democratic challengers. The primary, where the top two vote-getters advance to the general election regardless of party, will decide which Democrats will face off against those GOP incumbents in November.

Democrats in those competitive districts are banking on President Donald Trump’s waning popularity and the impact of his policies — chiefly high tariffs, immigration crackdowns and the war in Iran — to hurt Republicans. To fend off the challenges, GOP incumbents have tried to keep Trump’s name at a distance while appealing to their base of Trump loyalists.

In Riverside County, expect a rematch between Assemblymember Leticia Castillo, a Corona Republican, and Democratic Riverside City Councilmember Clarissa Cervantes, who lost two years ago by a razor-thin margin despite amassing a significant war chest. Tonight’s election will likely foreshadow the results in November, when the two will meet again for a final matchup.

In the Coachella Valley, three Democrats are vying to unseat GOP Assemblymember Jeff Gonzalez of Coachella, who has adopted a more moderate perspective on immigration than his fellow Republican colleagues. Similarly, in three other purple districts, from northern Sacramento County to Orange County, tonight’s election will test the Republicans’ popularity.

Democrats are also playing defense in Southern California: Sen. Catherine Blakespear, an Encinitas Democrat, faces Republican challenger Laura Bassett tonight in the toss-up district in San Diego County.

In some of California’s deepest blue corners, Democrats running for open seats are fighting each other to break through. In the coastal Southern California district that includes Malibu and Santa Monica, half a dozen Democrats are vying to succeed Sen. Ben Allen, who is running for insurance commissioner. In Los Angeles, a fierce five-way race has split some of the most powerful labor unions and Democratic groups to replace Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson, who will term out by the end of the year.

In San Diego, the race to replace GOP Sen. Brian Jones, who is also terming out, is a battle between two Republican factions that offers a glimpse into the future direction of the party: Will a moderate San Marcos city councilmember endorsed by Jones be more palatable than a far-right firebrand? We’ll find out.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Some elected offices are pit stops. California’s lieutenant governor is one of them.

Voting ends on Tuesday and voters are choosing between an unusually competitive roster of candidates for the No. 2 job in the state, an office few aspire to without one key disclaimer: It’s a step on their way to another job in politics.

The lieutenant governor wields little power beyond stepping in when the governor leaves the state. But it’s been used as a slingshot to the governor’s office before, by Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Gov. Gray Davis, and seeking the office is often a signal that its officeholder has higher political ambitions.

State Treasurer Fiona Ma, Newsom administration official Josh Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs are the leading Democratic candidates in a top-two primary that will send two candidates on to the November general election. Fryday, who heads volunteer programs for the state, has amassed the biggest treasure chest — nearly $4 million — and is backed by teachers unions and the governor.

Ma, a longtime politician with deep roots in San Francisco, has endorsements from influential labor unions and has raised about $2.8 million. But her run for the second-highest statewide office is shadowed by 2021 sexual harassment allegations that Tubbs supporters have latched onto. Ma has called the allegation “frivolous”, but the state paid $350,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by one of her former employees.

Tubbs was among the first to announce his campaign in 2024. Once a progressive star, he rose to political stardom 10 years ago as a young big city mayor who piloted a guaranteed income program in Stockton. Ousted by a Republican newcomer, his political career seemed to fade and he went on to lead Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, an advocacy organization. It’s his first crack at public office since then, and he’s garnered support from progressive Democrats and the powerful union SEIU California.

Longtime state lawmaker Gloria Romero is the leading Republican. Romero spent 12 years representing east Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat. She switched parties in 2024.

Higher education at the forefront

The major Democratic candidates have struggled to set themselves apart on policy. Because the lieutenant governor sits on all three college governing boards, each has claimed they would work to make universities build more housing and lower tuition costs. This has included practical solutions from directing Federal Student Aid applicants to food assistance program CalFresh, to more far-fetched ones such as free tuition for in-demand programs such as nursing.

The lieutenant governor also sits on the commission responsible for millions of acres of public land. Fryday thinks identifying more undeveloped land to build student housing on will help lower tuition costs.

Ma wants Cal State universities, which rely heavily on state funding, to find other revenue sources through partnerships with private companies.

At an April candidate debate in Los Angeles, Tubbs said he supports freezing tuition but did not elaborate on how he would make up the loss in revenue.

Romero seeks greater transparency about faculty, salaries and housing allowances and would push for more student representation on the UC Board of Regents.

To set themselves apart, the Democrats have leaned on their distinct backgrounds. Fryday has made clean energy a core part of his campaign as a former executive of a clean energy organization started by billionaire gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer. Ma has framed the job as another bulwark against the Trump administration. Tubbs, who works as an unpaid economic adviser to Newsom, has focused on affordability and cutting tuition for low-income families.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

A quiet primary race for state superintendent of public instruction is winding down Tuesday, with no clear front-runner emerging from a wide field of well-qualified candidates for California’s top schools job.

Ten candidates — including several legislative veterans — are vying for the opportunity to oversee the state’s 10,000 public K-12 schools during a tumultuous time. Schools are grappling with AI in the classroom, budget uncertainty, declining enrollment, lackluster test scores and other challenges.

The job itself is also up in the air. Gov. Gavin Newsom in January proposed an overhaul of California’s school governance structure, with far fewer duties for the superintendent. Instead, the State Board of Education, an 11-member body appointed by the governor, and a newly appointed education commissioner would hold most of the decision-making power. The superintendent would act as more of a policy advocate.

The shift would streamline a cumbersome and often opaque bureaucracy, adding transparency and accountability, Newsom said. It would also align California with most other states. Candidates for the superintendent position blasted the proposal, saying it takes away power from voters and concentrates too much control with the governor’s office.

Newsom and the current superintendent, Tony Thurmond, are both termed out this year.

Charter schools are no longer a divisive issue

The race for superintendent — at times, in previous election cycles, one of the most expensive and contentious races on the ballot — has been unusually quiet this year. In the most recent poll, conducted in April, no candidate garnered more than 10% of voters’ support, and 32% of voters were undecided. As of last week, no candidate had raised more than a few hundred thousand dollars. That’s in contrast to the 2018 superintendent race between Thurmond and Marshall Tuck, a former charter school executive, which generated more than $50 million in donations.

But there have been a few surprises in the race. The California Teachers Association and its historic nemesis, the California Charter Schools Association, endorsed the same candidate: Richard Barrera, a San Diego Unified school board member who was little known outside San Diego until this year. Both groups cited his accomplishments on the school board and his commitment to public education.

The dual endorsement shows how much has changed in education debates. For the past two decades, charter schools have been the No. 1 division in the superintendent’s race, generating millions in campaign donations from both sides. This year the subject has barely been mentioned, probably because charter school enrollment appears to have plateaued and both types of schools are now dealing with the same issues.

Another surprise has been the popularity of Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified school board. Shaw made headlines in 2023 when she took on Thurmond over the privacy rights of transgender students, and has made anti-LGBTQ policies the focus of her campaign. In the April poll, she was tied with Barrera.

Other top candidates include: Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, former head of the Assembly education committee; Josh Newman, former head of the Senate education committee; Anthony Rendon, former speaker of the Assembly and a longtime early education program administrator; Nichelle Henderson, a Los Angeles Community College District board member, and Ainye Long, a teacher in San Francisco Unified.

The nonpartisan position pays $210,460 a year.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Californians finish voting Tuesday for who they think can best tackle one of the toughest jobs in the state: insurance commissioner.

The commissioner is responsible for regulating the nation’s largest property insurance market that includes home and auto, plus health, pet, ride-hailing and life insurance, as well as workers’ compensation.

But the hot topic in the past few years as wildfire risk has increased has been home and fire insurance. The next commissioner will face many challenges that include trying to balance property insurance availability with affordability. Some insurance companies that had stopped renewing policies or writing new ones in the past few years are now taking advantage of new regulations that allow them to use new tools in setting their rates. This generally means premiums will rise as the Insurance Department, headed by the commissioner, is likely to keep approving increases in homeowners’ insurance premiums.

The new commissioner will also have to deal with the aftermath of last year’s Los Angeles County fires. Insurance-claim delays and denials are a key part of the slow pace of rebuilding and recovery. State Farm, California’s largest individual insurer, and the FAIR Plan, the state-mandated fire insurance provider of last resort, are both facing lawsuits from homeowners and legal action from the insurance department over their handling of claims from those fires.

The leading Democratic candidates are state Sen. Ben Allen, who will be termed out of the Legislature; Jane Kim, head of the California Working Families Party who served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors; Patrick Wolff, a financial analyst who has never held public office; and Steven Bradford, the former state senator and assemblymember. Neither of the leading Republican candidates has held statewide public office, either: Stacy Korsgaden, a longtime insurance agent, and Merritt Farren, an attorney who lost his home in the Palisades fire last year.

The candidates CalMatters interviewed mostly agreed on the problems that need to be tackled but proposed different solutions. A few of them have called for increased financial involvement by the state: Kim wants to establish a state authority for wildfires and floods funded by a portion of policyholders’ premiums. Farren wants to create a state reinsurance authority funded by a fee insurers charge their policyholders, something both Kim and Allen have expressed interest in. Bradford said he would study a public-private partnership to help keep insurers writing policies in California.

Consumer advocacy groups and former insurance commissioners say the job is complicated and involves a “brutal balancing act” that takes into account the needs of homeowners, business owners, landlords and renters while keeping insurance companies confident that the rates they’re charging match the growing risk of wildfires in the state.

U.S. Rep. John Garamendi, the Democratic congressman whose district includes much of Contra Costa and Solano counties, was the state’s first insurance commissioner and held the position two different times. He told CalMatters that the commissioner job is “complex, hard, detailed work.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.