The Brief

After more than 3,000 episodes of television stretched over 20 years and two TV networks, this critic believes Stephen Colbert's greatest legacy as a host and performer comes down to a single word.

Truthiness.

Colbert highlighted it on the very first episode of his Colbert Report, a spinoff of The Daily Show which featured him as a blown-up parody of TV pundits like original Fox News Channel star Bill O'Reilly — championing the idea of believing something because it feels true, regardless of the facts. "I don't trust books," he says in a segment from that first show. "They're all facts and no heart."

And now, as his Late Show ends an 11-year run Thursday — canceled by CBS despite top ratings in a move some suspect was rooted in silencing a high-profile critic of President Trump — it seems Colbert may have been felled by his stance against such thinking.

"Stephen Colbert has shown, more so than anyone else of this modern era of late night, the power of sticking to the truth," says Roy Wood Jr., a former correspondent on The Daily Show and host of CNN's satire program, Have I Got News for You.

"It's pretty dope that he didn't blink," Wood adds. "In fact, he went harder. This is by far the most sensitive administration we've ever had to deal with as comedians. … He didn't bat an eye."

Hasan Minhaj, another Daily Show alum who hosted his own topical program for Netflix called Patriot Act, says Colbert showed how satirists could evolve while developing a relationship with their audience over decades — going from a top Daily Show correspondent to playing a character on the Colbert Report to revealing more of himself as host of the Late Show.

"What Stephen did, is he was constantly meeting the moment," Minhaj adds. "When you're hosting a nightly program, every day is a new moment. … I think Stephen will be known as one of the most brilliant minds to meet the moment in every way he possibly could."

A sketch comic destined for more

Raised in South Carolina, Colbert learned the early basics of sketch comedy and satire at Second City in Chicago, serving as understudy for a guy named Steve Carell, who eventually joined him in the pair's first real break, serving as writers and performers for Saturday Night Live alum Dana Carvey's self-titled sketch comedy show in 1996.

But it wasn't until he landed with Carrell on The Daily Show a few years later that Colbert developed the persona he would later call a "high status idiot," who poked at the absurdity of cable news pundits — especially on the emerging, conservative-oriented Fox News Channel — by simply amplifying their behavior.

Minhaj says Colbert's work as a Daily Show correspondent was so successful, later contributors passed around an email from him outlining how to do the program's "field pieces" filmed outside the building.

"It really was almost like basketball fundamentals, but for performing political satire," he adds. "He is fully committed and in character the whole way through. … Stephen Colbert's field pieces became the cornerstone and benchmark for what a great correspondent performance is."

Working with longtime host Jon Stewart, who took over the Daily Show in 1999, Colbert, Carrell and the show's other correspondents honed a focus on news-driven satire and politics which spread across television, influencing a generation of programs and performers.

And the satire only expanded when he and Stewart spun off Colbert's character in a program airing after the Daily Show in 2005, called The Colbert Report — creating a figure so indelible, he testified in character before a Congressional subcommittee hearing on the issue of farm workers and immigration and roasted then-President George W. Bush during an iconic appearance at the White House Correspondents Dinner.

Comedian Stephen Colbert testifies during a hearing before the House Judiciary Committee on Capitol Hill in September 2010.

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Former House Republican leader Tom DeLay even seemed to think Colbert was a real pundit, using footage from one of his interviews in a mass email to supporters.

"I always thought his maximum impact came in [The Colbert Report]," says Bill Carter, who covered TV for decades at The New York Times, creating books and a CNN docuseries on late night television. "That's when he was an entire original, like no one has ever seen, doing a character for nine years … He had to tell his guests, 'You know, I'm going to be a jerk.'… It was really a change in the form."

Carter wrote in an essay for CNN that Colbert's character was a "vain, narcissistic conservative true believer who was frequently given to spouting far-fringe ideas that politicians on the right might have been thinking in their gut, but were not willing, until Donald Trump, to speak out loud."

Besides testing the limits of satire, it was also a change which mirrored the times, as cable news pundits rose in prominence and power – especially on Fox News. "I think at the end of the day, he's always been trying to hold a mirror up to the country," Wood says. "Especially, you know, it started with Republicans."

Colbert comes to Network TV

David Letterman originally created CBS' The Late Show back in 1993, after he was passed over for the job of succeeding Johnny Carson as host of NBC's powerhouse Tonight Show. When Letterman retired from network television in 2015, Colbert was tapped as a successor, facing a serious challenge.

How to be himself on TV.

Stephen Colbert poses during the 65th Annual Primetime Emmy Awards in September 2013 in Los Angeles.

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"One of [Colbert's] lasting impacts, was his ability to be an absolute brilliant master of both satire and sincerity," Minhaj says.

But being himself on camera didn't come immediately to Colbert, who admitted recently to the New York Times that he initially avoided being overtly topical, newsy or political in The Late Show's early days.

By the time I visited his program at the end of 2016, it had been energized by live shows during the Republican and Democratic conventions and the hiring of Chris Licht — who would go on to an ill-fated tenure as president of CNN — to handle non-comedy production decisions as showrunner.

"He didn't have time to find his voice before I got here," Licht told me back then. "[Colbert] really was running the show and every element of it."

Colbert's turn toward revealing more of himself personally on the show mirrored a turn in media generally toward voices which seem more authentic, especially on podcasts and cable TV. Beyond his criticism of Trump and MAGA Republicans, Colbert showed his love for his longtime wife, Evie McGee Colbert, his passion for The Lord of the Rings and his strong connection to Catholicism on The Late Show.

And while some critics have theorized that part of the slide in ratings among network TV late night shows might be attributed to the hosts' increasingly intense political stands, Carter disagrees. He says modern media consumers often operate in an information silo where online algorithms push content at them, which reinforces what they already believe – making it tough for anyone to craft comedy which speaks across a wide swath of consumers.

Unlike late night legend Johnny Carson, Carter says this era's late night hosts have a hard time appealing to an audience across political lines. "Everybody has to take a point of view," he says. "You're forced into it. You're asked to stand up and say something now. I think, clearly, the events of the world demand that."

Wood agreed, noting that the best satire pokes at those in power in a way that speaks to the concerns of average viewers. "It's an unspoken pledge that you take as a performer to honor the truth of what's out there," he adds.

"People who believe these late night show are anti-Trump have not stopped to ask themselves, 'Is this administration completely perfect?'" Wood says. "Should we not point out its imperfections? If pointing out its imperfections makes you run for the hills and change the channel, so be it. It doesn't change what's happening on the ground."

Colbert's next act

As Colbert's final Late Show episode approaches, the question arises of what he might do next. Already he has announced a project close to his heart — writing a new Lord of the Rings movie with his son — while insisting he doesn't yet have the mental energy to seriously consider what his next chapter might be.

But Minhaj and Carter both have the same suggestion for his next project: A one-man show on Broadway, perhaps featuring the return of his old Colbert Report character.

"I'm talking this kind of Billy Crystal meets Steve Martin meets Martin Short meets John Leguizamo personal storytelling," Minhaj adds. "Song, dance, he can do it all … improvise, do comedy and be deep and sincere. He's an electric live-wire act."

While cancellation of The Late Show — and CBS' decision to lease the time period to mogul Byron Allen for his often not-topical program Comics Unleashed — may look like the beginning of the end for late night television, Carter expects Colbert's departure to boost others, particularly Jimmy Kimmel's show.

"I wouldn't be surprised if 30% to half of [Colbert's] viewers go over to Kimmel," says Carter, who has noticed Kimmel gets an uptick in viewers whenever he has a new episode while Colbert is in reruns. (This week, Kimmel and Tonight Show host Jimmy Fallon return the favor, airing reruns on Thursday to reduce competition with Colbert's swan song.)

With any luck, Colbert, who turned 62 last week, will find a way to evolve his style yet again to meet the newest form of satire and television. At a time when the world seems more absurd than ever, the need has only grown for a deftly incisive voice with the courage to decry truthiness to power, regardless of consequences.
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Democrats had an overwhelming comeback on election night, recapturing both the House and Senate and shattering expectations in some longtime GOP strongholds. Democrats also had strong showing in gubernatorial races across the nation.

President Donald Trump has said he will accept results and blamed GOP candidates for their own losses.

House of Representatives

Senate

Governors

California state leaders will be able to put away more money when its economy is booming.

On Tuesday, 60% of voters supported Proposition 2, which seeks to shore up the state’s reserves for an economic downturn, with 40% of voters opposing the measure. With 46% of votes counted, The Associated Press declared the measure had passed.

California’s booming stock market is bringing in billions of dollars in unexpected tax revenue.

Prop. 2, or the Save for California’s Future Act, aims to shore up the state’s rainy day fund by allowing state leaders to save up to 20% of the state’s general fund tax revenue, up from the current ceiling of 10%.

The state will also be required to save more when revenue is growing faster, and allow state lawmakers to use some of it to pay down California’s $20 billion in federal unemployment insurance debt.

Supporters say saving more now would help the state weather a future economic downturn.

California has been stuck in a boom-or-bust state budget cycle because its tax revenue depends heavily on wealthy residents’ stock market earnings. Some economists have warned the current economic boom may not last, and the state could face deeper budget uncertainties due to federal budget cuts and potential tax filing delays triggered by natural disasters.

Gov. Gavin Newsom and Democratic legislators spearheaded Prop. 2, which is also endorsed by labor unions, chambers of commerce and a coalition of advocates for healthcare, housing and transit.

“If you don’t have a rainy day fund, then what happens is you get forced to contemplate cuts to core essential services,” said Assembly Budget Chair Jesse Gabriel, an Encino Democrat.

But opponents, including most Republican lawmakers, say saving more would only embolden legislators to spend more. The state should refund taxpayers during a good year, not set the money aside, they argue.

“When they say we’re here for fiscal responsibility, it’s like the devil offering a Bible study. Don’t buy it,” said Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a San Diego Republican.

California leaders and voters have historically established reserves several times, but always quickly withdrew all the funds during budget crises. In 2014, voters approved a law that required the state to save more aggressively and made it harder to withdraw money.

The law requires the state to set aside 1.5% of its general fund revenue and any spikes in capital gains tax revenue each year for reserves and paying down debts. State lawmakers are allowed to withdraw up to half the balance from the reserves when the governor declares and the Legislature ratifies a budget emergency, unless they’ve already done that the previous year and the emergency remains. There are no limits on what lawmakers can spend the money on.

Prop. 2 would keep those rules and allow the state to save more. Critics say state leaders have too much leeway in spending the money.

David Crane, a former economic adviser to former Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, said the rules let “governors bake in spending based on optimistic forecasts, knowing they can always dip into reserves if revenue falls short.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

President Donald Trump has congratulated Democrats for their string of victories but maintains that the midterm elections are not a referendum on him.

“The Democrats did a good job. They fought hard,” he said in a phone interview with Fox News.

Several Trump-backed candidates lost in places that he won easily in 2024. But he blamed the candidates themselves, not policies of his that voters have looked on unfavorably, like the economy and Iran war.

“I don’t view it as a hit on me,” he said. “We’ve had the greatest two years in the history of the presidency.”

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Maine Republican Sen. Susan Collins conceded to Democrat Troy Jackson early Wednesday, ending her race for a sixth term. The Associated Press has not yet called the race.

“For every family doing everything they can and wondering when somebody is going to do something for them, you have gotten me into this and you’re going to have someone who is fighting for you in Washington, D.C.,” Jackson told the crowd at an election night party in Portland.

Jackson, a former Maine Senate president, took over as the Democratic nominee in July after primary winner Graham Platner dropped out. He was tasked with defeating the longtime incumbent after a chaotic primary season that left the Democrats in disarray and briefly without a candidate.

“It has been the honor of my life to serve the people of Maine in the United States Senate. I’m proud of all I have been able to accomplish for our state and for our country in the past 30 years,” Collins said in a statement after calling Jackson to concede.

Democrats had seen the race as a top opportunity to flip a Republican-held seat. Maine has supported Democrats for president since 1992, and Collins was running for reelection at a moment when President Donald Trump is deeply unpopular.

But Democrats’ bid to flip the seat hit setbacks. Party leaders in Washington initially backed Maine Gov. Janet Mills to run against Collins, only to see her fall flat while facing Platner in the primary. Platner overcame a wave of controversies, including the revelation of a tattoo recognized as a Nazi symbol, to win the nomination, only to drop out in July after facing an allegation of sexual assault that he denied.

Jackson was chosen as a replacement nominee during an emergency convention, and he had roughly 100 days to barnstorm the state trying to drum up support for his bid against one of the Senate’s most influential members.

Collins, who is the sole remaining Republican lawmaker in Congress from New England, stressed her ability to deliver for Maine. She tried to distance herself from Trump, saying during a debate that she is “not exactly his favorite senator.”

Although Collins has shown a willingness to buck her own party and Trump, Jackson and other Democrats portrayed her as beholden to him and criticized her for caving to his wishes. Jackson hammered Collins on her vote to confirm Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a Trump nominee who eventually helped overturn constitutional protections for abortion. Collins, who supports abortion rights, has said she didn’t regret her vote.

It could take a few days or longer before the winner is known, as Maine is one of two states with ranked choice voting. Collins and Jackson are the only candidates on the ballot, but write-in candidates could keep either from reaching 50% of the vote, in which case a ranked count would take place.

Collins was first elected 30 years ago

Collins, 73, was first elected in 1996 and is one of the most well-known figures in Maine politics. She grew up in the northern Maine city of Caribou where her family owns a sixth-generation lumber business. Collins worked for former Republican Sen. William Cohen for many years, starting when Cohen served in the U.S. House of Representatives, and would later succeed him in the Senate.

She has long touted her independence from Trump and her party. She has said she didn’t vote for Trump in 2016, and she voted to convict the president after his 2021 impeachment over his role in the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

When Vice President JD Vance made trips to Maine, Collins did not appear with him. Vance told the crowd at a May rally that he sometimes gets frustrated with the senator and wishes she were more partisan.

Collins has been a top target of Democrats before. She won handily in 2020 during a year that Democrats won the presidential race and both U.S. House seats in Maine.

During this year’s race, Collins touted her longevity in the Senate and her status as a key player in powerful committees and budget negotiations. She said those aspects of her service remain critically important for Mainers.

“It has been 92 years since a Maine senator was chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, the most powerful committee in the Senate,” Collins told reporters. “When I took over last year, I realized I had a once-in-a-century opportunity to help the state of Maine and pursue national priorities as well.”

Collins has also tried to highlight Jackson’s temperament. Her campaign criticized Jackson for telling her to “shut up” during a debate.

Jackson became the nominee during a time of crisis for Democrats

Jackson, 58, initially ran for the Democratic nomination for governor and lost. He then won the nominating convention for Senate in July.

It made for a rushed start to the campaign for Jackson, a fifth-generation logger from rural far northern Maine. Since then, he has held events at churches, union halls and bars to tout issues such as workers’ rights and fighting the high costs of housing and healthcare.

He has long had support among progressive Mainers, as he worked as independent Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign leader in Maine. At times, his campaign rhetoric is reminiscent of Sanders, who joined Jackson for rallies in October.

“In the end, if you work hard, you should be able to build a decent life,” Jackson said at a campaign event near Portland in September. “But that’s not the reality right now.”

He criticized Collins as not doing enough to stop Trump. Jackson noted she voted to advance Trump’s signature tax cut and budget legislation out of committee, before she was a “no” vote on its final passage.

“Sen. Collins is like an arsonist who helps set the fire and then she wants credit for bringing a cup of water to put it out,” he said.