David Johansen, the chameleonic and charismatic vocalist who fronted the New York Dolls and found solo success under the moniker Buster Poindexter, died on Friday, his publicist confirmed to NPR. He was 75.
Why it matters: Johansen was the frontman of the New York Dolls, which rose to prominence in the first half of the 1970s, associated with the glitter-rockmovement spearheaded by Alice Cooper, David Bowie and T. Rex, among others. The Dolls stood out from even their most colorful peers thanks to striking stagewear and androgynous looks — various combinations of skintight pants, sky-high platform boots, makeup, loud animal prints and women's clothing.
The backstory: Last month, his family revealed that he had been in "intensive treatment" for stage 4 cancer. The punk pioneer "died of natural causes after nearly a decade of illness," according to the publicist's statement.
David Johansen, the chameleonic and charismatic vocalist who fronted the New York Dolls and found solo success under the moniker Buster Poindexter, died on Friday, his publicist confirmed to NPR. He was 75.
Last month, his family revealed that he had been in "intensive treatment" for stage 4 cancer. The punk pioneer "died of natural causes after nearly a decade of illness," according to the publicist's statement.
Johansen died at his New York City home "holding hands with his wife Mara Hennessey and daughter Leah, surrounded by music, flowers, and love," it read.
Born in 1950, Johansen grew up on Staten Island with five siblings and parents who met while working at a Barnes & Noble. "My father was a Norwegian tenor and my mother a New York Irish librarian," he told The Independent.
As a teenager, Johansen started performing in rock 'n' roll bands and at a weekly hoot night at a local Jewish community center; at the latter, he sang the Delta blues songs he grew up loving.
"Some people would do, like, Kingston Trio-type stuff and the Greenbrier Boys," he toldFresh Air in 2001. "I was more into, you know, Lightnin' Hopkins and things like that."
He also joined the Ridiculous Theatrical Company in the West Village in the years preceding the formation of the New York Dolls.
That band rose to prominence in the first half of the 1970s, associated with the glitter-rockmovement spearheaded by Alice Cooper, David Bowie and T. Rex, among others. Led by Johansen, the Dolls stood out from even their most colorful peers thanks to striking stagewear and androgynous looks — various combinations of skintight pants, sky-high platform boots, makeup, loud animal prints and women's clothing.
The New York Dolls perform at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York on Oct. 31, 1973. At right is lead singer David Johansen, with guitarist Sylvain Sylvain.
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Richard Drew
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AP
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"We didn't consider ourselves glitter rock; we were just rock & roll," Johansen said in the book Please Kill Me, an oral history of punk music. "And we thought that's the way you were supposed to be if you were in a rock and roll band. Flamboyant."
Johansen was a lithe onstage presence who strutted and peacocked with the confidence of Mick Jagger, but possessed earnest insouciance that was rough around the edges. The Dolls' lack of polish was a major part of their charm, as they traded in raucous glam riffage and ragged takes on early rock 'n' roll and R&B. But, in a nod to his foundational sonic texts, Johansen pointedly noted that the band covered Otis Redding, Archie Bell & The Drells, and Sonny Boy Williamson.
Produced by Todd Rundgren, the Dolls' 1973 self-titled album featured songs written or co-written by Johansen. (The lone exception was a slipshod take on Bo Diddley's "Pills.") New York Dolls ended up a proto-punk masterpiece: shambling bar-band boogie ("Personality Crisis"), swaggering glam ("Looking For A Kiss"), hot-rodding garage-punk blueprints (the Johnny Thunders co-write "Jet Boy") and deconstructed rockabilly-soul (the howling "Trash").
Johansen's lyrics were vivid and hungry, capturing the restless energy of both the band's New York City hometown and the political and societal fissures rupturing America.
"We were really such a gang, and it was like us against the world," hetoldFresh Air host Terry Gross in 2004. "And we were really trying to evolve music into something new, and it was, you know, very kind of almost militant to us."
But while many of their glammy peers went on to enjoy great commercial success, the Dolls remained a cult favorite, albeit one that had an enormous influence on '70s and '80s rock. The '80s hair metal scene owes a sartorial debt to the band, while Duran Duran, Morrissey and R.E.M.'s Michael Stipe are avowed fans. In the book Please Kill Me, music impresario Malcolm McLaren, who briefly worked with the group, even admitted, "I was trying to do with the Sex Pistols what I had failed with the New York Dolls."
The Dolls broke up in 1976, with Johansen citing "inertia" and "factions in the group that were, you know, more interested in drugs than in playing music" in the 2004 NPR interview.
He subsequently went solo, releasing a swaggering, Rolling Stones-esque 1978 self-titled album with singles like "Funky But Chic." Future records continued to refine his shimmying, bar-band glam, with the Mick Ronson co-produced 1979 LP In Style, occasionally dabbling in disco. Johansen also toured heavily and landed opening slots for Pat Benatar and The Who.
In the 1980s, Johansen revisited his love of the blues — and had an unexpected career resurgence — under the moniker Buster Poindexter, a childhood nickname.
"On the street, they called me Buster," he told People in 1988. "Then they'd catch me with books and call me Poindexter, so it's kind of an intellectual punk or something."
As Johansen told Fresh Air in 2004, he shaped this musical persona during a low-key Monday night residency at an Irish bar in Manhattan's Gramercy Park, a "barrelhouse kind of roadhouse show" where he performed music he had been listening to, like jump blues songs and Camelot's "The Seven Deadly Virtues."
This intimate engagement eventually led to him fronting a big band in the guise of a louche Las Vegas club performer, complete with a pompadour, fancy suit, and accoutrements like cigarettes and martinis.
"By the time it got to the national awareness, it did have this kind of Vegas-y kind of idea to it," he said in 2004 of his act. "But it started off more kind of like the Louis Prima days in the '50s of Vegas."
Buster Poindexter became a regular presence on Saturday Night Live and earned an unexpected hit with 1987's horn-peppered "Hot Hot Hot," a cover of a tune by the soca artist Arrow. The song was the "bane of my life," Johansen told Terry Gross in 2004, after asking her not to play the tune during the interview.
Over the years, Buster Poindexter toured with a group dubbed the Banshees Of Blue and released four studio albums, encompassing vintage R&B, blues, salsa and merengue.
"I know some people think, 'Oh, Johansen puts on a tuxedo and thinks he's somebody else,' " he told People in 1988. "But it's me, really. Sometimes I've found that by getting into a certain drag, or a certain feeling, you can cast off your mortal coil and really do something. I don't know if it's important, but it's something. It's entertainment."
Outside of music, Johansen acted in a number of films, including Married to the Mob and Scrooged. And in the early 2000s, he formed a band called the Harry Smiths to perform his childhood favorite blues songs (including by Lightnin' Hopkins) and tunes by the group's namesake, folk archivist Harry Smith.
Somewhat improbably, Morrissey convinced the New York Dolls to reunite in 2004, a performance that was documented on Morrissey Presents the Return of the New York Dolls (Live from Royal Festival Hall 2004). This led to three more studio albums — the first, 2006's One Day It Will Please Us To Remember Even This, included guest vocals from Michael Stipe — and tour dates that included Alice Cooper.
According to a statement posted by his daughter Leah Hennessey, Johansen had navigated serious health challenges since 2020, including a brain tumor, but kept this news private and remained busy. He kept up his hosting gig at his weekly SiriusXM radio show "Mansion of Fun," opened for Morrissey in 2023 in London, and did a heartfelt cover ofPhil Ochs' "There but for Fortune" at a late 2023 celebration of 1960s Greenwich Village.
He also helped promote Martin Scorsese's and David Tedeschi's 2023 documentary on him, Personality Crisis: One Night Only. The loving chronicle of Johansen's life and career was anchored by footage from a January 2020 set at the cozy Café Carlyle. Sporting a sophisticated take on his trademark Buster Poindexter look (a wolfish pompadour and a sparkly suit jacket), he entertained the crowd with stories and songs from his career, his voice as comfortable and weathered as a worn-in leather jacket.
After a 2022 New York Film Festival screening of Personality Crisis, a panel discussion with Scorsese, Johansen and others involved in the film evolved into some lighthearted back-and-forth about making the film, with Johansen's daughter Leah Hennessey noting how much her father disliked looking back and telling stories about his past.
"It's a beautiful objet, and I'm very appreciative," he protested lightly, referring to the film.
In response, Johansen's wife, Mara Hennessey, gently backed him up with a touching clarification: "The first time David and I saw the penultimate screening, he said, 'Well, that's a version of myself I can live with.'"
Copyright 2025 NPR
In addition to California, voters went to the polls in New Jersey, South Dakota, Iowa, New Mexico and Montana to cast ballots in primary races for U.S. House, Senate and statewide offices.
What we know: Most of the attention is on California and Iowa, where there are competitive primaries for governor. In both states, the Democratic Party also sees a road map to control of Congress in the fall.
Keep reading... for the latest results.
Updated June 03, 2026 at 00:20 AM ET
Polls are officially closed in New Jersey, South Dakota, Iowa, New Mexico, Montana and California, where voters are casting ballots in primary races for U.S. House, Senate and statewide offices.
Most of the attention is on California and Iowa, where there are competitive primaries for governor. In both states, the Democratic Party also sees a road map to control of Congress in the fall.
In California's unique primary system, voters send the top two vote-getters to November's general election, regardless of candidates' political parties. Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is term limited, and California voters will also pick who should move on to the general election in five new Democratic-leaning congressional districts.
In Iowa, Democratic voters picked state Rep. Josh Turek as their candidate in a key Senate race. In order to win a majority in the Senate, Democrats must pick up four seats, forcing the party to win in Republican-leaning states like Iowa. For the first time in years, Iowa Democrats have a shot at winning the governor's office.
California decides top two gubernatorial contenders
It's been a chaotic scramble to pick the next leader of the country's largest state. After three prominent Democrats — former Vice President Kamala Harris, Sen. Alex Padilla and state Attorney General Rob Bonta — decided not to run, Democratic voters haven't had a clear front-runner for the first time in decades. Voters have more than 60 candidates to choose from, but only a fraction of those are considered serious contenders. Only the top two vote-getters will move on to the general election in November.
California Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra hugs a supporter at the Long Beach Arena on May 31 in Long Beach, Calif.
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The race got a shakeup when former Democratic Rep. Eric Swalwell, the presumed favorite, dropped out of the race after he was accused of sexual misconduct by several women. Most recently, polls show the contest could be between two Democrats — the Health and Human Services secretary under former President Joe Biden, Xavier Becerra, and billionaire philanthropist Tom Steyer.
Before Becerra was appointed to Biden's Cabinet, he served 12 terms in Congress and was elected as the California attorney general in 2016. He's considered by many as the candidate with the strongest political background. Becerra's pitch is that he is a proven leader who can hold his own and protect California from President Trump.
Steyer has forked over more than $213 million of his own fortune on the race and is also financially backed by Our Revolution, a group aligned with Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt. Steyer's platform is centered on taking a stand against special-interest groups in politics.
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Polling just a few points behind Becerra and Steyer is Republican Steve Hilton. The former Fox News host was endorsed by President Trump in April, after which Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, another Republican in the race, quickly dropped in the polls. Hilton's platform focuses on increasing affordable housing supply for first-time homebuyers, bolstering tech industries and reviving California's film industry.
Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer speaks with students during a Get the Youth Vote with Bruin Democrats event at UCLA's campus on June 1 in Los Angeles, Calif.
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Mario Tama
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The outcome of California's new congressional districts
In response to Texas redrawing its congressional lines to create five Republican-leaning districts at the behest of President Trump, Californians approved Proposition 50 in November last year. The measure temporarily sidestepped the independent redistricting commission tasked with drawing nonpartisan influenced congressional boundaries, in favor of politically gerrymandered districts. That allowed state Democrats to redraw their map so five previously Republican-held districts now lean Democratic.
This has left those Republican incumbents figuring out their political futures. Rep. Ken Calvert, the longest-serving Republican from California, and Rep. Young Kim are running in the same district, for example, in a race that's gotten quite heated.
Then there's Rep. Kevin Kiley. After being drawn into a much more Democratic-leaning district, he decided to run in a new seat and announced he was leaving the Republican Party and running as an independent instead, though Kiley said he would still caucus with the Republicans.
Because of California's primary system, some of these more competitive seats are creating competitive primaries between Democrats, allowing primary voters to signal to the party what kinds of candidates speak to them most in places that have the most to lose — and gain.
While the Associated Press hasn't called the race, Republican candidate businessman Zach Lahn narrowly led in the polls late Tuesday night. Out of five candidates vying for the spot, Rep. Randy Feenstra was the only one endorsed by Trump, but he conceded the race even though he trailed Lahn by less than 1%.
The governor's office is an important race for both parties. It's the state's first open race for governor since 2011, as sitting Gov. Kim Reynolds opted not to run for reelection.
There is a good chance, though, that Iowans won't know the outcome of the race on Tuesday because a candidate must secure 35% of the vote to win outright. If no one clears that threshold, the nominee will be decided at a Republican convention where delegates — not primary voters — make the final choice.
But the Republican-backed candidate isn't a shoo-in come November. Cook Political Report categorizes the governor's race as a toss-up with a slight Republican advantage. Whatever Republican wins on Tuesday will face unopposed Democratic state Auditor Rob Sand in the general election. Sand is popular among voters and has, so far, outraised any other candidate for governor.
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Iowa Senate matchup set: Republican Rep. Ashley Hinson and Democratic state Rep. Josh Turek
Democratic voters in Iowa selected state Rep. Josh Turek as their nominee against Trump-endorsed Republican Rep. Ashley Hinson for a competitive Senate seat, according to race calls from the AP.
The seat is one that Democrats believe they have a shot at flipping come November. It's part of a larger strategy of expanding their map — and winning in states currently held by Republican senators — if they want a chance to retake the Senate majority.
Turek, a two-time gold medal paralympian, won the nomination against state Sen. Zach Wahls. Both candidates are courting different Iowa voters though. Turek sought the independent-leaning vote, while Wahls was hoping to gain the support from committed Democrats. Turek flipped a state House district held by a Republican, and now Democrats hope he can do the same with the Senate seat.
And with three competitive congressional races on the ballot, some Democrats in the state are feeling like the road to a Democratic majority in Congress runs through Iowa.
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Looking beyond Tuesday
New Jersey and Montana also have competitive races that could decide which party has control of Congress.
In New Jersey, Democrat Rebecca Bennett won the primary in the competitive Congressional District 7, according to an AP race call. Voters there believe Bennett is the best shot the party has flipping the swing seat blue in November.
Bennett will face the uncontested Republican Rep. Thomas Kean Jr. in the general election. The sitting congressman has been notably absent from Washington for weeks due to what Kean cites as unspecified medical issues. He has missed more than 100 House votes since his last recorded vote on March 5.
Bennett, who is a former Navy helicopter pilot, beat three other Democrats for the nomination. Bennett's platform is centered around affordability, lowering healthcare costs and protecting America's national security interests.
Two races in Montana may be more competitive than originally expected with the last-minute announcements — shortly before the filing deadline — by Republicans, Sen. Steve Daines and Rep. Ryan Zinke, that neither would seek reelection. When Zinke announced he was retiring from Congress, it was seen as an opening for Democrats to compete.
But the Democratic nominee for Montana's 1st Congressional District is too close to call, according to the AP. As of Tuesday night, Ryan Busse, an author and sales professional, maintained a small, 2-point lead, against Sam Forstag, a smokejumper who is supported by popular progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. Whoever wins the Democratic primary will face Republican Trump-endorsed nominee Aaron Flint.
While an open Senate seat does not make Montana, which has long been considered a Republican stronghold, necessarily competitive for Democrats, an independent candidate is outraising candidates in both major parties. Seth Bodnar, Iraq war veteran and former president of the University of Montana, is hoping voters will send him instead, mostly on the message that he won't work for either party and is focused on changing the direction America is heading. In Bodnar's case, he has enough voter signatures to land himself on the November ballot, but the Montana Secretary of State's Office hasn't yet certified those signatures.
But two Senate candidates who will for sure appear on November's ballot are Republican nominee Kurt Alme, an attorney endorsed by Trump and Democratic nominee Alani Bankhead.
An Uber rider exits at Los Angeles International Airport in March 2026 (and hopefully didn't forget anything in the car).
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Myung J. Chun
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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
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Topline:
Los Angeles came in fifth on Uber's list of most "forgetful" cities over the last year — that is, the cities where people most frequently leave items in their rideshare. The ranking was part of Uber's annual Lost & Found Index, a report on what folks forget in Ubers each year and the cities where people leave things most frequently.
Start spreadin' the news, I'm leaving (my stuff): New York, New York topped the list of most "forgetful" cities in Uber's rankings. Miami was second, Chicago third and San Francisco fourth.
The frequent fliers: Items most commonly forgotten in Ubers won't surprise you — phone, wallet, luggage, keys and headphones were the top five.
Fish tanks and toboggans and Gushers, oh my! And then there were the more ... unique items that folks left behind. Here are just a few:
A 75-gallon fish tank
A toboggan
A textured photo with a rhinestoned picture of Jesus
Two pounds of blue raspberry Gushers fruit snacks
420 donuts
A dishwasher
A child's prosthetic eye
What if I actually leave something important? Uber says it's rolling out a new lost item feature in some markets that will allow you to report a missing item, receive a report back if and when the driver finds it and set up a time for it to be delivered to you. You'll still have to pay the driver a fare for bringing it back to you, though.
Wait but I need to know more absurd things people forgot: Obviously! You can see Uber's full Lost & Found Index here. And if you've lost something, here's how to find some help.
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Tuesday’s election results may offer an early clue about how vulnerable legislative California Republicans will fare in November.
Why now: Embattled Republicans from Sacramento to San Diego have drawn a crowded field of Democratic challengers. The primary, where the top two vote-getters advance to the general election regardless of party, will decide which Democrats will face off against those GOP incumbents in November.
Why it matters: Democrats in those competitive districts are banking on President Donald Trump’s waning popularity and the impact of his policies — chiefly high tariffs, immigration crackdowns and the war in Iran — to hurt Republicans. To fend off the challenges, GOP incumbents have tried to keep Trump’s name at a distance while appealing to their base of Trump loyalists.
Read on... for more on how today's election offers a clue.
California Democrats are targeting a handful of vulnerable GOP state legislators in hopes of flipping their seats blue.
What are their chances? Tuesday’s election results will offer an early clue.
Embattled Republicans from Sacramento to San Diego have drawn a crowded field of Democratic challengers. The primary, where the top two vote-getters advance to the general election regardless of party, will decide which Democrats will face off against those GOP incumbents in November.
Democrats in those competitive districts are banking on President Donald Trump’s waning popularity and the impact of his policies — chiefly high tariffs, immigration crackdowns and the war in Iran — to hurt Republicans. To fend off the challenges, GOP incumbents have tried to keep Trump’s name at a distance while appealing to their base of Trump loyalists.
In Riverside County, expect a rematch between Assemblymember Leticia Castillo, a Corona Republican, and Democratic Riverside City Councilmember Clarissa Cervantes, who lost two years ago by a razor-thin margin despite amassing a significant war chest. Tonight’s election will likely foreshadow the results in November, when the two will meet again for a final matchup.
In the Coachella Valley, three Democrats are vying to unseat GOP Assemblymember Jeff Gonzalez of Coachella, who has adopted a more moderate perspective on immigration than his fellow Republican colleagues. Similarly, in three other purple districts, from northern Sacramento County to Orange County, tonight’s election will test the Republicans’ popularity.
Democrats are also playing defense in Southern California: Sen. Catherine Blakespear, an Encinitas Democrat, faces Republican challenger Laura Bassett tonight in the toss-up district in San Diego County.
In some of California’s deepest blue corners, Democrats running for open seats are fighting each other to break through. In the coastal Southern California district that includes Malibu and Santa Monica, half a dozen Democrats are vying to succeed Sen. Ben Allen, who is running for insurance commissioner. In Los Angeles, a fierce five-way race has split some of the most powerful labor unions and Democratic groups to replace Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson, who will term out by the end of the year.
In San Diego, the race to replace GOP Sen. Brian Jones, who is also terming out, is a battle between two Republican factions that offers a glimpse into the future direction of the party: Will a moderate San Marcos city councilmember endorsed by Jones be more palatable than a far-right firebrand? We’ll find out.
Lieutenant Governor Eleni Kounalakis at the State of the State ceremony on March 8, 2022.
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Miguel Gutierrez Jr.
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CalMatters
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Topline:
The race for California’s second-highest political office features a competitive slate of Democratic candidates, from Treasurer Fiona Ma to Newsom administration official Josh Fryday and the former mayor of Stockton.
Why now: Some elected offices are pit stops. California’s lieutenant governor is one of them. Voting ends on Tuesday and voters are choosing between an unusually competitive roster of candidates for the No. 2 job in the state, an office few aspire to without one key disclaimer: It’s a step on their way to another job in politics.
Why it matters: The lieutenant governor wields little power beyond stepping in when the governor leaves the state. But it’s been used as a slingshot to the governor’s office before, by Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Gov. Gray Davis, and seeking the office is often a signal that its officeholder has higher political ambitions.
Read on... for more on the race for lieutenant governor.
About our live results
The first batch of results released by officials typically includes vote-by-mail ballots received before Election Day and early votes cast at vote centers. After that first release, we'll get in-person votes from Election Day. Later releases will include by mail-in ballots postmarked by Election Day or returned to a voting center or dropbox.
Keep in mind that, in tight races particularly, the winner may not be known for days or weeks after Election Day. That's because early voting and mail-in ballots have fundamentally reshaped how votes are counted and when election results are known.
Democrat Fiona Ma, California’s state treasurer, and Republican Gloria Romero were leading in early returns in the race for lieutenant governor. Ma is leading a crowded field of high-profile Democrats, including Newsom administration official Josh Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs. Romero, a longtime former legislator hailing from Los Angeles, is the sole prominent Republican candidate.
Voting ends on Tuesday and voters are choosing between an unusually competitive roster of candidates for the No. 2 job in the state, an office few aspire to without one key disclaimer: It’s a step on their way to another job in politics.
The lieutenant governor wields little power beyond stepping in when the governor leaves the state. But it’s been used as a slingshot to the governor’s office before, by Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Gov. Gray Davis, and seeking the office is often a signal that its officeholder has higher political ambitions.
Ma, Newsom administration official Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Tubbs are the leading Democratic candidates in a top-two primary that will send two candidates on to the November general election. Fryday, who heads volunteer programs for the state, has amassed the biggest treasure chest — nearly $4 million — and is backed by teachers unions and the governor.
Ma, a longtime politician with deep roots in San Francisco, has endorsements from influential labor unions and has raised about $2.8 million. But her run for the second-highest statewide office is shadowed by 2021 sexual harassment allegations that Tubbs supporters have latched onto. Ma has called the allegation “frivolous”, but the state paid $350,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by one of her former employees.
Tubbs was among the first to announce his campaign in 2024. Once a progressive star, he rose to political stardom 10 years ago as a young big city mayor who piloted a guaranteed income program in Stockton. Ousted by a Republican newcomer, his political career seemed to fade and he went on to lead Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, an advocacy organization. It’s his first crack at public office since then, and he’s garnered support from progressive Democrats and the powerful union SEIU California.
Longtime state lawmaker Romero is the leading Republican. Romero spent 12 years representing east Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat. She switched parties in 2024.
Higher education at the forefront
The major Democratic candidates have struggled to set themselves apart on policy. Because the lieutenant governor sits on all three college governing boards, each has claimed they would work to make universities build more housing and lower tuition costs. This has included practical solutions from directing Federal Student Aid applicants to food assistance program CalFresh, to more far-fetched ones such as free tuition for in-demand programs such as nursing.
Ma, Newsom administration official Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Tubbs are the leading Democratic candidates in a top-two primary that will send two candidates on to the November general election. Fryday, who heads volunteer programs for the state, has amassed the biggest treasure chest — nearly $4 million — and is backed by teachers unions and the governor.
Ma, a longtime politician with deep roots in San Francisco, has endorsements from influential labor unions and has raised about $2.8 million. But her run for the second-highest statewide office is shadowed by 2021 sexual harassment allegations that Tubbs supporters have latched onto. Ma has called the allegation “frivolous”, but the state paid $350,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by one of her former employees.
Tubbs was among the first to announce his campaign in 2024. Once a progressive star, he rose to political stardom 10 years ago as a young big city mayor who piloted a guaranteed income program in Stockton. Ousted by a Republican newcomer, his political career seemed to fade and he went on to lead Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, an advocacy organization. It’s his first crack at public office since then, and he’s garnered support from progressive Democrats and the powerful union SEIU California.
Longtime state lawmaker Romero is the leading Republican. Romero spent 12 years representing east Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat. She switched parties in 2024.
The major Democratic candidates have struggled to set themselves apart on policy. Because the lieutenant governor sits on all three college governing boards, each has claimed they would work to make universities build more housing and lower tuition costs. This has included practical solutions from directing Federal Student Aid applicants to food assistance program CalFresh, to more far-fetched ones such as free tuition for in-demand programs such as nursing.
The lieutenant governor also sits on the commission responsible for millions of acres of public land. Fryday thinks identifying more undeveloped land to build student housing on will help lower tuition costs.
Ma wants Cal State universities, which rely heavily on state funding, to find other revenue sources through partnerships with private companies.
At an April candidate debate in Los Angeles, Tubbs said he supports freezing tuition but did not elaborate on how he would make up the loss in revenue.
