The Brief

Google’s payments to influence state government surged to almost $11 million from July through September, nearly 90 times more than the same period last year, making it the highest-spending lobbyist employer in California in the third quarter.

Its lobbying blitz came as the tech giant engaged in a fierce battle at the state Capitol during the final months of the legislative session over whether it would have to pay news outlets for publishing their content.

Google’s lobbying expenses never previously topped $1.3 million in a single quarter, according to state records, and are typically far less. During the first two quarters of 2024, Google spent on average of about $261,000 on lobbying — 41 times less than its $10.7 million bombardment this summer.

The company did not respond to questions about its lobbying, which last quarter was ahead of more typical titans of influence in Sacramento, including the Western States Petroleum Association, the California Business Roundtable and the California Hospital Association.

During that period, which included the end of the legislative session in August and the governor’s bill signing period in September, Google reached the conclusion of a contentious two-year battle over journalism funding.

The search behemoth could have been on the hook for tens of millions of dollars or more annually under Assembly Bill 886, a proposal to require major tech platforms such as Google to either pay a fee or negotiate with California news outlets for using their work. Introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, an Oakland Democrat, the measure passed the Assembly last year before Wicks shelved it to negotiate directly with the industry.

Instead, in August, she announced a deal for Google to provide $55 million over the next five years for a new fund for local newsrooms and $70 million for an artificial intelligence accelerator. Under the deal, the state will also kick in $70 million over five years for the newsroom fund, while Google will continue $10 million in existing annual grants that the company had threatened to pull if the bill passed.

“That agreement was an escape clause for Google,” said state Sen. Steve Glazer, an Orinda Democrat who was pursuing another proposal, approved by the Senate in June, that he estimates would have raised $500 million a year for California news outlets by charging major tech platforms a mitigation fee.

Google spent more on lobbying in 2024 than the last 20 years combined

The company spent $6.2 million to persuade state officials between 2005 and 2023. It reported spending nearly $11 million between July 1 and Sept. 30 this year.

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Chart: Jeremia Kimelman, CalMatters

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California Secretary of State

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Google had to ramp up its lobbying this summer to offset renewed momentum for the journalism funding bills and secure a deal with more favorable terms, said Glazer, who did not support the final agreement. “Their spending was a reflection of the cheaper alternative.”

Wicks, who did not respond to an interview request, has previously called the deal the best of what was possible.

The millions of dollars spent to push Google’s point of view was largely funneled through two other organizations, according to its lobbying disclosure report: The tech giant paid $7 million to the Computer and Communications Industry Association and $2.75 million to the California Taxpayers Association during the third quarter. The groups ran advertisements on television and social media opposing the Wicks and Glazer bills.

Both organizations have previously lobbied state officials, but the summer payments from Google resulted in budgets hundreds of times greater than in the spring. Their spending in the third quarter was directed almost entirely to hiring Washington, D.C.-based advertising firms, according to their disclosure reports.

Google’s record lobbying payments last quarter far exceeded other major tech companies that would have been forced to pay up under the Wicks and Glazer journalism funding proposals.

Amazon spent more than $918,000 during the third quarter, its largest lobbying quarter on record and triple the amount in the same period last year. Meta, which threatened to remove news posts from its Facebook and Instagram platforms if it had to pay for them, spent nearly $366,000.

Google didn’t just pour money into persuading lawmakers. It also contributed a small fortune to the campaigns of 40 elected officials on a single day, campaign finance disclosures show. On Sept. 13, two weeks after the Legislature adjourned, the company cut checks totaling $107,500 to 39 legislators, including Wicks, plus Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis — more than a third of the $301,800 that Google contributed to state campaigns since last January.

Google funded 40 elected officials on the same day

On Sept. 13, the company contributed $107,500 to 39 sitting legislators and Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis.

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Table: Jeremia Kimelman, CalMatters

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California Secretary of State

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Google’s financial disclosure for the third quarter mentions lobbying the Legislature on more than 30 bills, as well the governor’s office and several state agencies, without providing a breakdown of its spending.

Another priority this summer was Senate Bill 1047, which would have required testing large-scale AI models to determine whether they harm society. Big tech players, including Google, vocally opposed the regulation and it was ultimately vetoed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September.

But Sen. Scott Wiener, the San Francisco Democrat who carried the measure, said Google’s lobbying appeared to be more focused on the journalism funding legislation. While the company was a leading voice against his AI testing bill, he said, its efforts there seemed to be directed outside of the Capitol.

“It was not a tidal wave of activity,” Wiener said. “It was much more online and on social media.”

Most Fourth of July guides focus on how to see fireworks shows. This one offers something a little different.

There are lots of reasons why you might seek out some peace and quiet on the Fourth of July. Whether you can’t deal with fireworks because of your pets, sensory or mental health reasons, or, in my case, because you’re just trying to chill in your apartment at midnight.

To be clear, we’re not talking about the big fireworks shows, which are mostly over by bedtime — some of these locations even have their own official fireworks shows. We’re talking about illegal fireworks that regularly light up skies and eardrums in SoCal neighborhoods.

But as any illegal firework-hating Angeleno should know, you can’t win against the booms. Even if you convince one neighbor to stop, you can’t convince them all. To me, the only solution is to steal a moment away for yourself and get out of Dodge.

I’ve been avoiding the Fourth of July in L.A. for years now — though admittedly not every year, especially when friends with rooftop grills invite me over — and I put together a list of recommendations that should be calm and firework-free at night.

Of course, there are no guarantees that people still won’t light fireworks illegally in these places, like what led to the tragic El Dorado Fire in 2020. But you can probably see a theme emerge here: areas in or near state and national parks, mountains, the beach and anywhere that’s wildfire-prone will likely provide a reprieve.

Angeles/San Bernardino National Forest

Fawnskin in the San Bernardino Mountains is one place to soak up the vibes.

Though a few towns make this list, going into nature is going to be your best bet. State parks like Chino Hills and Crystal Cove close at sunset, but you can stay as long as you want in national forests. And if you park your car in the right turnout, you’ll enjoy a pretty nice panorama. Controversially, there will still be a fireworks show in Big Bear, so you can sneak a peek if you so choose.

Idyllwild

This store in Idyllwild, pictured in 2025, certainly got into the July 4 spirit.

This is where I spent the last Fourth of July. It was exactly what I was looking for: very festive with plenty of activity during the day, but there wasn’t a firework to be heard around this forested mountain town when the sun set.

Joshua Tree/National Parks

Not a firework in sight here in Joshua Tree.

Fireworks are strictly banned for visitors to U.S. national parks, as well as on Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management lands. It’s a federal offense that could carry up to six months in jail. Joshua Tree is obviously the closest national park you can drive to, but Sequoia and Kings Canyon also have a strict ban on pyrotechnics and other fires. Bonus: National park entry is free this July 4.

Malibu (or most places along the beach)

Zuma Beach is one of many beaches in Southern California near state parks.

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Kevin Tidmarsh/LAist

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The farther you get into Malibu, the farther from your neighbors’ fireworks. I’ve found Zuma Beach to be a pretty good place to park, especially since it’s surrounded by the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area, but everyone has their spot (or you’ll find one). If Malibu’s too far, try somewhere like Bolsa Chica State Beach in Huntington Beach. You can likely catch neighboring beach cities’ fireworks shows from afar there, too, at least until the park closes at 10 p.m.

Ventura County/Ojai

Los Padres National Forest near Ojai could be a good escape after you're done with official fireworks shows in Ventura County.

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U.S. Department of Agriculture/Flickr Creative Commons

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This is a good place to go if you want to split the difference between seeing official fireworks shows in places like Ventura, Ojai and Oxnard and having peace and quiet after they end. Ventura County has seen its fair share of wildfires recently, and the more mountainous, rural areas in and around Ojai tend to be pretty peaceful later at night as nearby cities embrace the chaos.

The Catalina Island Ferry

The Catalina Express ferries run late on July 4.

I’ve never done it, but I imagine the open ocean is a pretty good place to avoid Fourth of July fireworks. Like Ojai, Avalon also has its own firework show at night, but the ferries back to land run until 11:15 p.m. and last about an hour. Sadly, all of the late ferries are currently booked, but if staying overnight is an option, you’re unlikely to hear any illegal fireworks in fire-prone Avalon, let alone the rest of Catalina Island.

Anywhere in the desert

Even the Salton Sea, pictured here in 2025, can be a great place to avoid firework sounds.

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Kevin Tidmarsh/LAist

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Generations of Southern Californians have gone to the desert to find peace and quiet. And if you’re just looking for a respite from fireworks, you can even get it at places like the Salton Sea. Just brace yourself for those 85+ degree nighttime temperatures.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Americans will celebrate the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence this Saturday.

If you’re looking for a way to join the festivities in Inglewood and South L.A., we’ve got you covered.

Inglewood events

Music fest

Inglewood is hosting its 4th Annual Music Festival on Saturday, July 4 at Darby Park (3400 W. Arbor Vitae St.) from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. Doors open at 10 a.m. and KJLH radio personality Adai Lamar will host the show. Performers include Cameo and Klymaxx featuring Cheryl Cooley. Tickets are free.

Pool party

DJ Starboy is hosting his annual pool party on Saturday, July 4 at 9321 South Van Ness Ave. in Inglewood from 4 p.m. to midnight. There’ll be food and drinks for sale, games and activities, and multiple DJs bringing the Afrobeats, dancehall and hip-hop vibes. Tickets are $17.85 each. The event is for those age 21 and older.

South L.A. events

Benefit show

America 250 will host a July 4 Benefit Show at the LA Memorial Coliseum on Saturday, July 4. Gates open at 3 p.m. and the show starts at 6 p.m. Queen Latifah is hosting and performers include Chris Stapleton and The Smashing Pumpkins. Legendary singer Chaka Khan will also be a special guest at the show. Tickets are $17.76 and 5,000 complimentary tickets will be donated for first responders, veterans and service members, organizers say.

Fan zone

LA County is hosting free World Cup watch parties on Saturday, July 4 and Sunday, July 5 at Earvin “Magic” Johnson Park (12552 Avalon Blvd.) in South L.A., from 8:30 a.m. to 5 p.m. The fan event will feature live music, food trucks, a community marketplace, resources and family fun.

With the start of the new fiscal year in California on Wednesday, dozens of laws took effect, including a zoning overhaul to boost denser housing development near transit, requirements for an all-gender bathroom in every school and streamlined rules for food labeling.

Because of California’s size and its major role in the U.S. economy, some of its laws are likely to have a cascading effect even for people outside the state.

Here are some of the new laws that are now live:

Changes to schools

Several new laws will affect California’s schools and students this year.

SB 760 requires every school district, county office of education and charter school serving any grades from kindergarten to grade 12 to provide and maintain at least one all-gender restroom at each school.

That restroom must include clear signage indicating it’s open to all genders and be unlocked and easily accessible to students. The restrooms are held to the same standards as gendered restrooms, regularly cleaned and stocked with toilet paper, soap and paper towels or hand dryers. Schools can convert an existing restroom to satisfy the requirement.

Across the country, we’ve seen a growing number of states pass laws limiting restroom access for transgender students or requiring students to use facilities based on their sex assigned at birth,” said Jorge Reyes Salinas, the communications director for Equality California, which sponsored the bill. “And California has chosen this different approach, which is expanding options rather than restricting them.”

Schools are facing another deadline ahead of the next academic year. Under AB 3216, every school district, charter school and county office of education must now have a policy limiting or banning the use of smartphones unless in the case of an emergency.

“We know that excessive smartphone use increases anxiety, depression, and other mental health issues — but we have the power to intervene,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a press release when he signed the legislation in 2024. “This new law will help students focus on academics, social development, and the world in front of them, not their screens, when they’re in school.”

Additionally, public middle and high schools, along with public colleges and universities, must now print the Trevor Project’s LGBTQ+ suicide hotline number on student ID cards.

Los Angeles Assemblymember Mark González authored AB 727 last year in direct response to President Donald Trump’s termination of the dedicated LGBTQ+ option for youth who contact the 988 crisis intervention hotline.

New privacy protections for transgender Californians

In California, when transgender and nonbinary people change their names, gender and sex identifiers on official documents, those petitions are public records that have, in some cases, led to people being forcibly outed and harassed.

In 2024, a transgender woman in Stanislaus County sued for the right to seal her records after she was outed on social media. A state appeals court ruled she had a right to keep those records confidential to avoid threats and harassment.

While a 2023 law already required courts to keep those records confidential for minors, the Transgender Privacy Act extends that protection to people of all ages this year.

“As the Trump Administration attempts to make transgender and nonbinary people the scapegoats for their fascist takeover, California must stand up to protect them,” state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said in a press release.

SB 59 applies to any petition filed on or after July 1, and people with older records can request their records be made confidential as well. It also prohibits anyone other than the petitioner from posting confidential records online.

Food labeling laws

California is now the first state in the nation to standardize confusing food date labels. Manufacturers use more than 50 different phrases, such as “sell by,” “use by,” “best by,” “expires by,” “freeze by” and “freshest before.”

Now, only two labels are permitted: “BEST if Used by” will indicate a food’s peak quality, and “USE by” will signal when a food item is no longer safe to eat.

Many of the other labels were meant to help store clerks with inventory management, but they often confuse consumers who may ultimately throw away food out of fear of getting sick, contributing to the state’s 6 million tons of food waste each year.

“AB 660 is a monumental step to keep money in the pockets of consumers while helping the environment and the planet,” said Thousand Oaks Assemblymember Jacqui Irwin, who authored the bill, in a 2024 press release.

In another first-in-the-nation food law, California now requires restaurants with 20 or more locations to disclose allergens on their menus, either in physical or digital form. It covers the nine major food allergens: milk, eggs, fish, shellfish, tree nuts, peanuts, wheat, sesame and soybeans.

Denser housing near transit

California passed a wave of blockbuster housing laws in 2025.

In an effort to address the state’s housing crisis, a new law makes it easier to build multi-family housing near transit stops like trains and buses.

SB 79, among the most significant housing bills in decades, overrides local government zoning restrictions to allow for taller, denser housing within a half-mile of major transit hubs.

Wiener, who authored the bill, argues it gets at the heart of the state’s affordability crisis while also boosting revenue for public transit agencies, many of which have faced severe budget crunches since ridership plummeted during the pandemic.

“SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive land use policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people to move far away from jobs and transit, to face massive commutes, or to leave California entirely,” Wiener said in a statement. “By allowing more homes to be built near public transportation, SB 79 also strengthens our transit systems, increases transit ridership, and reduces traffic congestion and carbon emissions.”

Tighter gun restrictions

California now bans the sale of “Glock-style” handguns, aiming to close a loophole that makes it possible to easily convert certain semiautomatic pistols into fully automatic weapons. The conversion uses a device called a “switch” that can be made at home with a 3D printer and installed with a screwdriver.

“No gun sold in California should be just a screwdriver away from becoming a machine gun,” San Francisco Assemblymember Catherine Stefani, who co-authored AB 1127, said in a statement. “We are closing a deadly loophole that has fueled gun violence in our communities.”

A second law, SB 241, requires firearms dealers to complete an annual training that includes identifying straw purchasers, preventing the theft of firearms and ammunition and recognizing buyers who may use the gun unlawfully or to harm themselves.

A third law, signed in 2023 and effective July 1, adds “ghost gun” parts to the definition of a firearm for the purposes of reporting a lost or stolen firearm.

Existing law required gun owners to report the loss or theft of a firearm within five days of when they reasonably should have known. Now, AB 725 extends that requirement to firearm frames, receivers and precursor parts, with failure to report punishable as an infraction or misdemeanor.

Retiring Native American mascots

California public schools are now barred from using any derogatory Native American term as a school or athletic team name, mascot or nickname.

The bill, AB 3074, expands a 2015 law that banned only the term “Redskins.” It now includes, but is not limited to, Apaches, Big Reds, Braves, Chiefs, Chieftains, Chippewa, Comanches, Indians, Savages, Squaw and Tribe.

Schools operated by a tribe or tribal organization are exempted from this law.

In 2005, the American Psychological Association called on schools and sports teams to retire the use of all American Indian mascots and symbols, citing research that they have a negative effect on the self-esteem and mental health of Indigenous children.

New rules for tech

No more lunging for the remote when the TV volume spikes at a commercial break. SB 576 stops streaming platforms like Netflix and YouTube from playing ads louder than the video content.

The rule builds on a federal law, the Commercial Advertisement Loudness Mitigation (CALM) Act, which already applies to broadcast television stations and cable operators but not streaming services.

Another tech-driven change in California will affect autonomous vehicles like Waymo and robotaxis, which can now be cited for traffic violations. Under AB1777, the companies must also set up 24/7 emergency response telephone lines for passengers and first responders.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

In the days after the Lineage warehouse fire blanketed the Eastside in thick smoke, Althana Ávalos desperately searched for an air purifier for her 9-year-old son with asthma. 

The 33-year-old Los Angeles Unified School District teacher closed the windows and doors of her East L.A. home, and her family wore KN95 masks. But it wasn’t enough. They soon began feeling the effects of the smoke: sore throat, eye and skin irritation, nausea and headaches. 

When she called the office of Councilmember Ysabel Jurado to have an air purifier delivered to her home, she was told she didn’t qualify.

“I’m sorry,” the person on the phone told her, according to Ávalos. “Due to the address that you’re providing, you are on the other side so you don’t qualify … You belong to the county.” 

“Really? This is a disaster,” Ávalos remembers thinking. “My son has asthma. What am I going to do?”

The moment captured what many residents say they experienced for days following the fire: For some seeking help, access to emergency resources often depended less on how close they lived to the fire and more on which side of an invisible border they called home. 

A crisis felt across invisible borders

Ávalos lives on the east side of Indiana Street, in unincorporated East Los Angeles, not the city of L.A. Just across the street, on the west side of Indiana, is Boyle Heights, where the Lineage warehouse is located.

Although the warehouse is in Boyle Heights, it sits near the borders of East L.A. and Commerce, separated by short stretches of roads and industrial blocks. Walking a few feet places residents in a different jurisdiction entirely. 

Those geographic boundaries shaped who distributed supplies, where residents went for help, and, in some cases, who qualified for resources such as air purifiers.

While Boyle Heights residents are represented by Los Angeles city officials, including Jurado, and L.A. Mayor Karen Bass, residents in unincorporated East L.A. fall under Los Angeles County and are primarily represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

Where do you live?

Boyle Heights, highlighted in blue, is within the city of East L.A. and is represented by Councilmember Ysabel Jurado and Mayor Karen Bass.

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Map created within ArcGIS by Andrew Lopez

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The LA Local

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East Los Angeles, highlighted in orange, is an unincorporated community within LA County. It is represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

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Map created within ArcGIS by Andrew Lopez

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The LA Local

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Boyle Heights: Highlighted in blue, Boyle Heights is a neighborhood within the city of Los Angeles. Residents are represented by Councilmember Ysabel Jurado and Mayor Karen Bass.

East Los Angeles: Highlighted in orange, East Los Angeles is an unincorporated community in Los Angeles County. Residents are represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

Residents search for relief

When the fire broke out on June 17, elected officials responded and posted updates on social media as firefighters battled the blaze.

And when the flames reignited within the building two days later, officials declared local and statewide emergencies while agencies worked to acquire and distribute air purifiers, pass out masks and open up smoke relief shelters across the Eastside. 

Antonio Chapa, left, director of field operations for Los Angeles County Supervisor Hilda Solis, distributes air purifiers on Indiana Street in Boyle Heights on June 22, 2026.

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Isaac Ceja

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Boyle Heights Beat

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But residents say accessing those resources wasn’t always straightforward. 

Some distribution events required proof of residency. On social media, residents asked whether they qualified for assistance if they lived near the fire. Others were clearing up confusion from commenters about whether their addresses were actually within Los Angeles city limits. 

For Ávalos, it was confusing that strict government rules still applied for the neighboring jurisdictions even during a crisis.

“I knew I belonged to the East L.A. area. It didn’t hit me that in, you know, in this case of emergency, or in this situation, they were going to be asking,” said Ávalos.

Community groups filled the gaps

Henry Perez, executive director of InnerCity Struggle, said his organization repeatedly heard about people running into the same issue of being turned away at distribution sites.

“It’s extremely frustrating and infuriating,” Perez said. “To be told that they couldn’t get the air purifier because of where they lived on the dividing line, that is just heartbreaking.”

Henry Perez, executive director of InnerCity Struggle, speaks at a press conference on Thursday, June 25, 2026.

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Steve Saldivar

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The LA Local

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As demand for clean air grew, groups including InnerCity Struggle, Proyecto Pastoral, the East L.A. Walking Club and The Maravilla Community Advisory Committee, as well as individual volunteers, organized their own distributions, regardless of jurisdictions.

Meanwhile, Ávalos’ family continued searching for relief as their conditions worsened.

On Saturday, June 20, they went to the smoke relief shelter at City Terrace Park. During a visit to the shelter, Sen. Durazo stepped inside to talk to families.

After explaining how she was turned away from receiving an air purifier, Durazo, upset by the situation, called on one of her team members to help get one, Ávalos said. A few hours later, the air purifier had been personally delivered to her at the shelter.  

State and local elected officials, including Durazo, Assemblymembers Mark Gonzalez and Jessica Caloza, and U.S. Rep. Jimmy Gomez, also spent time in the affected neighborhoods sharing updates and connecting residents with resources.

Ávalos wasn’t the only resident who described frustration over jurisdictional divides. 

Martin Ramirez, who owns N&M Auto Repair on the corner of Union Pacific Avenue and Indiana Street, said he tried to get an air purifier for his business from Our Lady of Victory Church in East L.A. but was turned away because his business address put him in Commerce.  

Officials emphasize unity as the response evolves

As the fire continued burning, city and county leaders began appearing side by side at press conferences, stressing that government agencies were working collaboratively.

First District Supervisor Hilda Solis speaks at a press conference at the City Terrace Park Smoke Respite Center and is joined by Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and Council District 14 Councilmember Ysabel Jurado.

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Photo courtesy of First District Supervisor Hilda Solis

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Later in the response, public messaging also appeared to shift. 

At a press event on Thursday, June 25, Bass pushed back when asked by a local reporter about the miscommunication between county and city departments.

“First of all, I know the two of us here, the three of us here, we’re not going to put up with jurisdictional divide,” Bass said. “People can go to the county for help and if the resources…happen to be on the city side, the bottom line is that if the people of this community need help, we’re going to do everything we can to get it there.”

Around the same time, in a social media post promoting purifier distribution on Friday, June 26, Hilda Solis wrote that aid was “open to adjacent communities.” 

A community resource center that opened up in Boyle Heights over the weekend presented a similar shift, stating services were open to “residents and businesses of Boyle Heights and nearby communities.” 

Still, some residents said the changing guidance added to the confusion. 

In written statements to Boyle Heights Beat, both Jurado and Solis acknowledged the challenges residents faced along the Boyle Heights and East L.A. border. 

“Emergency doesn’t recognize jurisdictional boundaries, but government often does,” Jurado said.

A plume of smoke billows out of a Boyle Heights warehouse on Saturday, June 20.

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Isaiah Murtaugh

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The LA Local

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Jurado said city departments and county agencies are now coordinating around air quality monitoring, debris and food waste removal, traffic and hauling plans, water runoff protections, public health resources, and community outreach.

Solis shared a similar sentiment, stating that although the county stayed in close communication with the city on emergency response from day one, it had become streamlined by day seven.

“By the end of the first week, that included broader resource distributions, expanded health services, planning for the Community Resilience Center, and connecting residents, workers, and small businesses with recovery resources,” Solis said.

What residents want to see change

Perez of InnerCity Struggle said officials should use the Lineage fire as a lesson before the next disaster. 

“This isn’t going to be the last environmental crisis or, just, emergency crisis and they need to recognize that there are certain parts of the city and the county that border one another,” Perez said. “What we want our elected leaders to really learn from this experience is that preparedness is critical.”

One of the biggest lessons Councilmember Jurado said she learned through the process was that environmental emergencies “require neighborhood-level preparedness” before disaster strikes.

“In future emergencies, residents should not have to chase government for information. Government needs to show up where people already are: at their doors, at trusted community organizations, at schools, churches, clinics, recreation centers, and neighborhood gathering places,” Jurado said. 

For residents like Ávalos who live along the city-county lines, the fire reinforced how a divide in resources — from health care and law enforcement to services like trash and public works — can shape access to help. 

“If something like this were to happen again … I don’t think that [where you live] should matter,” Ávalos said.