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Ahead of tomorrow's "No Kings" protests, the Los Angeles Police Department tweeted out a list of items that are not allowed at public demonstrations.
Read on ... to find out this list of prohibited items.
Topline:
Ahead of tomorrow's "No Kings" protests, the Los Angeles Police Department tweeted out a list of items that are not allowed at public demonstrations.
Read on ... to find out this list of prohibited items.
Topline:
Ahead of tomorrow's protests, the Los Angeles Police Department tweeted out a list of items that are not allowed at public demonstrations.
"No Kings" protests are planned across the the region this weekend.
You could be arrested and face fines for carrying prohibited items at a protest, according to the LAPD.
Here is what is specifically not allowed at public demonstrations, according to an L.A. city ordinance. The section was was last amended in 2017, and added laser pointers in 2020:
(a) No person shall carry or possess the following items or articles while attending or participating in any demonstration, rally, protest, picket line or public assembly:
1. Any length of lumber, wood, or wood lath unless that object is a quarter inch or less in thickness and two inches or less in width, or if not generally rectangular in shape, such object shall not exceed 3/4 inch in its thickest dimension. Both ends of the lumber, wood or wood lath shall be blunt;
2. Any length of metal or plastic pipe, whether hollow or solid; provided, however, that hollow plastic piping not exceeding 3/4 inch in its thickest dimension and not exceeding 1/8 inch in wall thickness, and not filled with any material, liquid, gas or solid may be used solely to support a sign, banner, placard, puppet or other similar expressive display. Both ends of any plastic pipe permissible under this subsection shall be blunt;
3. Signs, posters, banners, plaques or notices, whether or not mounted on a length of material permitted under Subdivisions 1. and 2. of this section, unless such sign, poster, banner, plaque or notice is constructed solely of soft material, such as cloth, paper, soft plastic capable of being rolled or folded, or cardboard material no greater than 1/4 inch in thickness;
4. Baseball or softball bats, regardless of composition or size; provided, however, that such items are permissible when configured of cloth, cardboard, soft plastic, foam or paper for expressive purposes;
5. Any aerosol spray, tear gas, mace, pepper spray or bear repellant;
6. Any projectile launcher or other device, such as a catapult or wrist rocket, which is commonly used for the purpose of launching, hurling or throwing any object, liquid, material or other substance, whether through force of air pressure, spring action or any other mechanism;
7. Weapons such as firearms, knives, swords, sabers or other bladed devices, axes, hatchets, ice picks, razor blades, nunchucks or martial arts weapons of any kind, box cutters, pellet or BB guns, conducted electrical weapons (CEWs), including, but not limited to, Tasers or stun guns, metal/composite/ wooden knuckles, or any chain greater than 20 inches in length or greater than 1/4 inch in diameter. This subdivision also includes toy or replica firearms unless such toy or replica is fluorescent colored or transparent.
8. Balloons, bottles or any other container such as water cannons or super-soakers, filled with any flammable, biohazard or other noxious matter which is injurious, or nauseous, sickening or irritating to any of the senses, with intent to throw, drop, pour, disperse, deposit, release, discharge or expose the same in, upon or about any demonstration, rally, protest, picket line or public assembly;
9. Glass bottles, whether empty or filled;
10. Open flame torches, lanterns or other devices that utilize combustible materials such as gasoline, kerosene, propane or other fuel sources;
11. Shields made of metal, wood, hard plastic or any combination thereof;
12. Bricks, rocks, pieces of asphalt, concrete, pellets or ball bearings.
13. Laser pointers or laser-style devices emitting any color beam, milliwatt output level, intensity class level or any visibility level, including infrared, or nonvisible.
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Hollywood Park, the home of SoFi Stadium, is throwing its financial weight into a campaign to block Inglewood Mayor James Butts’ bid for reelection on Nov. 3, according to campaign finance records.
Why it matters: The Take Back Inglewood campaign is the latest signal that Butts’ ties to SoFi Stadium owner Stan Kroenke are unraveling as the city battles its stadiums over billboard deals and $400 million in infrastructure payments.
The backstory: Since last summer, Inglewood officials and the stadiums have been duking it out in court over the terms of their relationship and the city’s financial deals with billboard operator WOW Media. Judges have ruled in favor of the WOW arrangement, but last month voided the city’s contract with Hollywood Park.
Read on... for more on the campaign.
This story first appeared on The LA Local.
Hollywood Park, the home of SoFi Stadium, is throwing its financial weight into a campaign to block Inglewood Mayor James Butts’ bid for reelection on Nov. 3, according to campaign finance records.
The Take Back Inglewood campaign is the latest signal that Butts’ ties to SoFi Stadium owner Stan Kroenke are unraveling as the city battles its stadiums over billboard deals and $400 million in infrastructure payments.
Inglewood’s stadium interests have supported Butts politically and financially in past elections, according to reporting from the LA Times, but a spokesperson for the Hollywood Park-funded campaign said stadium officials lost confidence in Butts.
“The relationship changed because, in their experience, they could no longer trust him to deal with them honestly and fairly,” Shallman said. “Political support isn’t a lifetime contract.”
Butts fired back in an interview with The LA Local that the campaign is about trying to protect Hollywood Park’s business interests.
“They believe because they have millions to spend on advertising, they can manipulate the electorate into voting against someone that has changed the entire trajectory and value of our city” the four-term mayor said, adding in a later written statement that his record speaks for itself.
Since last summer, Inglewood officials and the stadiums have been duking it out in court over the terms of their relationship and the city’s financial deals with billboard operator WOW Media. Judges have ruled in favor of the WOW arrangement, but last month voided the city’s contract with Hollywood Park.
Now, both sides are pouring millions into Inglewood’s election, looking to sway voters.
A new batch of election finance filings released Monday in response to a public records request from The LA Local show Take Back Inglewood is entirely funded by $750,000 from Hollywood Park. Butts’ own campaign, by comparison, has spent $264,085 this year out of just over $610,000 in total funds.
Elsewhere, the stadium-backed Neighbors for Beautiful Inglewood has spent $3.1 million campaigning for the anti-billboard Measure BB. Inglewood Residents for Stadium Accountability, funded by WOW, has put $2.5 million of its own into trying to block BB and pushing for the ticket tax increase Measure AT.
Fernando Guerra, a Loyola Marymount University political scientist, said the campaign dollars are unsurprising. Inglewood’s place as an international sports and entertainment hub has turned it into a prime place for a contentious, expensive election, Guerra said.
“It’s par for the course when you combine contracts and politics and cities needing to raise revenue,” Guerra said. “The higher the stakes, the more the money that’s going to be spent.”
Butts told The LA Local he sees the stadium campaigns as paternalistic, and that they treat voters as pawns in Hollywood Park’s economic interests.
Shallman countered that the campaign is not tied to the stadium development’s disputes with the city and said Butts has in the past defended the support he received from Inglewood venues. The stadium development, he said, has a natural stake in the race through its employees.
“These aren’t outsiders who parachuted into Inglewood. The venues have invested billions of dollars in the city, created thousands of jobs,” he said. Shallman added that locals have aired their own criticisms of Butts’ leadership.
Butts isn’t without his own allies. Billboard interests have put $80,000 into the mayor’s reelection campaign since January alone, with more coming from real estate firms. Butts said campaign donations don’t influence his decisions as mayor.
“My decisions are driven by the needs of our community,” Butts said.
Take Back Inglewood isn’t backing any of the five candidates running against Butts, Shallman said, at least for now.
“They reserve the right to weigh in if they feel the need,” Shallman said. “The key at this stage is to make sure voters are aware of his record.”
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Hundreds of people from different faith backgrounds attended the public accountability assembly at Precious Blood Church hosted by One LA-IAF, a network of diverse religious and nonprofit institutions across Los Angeles County. The forum included Mayor Karen Bass and Councilmember Nithya Raman, along with candidates for L.A. County sheriff.
Why it matters: The key issues discussed during the event included: immigration, public safety, sidewalk repair and sex trafficking.
Read on... for more on what was said at the forum.
Los Angeles resident Noemi Tagorda’s mother and grandmother used to go to Langer’s Delicatessen, buy chicken and enjoy their meal with a relaxing picnic in MacArthur Park. Tagorda shared her story during her address to Mayor Karen Bass regarding public safety at a candidate forum on Sunday in a Westlake church.
“That’s virtually impossible for anyone to experience now,” Tagorda said. “Now when you say MacArthur Park, you think of a place that is destitute, [where] there’s just a lot of human suffering, and it’s not a place where you think you can go and relax.”
Hundreds of people from different faith backgrounds attended the public accountability assembly at Precious Blood Church hosted by One LA-IAF, a network of diverse religious and non-profit institutions across Los Angeles County.
The forum included Bass and Councilmember Nithya Raman, along with candidates for L.A. County sheriff.
Parishioners like Tagorda walked up to the stage to share their stories and faith leaders then asked each candidate if they were willing to work with One LA-IAF to address the issues while giving each candidate a minute to respond.
The key issues discussed during the event included: immigration, public safety, sidewalk repair and sex trafficking.
Manuel Olvera, a member of St. Anthony Catholic Church in San Gabriel, shared the story of a friend and immigrant churchgoer who asked Olvera to share his story on his behalf due to fear.
In the story, Olvera shared that the man and his son had recently lost their jobs due to the current situation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and have been living off of their savings for months.
“It’s not just difficult trying to survive financially,” said Olvera in Spanish on the immigrant’s behalf. “It’s also having your home be a prison.”
Councilmember Raman committed to hosting an immigration retreat and meeting with One LA-IAF. She shared that she is also an immigrant from India, who arrived in the US when she was 6.
She added that Bass proposed to cut legal defense funds in the last budget. The city council eventually approved $1.5 million in funds for the immigrant legal defense program in the final budget earlier this year.
“If I am elected mayor, I will make it higher and ensure that immigrants who are facing deportation have the resources they need to be able to respond.”
Mayor Bass made the same commitment as Raman with One LA-IAF but when it came to the topic of immigration, she chose to focus on her past work of being part of a congressional hearing alongside Congressman Robert Garcia.
“It was several months ago, but you came to me and you proposed the idea of doing a city hearing on immigration, we established a great partnership then,” said Bass to One LA-IAF. “And what we did was we actually turned it into an official congressional hearing and what I am hopeful is that in the next 25 days or so, I try not to count, we will have a change in the House of Representatives.”
Bass wants to focus on differentiating between drug dealers and drug users and fighting for residential drug treatment if elected to a second term in office.
“We need to separate those people who prey on our people, who are the drug dealers and the criminal element, from the people who are addicted to the drugs, and we need to get treatment for those people,” Bass said.
Raman shared the successes on reducing homelessness in her district and wants to center a compassionate response to the ongoing crisis.
“We have had incredible results on addressing homelessness, a 50% reduction in the number of people living on the street just last year, even as homelessness went up citywide,” Raman said. “I do not believe that a compassionate response to the crisis on our streets and the safety of our residents have to be in conflict.”
For the final question, organizers asked each candidate if they were willing to meet regularly to address the topics discussed, collaborate on other issues if needed and if the candidate was willing to host a retreat.
Bass said that she believes the group meets regularly with her office and agreed to not only host the retreat, but also being there in person.
“I believe the way you bring about change is from the inside and outside strategy,” said Bass. “That’s a must-do, and I also think it’s important that if you really believe in change and if you really believe in all the issues we talk about, then you’ve got to show up. You’ve got to be there. It’s not just about your idea or all of that, but you have to be there.”
Raman said that the needs in the city are so great and city resources are not enough to address them, so she is happy to commit to partnering with One LA-IAF.
“I know from my work on the council that nothing succeeds without partnership with the people, and so I’m deeply committed to coming to you and partnering with you before we put any of this forward, so that we face the highest likelihood of success, and so that we can lift up our city and its needs together,” Raman said.
Tagorda, who is also a parent of a student at Precious Blood school, told the LA Local that she was happy seeing people from different faiths and parts of the city participating in the event.
“It’s really great to have that cross-religious platform of all the different religious organizations coming together and sharing the same stories and working together to get the government’s attention on issues that are important to us as a community,” said Tagorda.
Looking for the facts about what’s on the ballot and how it will affect your neighborhood? Visit thelalocal.org/elections for voter guides, news and more.
The post Voters take LA mayoral candidates to church in Westlake election forum appeared first on LA Local.
Topline:
Duane “Keffe D” Davis was sentenced Tuesday to 40 years to life in prison for orchestrating the murder of rap icon Tupac Shakur who was gunned down off the Las Vegas Strip over 30 years ago.
Why now: The killing went unsolved for years until Davis, a former leader of the South Side Compton Crips, gave interviews and published his role in the shooting in his 2019 tell-all memoir.
The backstory: On the night of Sept. 7, 1996, Shakur was in the passenger seat of a black BMW with music mogul Marion “Suge” Knight when a white Cadillac pulled up at a red light, and shots erupted. Shakur was shot multiple times and died six days later, while Knight survived.
Duane “Keffe D” Davis was sentenced Tuesday to 40 years to life in prison for orchestrating the murder of rap icon Tupac Shakur who was gunned down off the Las Vegas Strip over 30 years ago.
Davis, 63, was convicted in August of first-degree murder with the use of a deadly weapon. He is the only person ever charged in the death of Shakur, whose popularity was peaking at age 25.
Prosecutor Marc DiGiacomo said Tuesday that whatever sentence the court imposes, Davis is “guaranteed to die” behind bars.
“It’s not just about losing a family member,” DiGiacomo said as Shakur’s sister Sekyiwa “Set” Shakur nods her head in the audience.
The killing went unsolved for years until Davis, a former leader of the South Side Compton Crips, gave interviews and published his role in the shooting in his 2019 tell-all memoir.
DiGiacomo said Davis was trying to profit off a killing that he committed, and for that he does not deserve the minimum sentence.
“In my mind he deserves the maximum possible sentence,” DiGiacomo said.
Davis spoke briefly in court, telling Judge Carli Kierny he wants items back that police took from his house, including his pictures. Asked if there was anything else he wanted to say, Davis said: “No, I’m good.”
Davis’ lawyer, Michael Sanft, said he plans to appeal the verdict. Sanft said prosecutors waited too long to bring the case.
On the night of Sept. 7, 1996, Shakur was in the passenger seat of a black BMW with music mogul Marion “Suge” Knight when a white Cadillac pulled up at a red light, and shots erupted. Shakur was shot multiple times and died six days later, while Knight survived.
Shakur is considered one of the most influential and versatile rappers of all time and had a burgeoning film career as an actor at the time of his death. His legend has only grown since. His songs still resonate among fans with themes of hardship, love and Black struggles.
In his memoir, Davis explained how Shakur and his entourage beat up Davis’ nephew hours before the shooting in Las Vegas. He said he sought retaliation, and that he was in the passenger seat of the Cadillac and passed the gun to the backseat, where shots were fired. Davis had spoken to detectives years before but avoided prosecution because of an agreement he made with law enforcement.
During the weekslong trial, prosecutors relied on Davis’ own statements he made to law enforcement and documentarians. They argued Davis orchestrated the shooting and provided the gun used in Shakur’s death, which was the result of a rivalry between the South Side Compton Crips and Mob Piru. Davis’ defense attorney pointed to a lack of physical evidence that connected his client to the 30-year-old crime, and he portrayed Davis as a liar who was trying to make money.
After nine days of hearing testimony in August, the jury deliberated for three hours before turning over the guilty verdict.
Shakur was an icon, a brother
Shakur’s family spoke at the sentencing, including his siblings Maurice “Mopreme” Shakur and Sekyiwa “Set” Shakur.
Following the verdict, prosecutor Binu Palal said that to many people, Shakur was an icon or an idea, “but to the family, Tupac Shakur was a brother, a son, a cousin, a loved person ripped from them 30 years ago.”
Palal said the family had to sit through years of Davis “bragging about killing someone they loved.”
“They loved that man. And the arrogance that Mr. Davis had in expressing his joy in killing that man ultimately was his undoing,” Palal said.
Prosecutors say they have insufficient evidence to charge anyone else
Davis is the only person to be charged and convicted in the killing of Shakur. The three other people who allegedly were in the Cadillac — including Davis’ nephew Orlando “Baby Lane” Anderson, who Davis said was the one who pulled the trigger — have died.
Sean “Diddy” Combs and his alleged role were brought up often throughout the trial. Witnesses testified Combs used members of the South Side Compton Crips for security for Bad Boy Records. In his book and public statements, Davis alleged Combs offered him money to kill Shakur and Knight. Combs, who is serving a four-year prison sentence after being convicted of prostitution-related offenses, has repeatedly denied any involvement in the death of Shakur.
Clark County District Attorney Steve Wolfson has said his office doesn’t believe it has sufficient evidence to charge anyone else.
“But like any other case, if we come into more information, more evidence, we can always consider filing additional charges,” he said following the guilty verdict. “But today, we don’t believe that’s the appropriate move to make.”
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The upcoming gubernatorial election in California has been characterized as “quiet” and “sleepy” because the frontrunner, Xavier Becerra, has a very high chance of winning. But for Latines, this election is slated to be one of the most historic and monumental elections ever: The largest state in the nation with the largest Latine population is about to elect a Latino governor for the first time.
The history of non-white governors: In America, only 11 Latines have served as governor — ever. There have been three Black and Asian governors each, and women have only served as governor 44 times. Those numbers are quite paltry when considering that more than 2,300 white men have served as governor since our nation was founded. Romualdo Pacheco served as governor of California for less than a year in 1875, but was elevated from lieutenant governor to finish out a term and was not elected.
Why it matters: The likelihood that Becerra will become the next governor of California comes at a time when Latines have made gains in the state’s political landscape, but also when the state faces major challenges — from standing up to President Donald Trump’s attacks, to more people struggling with the rising cost of living and increased risks of wildfires. Becerra’s rise happens at a time when three other Latines currently hold prominent roles: Monique Limón serves as the Senate President pro Tempore, Robert Rivas is speaker of the state Assembly and Alex Padilla serves as U.S. senator.
This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. Click here to subscribe.
The upcoming gubernatorial election in California has been characterized as “quiet” and “sleepy” because the frontrunner, Xavier Becerra, has a very high chance of winning.
But for Latines, this election is slated to be one of the most historic and monumental elections ever: The largest state in the nation with the largest Latine population is about to elect a Latino governor for the first time. Becerra’s election is a big deal.
“Having someone in this highest office signals a potential turning point, a potential watershed moment, for which the future will tell whether this is a one-time thing or whether this opens the door for many more folks,” said G. Cristina Mora, sociology professor and co-director of the Institute of Governmental Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. “The historical significance, the symbolism of it is incredibly important.”
The likelihood that Becerra will become the next governor of California comes at a time when Latines have made gains in the state’s political landscape, but also when the state faces major challenges — from standing up to President Donald Trump’s attacks, to more people struggling with the rising cost of living and increased risks of wildfires.
From left, gubernatorial candidates Xavier Becerra and Steve Hilton, during CNN’s California Gubernatorial Debate at CNN’s studio in Burbank on Sept. 30, 2026. The debate was moderated by CNN anchors Jake Tapper and Dana Bash. (Grace Widyatmadja/CNN)
In America’s history, only 11 Latines have served as governor — ever. There have been three Black and Asian governors each, and women have only served as governor 44 times. Those numbers are quite paltry when considering that more than 2,300 white men have served as governor since our nation was founded. (Romualdo Pacheco served as governor of California for less than a year in 1875, but was elevated from lieutenant governor to finish out a term and was not elected.)
The 68-year-old Becerra came into the race with more than three decades of experience, serving in the California State Assembly, Congress, as California’s attorney general, and as the United States Secretary of Health and Human Services under the Biden Administration.
He highlights his upbringing as a working-class child of Mexican immigrants who forged a reputation in politics as a policy nerd, Mora said.
“Should the voters of California elect Xavier Becerra, he would be the first Latino governor in over a century — that within itself is monumental,” said Christian Arana, vice president of civic power and policy with the San Francisco-based Latino Community Foundation.
Latinos, Arana said, making up 40% of California’s population, comprise the second largest voting block in the state with nearly 9 million eligible voters — and contribute more than a trillion dollars to the state’s GDP. And, let’s not forget that half of the children in California are Latine.
“To have somebody potentially look like you and also share the experiences that you might have is pretty significant,” Arana told me.
Becerra’s ascent to frontrunner seemed unlikely before he won the June primary, beating out a crowded field of Democratic candidates. Former East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell was considered the top contender, but he suspended his campaign in April amid allegations of sexual assault.
Many of Swalwell’s supporters moved to line up behind Becerra, propelling him from a long shot into a position to make history.
“Imagine the positive impact that will have on the identities and aspirations of Latino/a kids throughout the State of California,” Hayward Mayor Mark Salinas wrote in an April Facebook post.
Sen. Monique Limón listens during an informational hearing by the Senate Transportation Subcommittee on LOSSAN Rail Corridor Resiliency in San Clemente, California, on Monday, Dec. 11, 2023. LOSSAN is the Los Angeles-San Luis Obispo-San Diego rail corridor. (Paul Bersebach/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)
Becerra’s rise happens at a time when three other Latines currently hold prominent roles: Monique Limón serves as the Senate President pro Tempore, Robert Rivas is speaker of the state Assembly and Alex Padilla serves as U.S. senator.
That doesn’t necessarily mean that Latinos have collectively arrived in state politics, said Sonja Díaz, a civil rights attorney, policy adviser and political expert. But it does show that we are not sitting on the sidelines.
On her Substack, “Unseen Fortitude,” Díaz wrote, “Representation matters. But representation without any accountability for doing (hacer) and delivering (cumplir) is merely symbolism. Democracies need more than symbolism, and Latino leaders are tired of being calm, quiet and told to wait.”
In the 1990s, California voters passed Proposition 187, a law that would have denied public services to undocumented immigrants.
It was ultimately ruled unconstitutional and never implemented, but that experience sparked a surge of Latino participation in politics in California, Díaz said. Still, the Democratic Party has depended on Latino voters in California without doing enough to elevate Latino candidates.
For Becerra to become the likely winner is “a historical feat because of the willful neglect of both major parties to integrate Latino candidates and Latino interest in places like California,” Díaz told me. “It is because of the infrastructure and the systemic decision-making that Latino leaders made in the ’80s and ’90s, we are where we are today. And, I think that that is huge.”
Political parties and candidates need to do a better job engaging with Latino voters, Arana said. A recent LCF survey of Latino voters in California found that 40% had not been contacted by any candidate or party for the upcoming election.
At the same time, Latine voters in California tend to have lower turnout than other groups — 47% of Latinos are considered likely voters compared with 54% of Asian Americans, 54% of African Americans and 65% of whites, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.
Arana said many voters don’t show up at the polls because they don’t feel like their vote will make a difference or that politicians care about them.
The three experts I talked to all agreed that for Becerra to not just represent Latinos, but actually deliver results, he needs to address issues that affect Californians of all backgrounds — namely the lack of affordability and rising cost of living, but also concerns about climate change and the threat of AI eliminating jobs.
Becerra has been criticized for not making specific promises, but has talked about the need to build more housing, make healthcare more accessible, reduce homelessness, prepare for natural disasters and fight the current presidential administration that has been hostile toward California and immigrant communities.
Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, on Political Breakdown. (Guy Marzorati/KQED)
“There is an expectation that he is going to deliver, right? Because he’s one of us,” Arana said.
“At the end of the day, the governor of California has to operate in a system. He’s one of many actors in California. The other thing to consider is the final two years of the Trump presidency. We have yet to see what else may be coming down the pipeline.”
California governors propose a state budget, Díaz said, which is the principal way to influence policy and programs that can directly impact the cost of living and quality of life issues that many Latinos care about.
“There needs to be rebudgeting that ensures that the material conditions, the social, economic and cultural material conditions of households on the ground are improved,” she said. “There’s a myriad of things where the next governor can and will make a difference.”